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    Chronology, Succession, andSovereignty: The Politics of InkaHistoriography and Its ModernInterpretationR. ALAN COVEY

    Southern Methodist University

    Western scholars have long identied the existence of writing systems as anear-universal characteristic of high civilization, with Tawantinsuyu, theInka empire, representing the only signicant exception. 1 Although writingwas absent in the pre-Hispanic Andes, there existed the means of recordingadministrative information and preserving narratives of the past. Inka imperialoverseers and specialized record-keepers produced tribute levies, populationcounts, and assessments of provincial development potential, using a systemof knotted cords (a khipu ) as their principal device. 2 Such records fullledbureaucratic and administrative functions that were satised in other societiesby writing; however, the maintenance of narratives of the Inka past contrastswith these practices in its hybrid use of oral tradition in consultation withsimilar record keeping devices.

    The unusual preservation of the Inka pastas narratives that were recorded,to a certain degree, in the manner of administrative records, while yet posses-sing a malleable and performative essenceis further complicated by the factthat these accounts were rst transcribed and edited by Spaniards severaldecades after the European invasions of the 1530s. A debate over the histori-city of Inka narratives in Colonial Period chronicles developed in the sixteenthcentury, and has continued among scholars until the present. The most recentand comprehensive statement of the historicist perspectiveCatherine

    Acknowledgments: This paper owes a great deal to discussions with a number of friends and col-leagues, including Sabine MacCormack, Bruce Mannheim, and Karen Spalding. Christina Elson,Joyce Marcus, and Kenny Sims read and commented on earlier drafts. I would like to give specialthanks to Tom Zuidema for reading the manuscript and providing perspectives on Inka historio-graphy based on his own voluminous publications on the subject. Any errors that remain in the textare testimony to my own immunity to the wisdom and vigilance of these generous scholars.

    1 For example, Childe 1951[1936]: 18081.2

    Colonial chronicles also describe the production of paintings to record information (e.g.,Betanzos 1999[15511557] pt. I, chs. 12 and 22).

    169

    0010-4175/06/169 199 $9.50 # 2006 Society for Comparative Study of Society and History

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    Despite the authors protestations at having carefully collected accuratedates, 6 it is hard to assess the precision of his sequence, since it is unclearwhen, where, and from whom the dates were obtained (he does not appearto have visited Cusco personally). While it appears that some gures werecomputed using khipu records, such information cannot necessarily be con-sidered to have chronological accuracy. Indeed, very specic informationsaid to come from a khipu specialist or read from the painted royal historyis frequently inconsistent with other sources and witness testimony. Despitethese problems, many researchers employ a modied historical sequencerst articulated by John Rowe in 1945, which accepts Cabello Balboasdates for rulers from the ninth ruler, Pachakutiq Inka Yupanki, onward (i.e.,after A.D. 1438) and assumes that preceding rulers reigned for an average of twenty-ve to thirty-ve years. 7

    The modication of Cabello Balboas sequence was justied in the 1940s,given the available evidence, and was not intended to reify the dates, but ratherto shift Inka research from a paradigm of gradual growth to one of rapid, punc-tuated territorial expansion. 8 At the time, Rowes chronology accounted forarchaeological data on the antiquity of Cusco, the Inka capital, and the rela-tively late appearance of Inka material culture in provincial regions; permittedresearchers to treat accounts of the later Inka rulers as being more or less his-torically accurate; and allowed the Inka ruler list to be considered completeand plausible. An effect of this work was the coalescence of a more or lessstandardized Inka chronology in which one part of the Inka historical narrativeis categorized as true history, while the remaining part is relegated to mythicstatus. 9

    Archaeological Research and the Inka Kinglist

    Until recently, the paucity of archaeological data from the region surroundingCusco prevented researchers from independently evaluating the regnant

    histo rico, estas fechas parecen totalmente conables, en contraste con las anteriores a la ocupa-cio n del trono por Pachacuti Inca ).

    6 1951[1586]: 8, 23940.7 The designation of plausible dates beginning around A.D. 1438 is intimately linked to

    Rowes identication of Pachakutiq as the principal force behind the rise of the Inka imperialorder. A more appropriate distinction in Cabello Balboas dates but no more chronologicallyreliable would be between the Hurin Cusco rulers (the rst ve in the sequence) and theHanan Cusco rulers (those from the sixth onward). Not only is this said to have been a periodof major social reorganization, but there is a distinct difference in attributed length of reign,with Hurin Cusco rulers averaging seventy-two years and Hanan Cusco rulers (excludingWaskhar) averaging just half that span (36.5 years).

    8 Previously, Philip Means (1928) had argued for gradual, early Inka expansion, interpreting

    descriptions of rapid expansion as Spanish propaganda.9 This divide is most obvious in the continued reproduction of Rowes (1945) Inka kinglist andassociated dates from Cabello Balboa (e.g., Bauer 1992: 38; Hyslop 1990: 25; Niles 1987; 1999: 3;Richardson 1994: 148; Rostworowski and Morris 1999: 776).

    C H R O N O L O G Y , S U C C E S S I O N , A N D S O V E R E I G N T Y 171

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    chronology or assessing the historicity of narratives of the Inka past. Histori-cist approaches to the Inka past have employed archaeology as an auxiliary tointerpretations of the Colonial chronicles, privileging the documentary recordwhile asserting a close t with architectural remains and material culture. 10

    While architectural analysis and excavations at imperial Inka sites cannotbe expected to produce the kinds of data needed to test the documentaryrecord independently, regional archaeological surveys conducted in recentyears have developed a large database suitable for assessing long-term,region-wide changes in settlement location and hierarchy.

    Regional reconnaissance projects in the 1960s and 1970s identied appar-ent settlement pattern variability between the Cusco Basin and other parts of the region, but systematic data were needed to develop independent interpre-tive perspectives. 11 In the late 1980s, Brian Bauer employed an intensivesurvey methodology to collect settlement pattern data in a 600-square-kilo-meter region to the south of the Cusco Basin. Subsequent research by Bauerand the author has resulted in the identication of more than 2,500 archaeolo-gical sites in a combined study region of some 2,000 square kilometers in andaround the Cusco Basin. 12 Settlement patterns for the Cusco region after A.D.1000 are now sufciently developed to evaluate aspects of the Spanish chron-icles independently, clearly demonstrating that the regnant interpretation of Inka stories of their ancestral and imperial origins is inconsistent with thearchaeological evidence.

    Settlement data from the Cusco region do not substantiate chronicleaccounts of the migration to Cusco by the founding Inka ancestors. 13

    Simply put, there is no archaeological evidence of a population shift fromthe Pacariqtambo area to the Cusco Basin. 14 Settlement throughout theCusco region was almost universally disrupted around A.D. 1000, and whilegroups in the Cusco Basin continued to produce and use pottery based onearlier technologies and designs, the political and ethnic groups settledbeyond about 25 kilometers from Cusco used distinct ceramic styles. Settle-ment patterns indicate an overall stability and continuity for the Pacariqtamboarea and Cusco Basin after A.D. 1000, and while some population is likely tohave relocated to the basin from nearby areas, small groups of settlers wouldhave been integrated into the existing local hierarchy rather than conquering it.

    Limited excavations in Cusco have encountered evidence of a large,continuous Killke Period (c. A.D. 10001400) occupation underneath the

    10 For example, Julien (2000: 8) states, there is a growing body of archaeological research,particularly on Inca architecture, that is establishing a concordance between material remainsand the list of Inca rulers (my emphasis).

    11 Dwyer 1971; Kendall 1985.12

    Bauer 1992; 1999; 2004; Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003a; 2003b.13 Bauer 1991; 1992.14 Place names in the Inka migration myth are consistent with the identication of this sites

    location around Pacariqtambo to the south of Cusco (see Bauer 1991; Urton 1990).

    172 R . A L A N C O V E Y

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    modern city, while settlement patterns from recent regional surveys indicatethe presence of state-level political organization that may date to as early asA.D. 1200.15 The density and hierarchy of settlement in the Cusco Basin is sub-stantially greater than surrounding areas, and several indicators of Inka stateexpansion by around A.D. 1300 have been observed in the neighboringSacred Valley. From an archaeological perspective, Inka imperial expansionwas predicated on centuries of local political centralization and regional terri-torial expansion and administrative consolidation; and such processesoccurred well before the dates attributed to Pachakutiq, the ruler traditionallycredited with establishing the most important features of Inka state. In fact, thechanges observed archaeologically are consistent with some chronicleaccounts of the generations of rulers preceding Pachakutiq, which describeimportant long-term regional processes whereby Inka state formation andterritorial expansion were effected. 16

    It is important to point out that such processes do not extend back to thefounding Inka ancestors, leaving a break between the myth of ancestralorigins and accounts of Inka state formation. The migration of Inka ancestorsfrom Pacariqtambo has as little historical connection to the actual processesenabling imperial expansion as Aztec and Roman accounts of ancestralmigrations from Aztlan and Alba Longa. 17 Archaeological data demonstratethat accounts of Inka ancestral origins are not historically reliable, and thatchronicle accounts of the rulers preceding Pachakutiqcurrently viewed bymany as mythical or legendaryare important for understanding processesof Inka state formation and territorial expansion from A.D. 12001400. ThePachakutiq myth cannot explain the available evidence adequately, and A.D.1438 should not be used to as a starting date for the Inka polity and its history.

    The Inka Kinglist in Comparative Perspective

    A further point can be made on the basis of comparative historical evidence:the reigns of the eight predecessors of Pachakutiq cannot reliably account for

    240 years or more of the occupation of Cusco, and assertions of an extendedsequence of Inka father-son succession are unrealistic. David Henige has pub-lished a comparative analysis of 10,236 successions in 660 dynasties, ndingthat father-son succession only extended unbroken to ten generations or morein nine cases. 18 The assumption of twenty-ve to thirty-ve years as anaverage Inka generation length is not problematic per se about 70 percentof all dynasties in Heniges study fell within that rangebut long sequences

    15 Bauer 1990; 1992; Bauer and Covey 2002.16 Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003a; 2003b.17

    For that matter, stories of a Titicaca origin for the Inka ancestors are as grounded in fact asthe legendary Trojan provenance of Julio-Claudian ancestors promoted in Vergils Aeneid .

    18 Henige 1974: 72. Of these, only three cases endured for the twelve generations assumed forthe Inka.

    C H R O N O L O G Y , S U C C E S S I O N , A N D S O V E R E I G N T Y 173

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    of father-son succession are exceedingly rare. 19 Henige notes that culturesusing oral traditions often purport to have longer sequences of father-son suc-cession because lists are either reworked around a one generation, one rulersuccession pattern, or because rulers promote their own ascendant genealogyto the status of kinglist. 20

    In the Inka case, the ruler sequence was edited and shortened, presenting anincomplete account of the earliest rulers while also effacing the legacies of later rulers who did not leave distinct descent groups by whom their deedswould be remembered in the Colonial Period. Around 1550, Pedro de Ciezade Leon wrote that his informants knew little regarding the earliest Inkarulers and suggested that his account of the rst four or ve rulers was frag-mentary and arbitrarily organized. 21 Other early sequences by Juan de Betan-zos and Polo de Ondegardo present the succession of early rulers in differentorder, and the latter mentions a ruler named Tarku Waman (Tarco Huaman)who is not named in most other chronicles. 22 It is reasonable to consideraccounts of early rulers to be incomplete; a closer look at Inka successionpractices (below) demonstrates that the latter half of the kinglist is also nota complete account of Inka succession and sovereignty.

    Archaeological data and comparative historical evidence indicate that thetraditional twelve-generation kinglist cannot be treated as a complete andplausible account of Inka succession and chronology. This is due in part toits production and standardization by sixteenth-century Spanish chroniclers,whose transcription of native histories was guided by contemporary politicaland philosophical debates in Spain. Some authors deliberately manipulated

    19 Henige 1974: 13644. Table 6 of Heniges book provides data on succession in forty samplecultures from his study, thirty-ve of which had generation averages of twenty-ve to thirty-veyears. While the sample represents 768 generations, it includes 1320 rulers, indicating that ofcescommonly passed within rather than between generations.

    20 In the former case, collateral successions may be recast as generational, or such rulers maybe described as illegitimate. Zuidema (1995[1964]: 42) suggests a major restructuring of the royalInka lineages and their relationship to the ruler Thupa Inka Yupanki, while Rowe (1985) has

    posited major social reorganization under Pachakutiq Inka Yupanki and his grandson WaynaQhapaq. Calling himself a pachakutiq , Atawallpa is also said to have begun a new historicalprogram, beginning by destroying khipu records and killing their keepers. The periodic reorderingof elite Inka lineages ( panakakuna ) would have historical implications, as these descent groupsmaintained the narratives of the deeds of their founding ancestors. New ofcial historieswould be expected to accommodate panaka narratives while being consistent with new socialarrangements. Thus, a strict historicist approach to the chronicles faces a paradox: if we acceptInka actions after A.D. 1438 as historical, then such actions must include the repeated reorganiz-ation and manipulation of historical narratives; and the beginning of the historical period itself isdened in part by an act of propaganda and mythographyPachakutiqs deliberate production of an eight-generation account of mythical and legendary behavior.

    21 1988, ch. 34. Although the chronicle of Betanzos provides a richer and more culturally sen-

    sitive treatment of Inka society, Cieza de Leo n (who only spent a short time in Cusco during histravels) provides a more detailed narrative of the earlier Inka leaders in the traditional sequence.

    22 Betanzos 1999: 5; Ondegardo 1916[1559]: 10; see Zuidema 1995[1964]: 4243. Zuidema(2002) provides additional perspectives on the historicity of Tarku Waman.

    174 R . A L A N C O V E Y

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    their source materials, but even when authentic chronological information wastaken from Andean informants, it cannot be assumed to connote chronometricaccuracy.

    2 . I M P E R I A L A M B I V A L E N C E A N D N A T I V E S O V E R E I G N T YOn 16 April 1550, the Habsburg emperor Charles V suspended all newSpanish conquests in the New World until scholars and theologians coulddetermine a just means of conducting them. 23 This stunning decision by oneof the worlds most powerful rulers was the culmination of forty years of theo-logical and philosophical debate over Spanish imperialism and led to thefamous encounter at Valladolid in which Juan Gine s de Sepu lveda and Barto-lome de Las Casas stated their cases for and against conquest in the Americas.The humanist Sepu lveda briey summarized and defended an argumentderived from Aristotle that had been written in his 1548 treatise Democratessecundus sive de justis causis belli apud Indios , while Las Casas read for vedays from a massive manuscript of his own. 24

    According to Sepu lveda, Spanish conquest in the Americas was justied onfour principal counts: (1) because the natives practiced idolatry and unna-tural acts; (2) because they were spiritually and morally inferior to Spaniards;(3) because conquest facilitated or enabled Catholic proselytization, whichwas the raison de tre for papal Bulls of donation supporting the conquest;and (4) because the natives harmed each other, practicing human sacriceand cannibalism. 25 Las Casas refused to concede that indigenous social organ-ization reected a limited spiritual or moral potential that would justify con-quest, and also argued that the 1493 Bull of donation of Pope Alexander VIhad expressly not supported military conquest. The issue of native sovereigntywas critical in Peru at this time, and the Inka past became an important meansof elaborating Lascasian ideology.

    The Politics of Native Historiography

    The 1550s represent a watershed for Inka studies, as Juan de Betanzos andPedro de Cieza de Leo n completed detailed chronicles of the Inka pastbased on interviews with native informants. Reports from different religiousorders also employed a growing knowledge of Quechua to address theAndean past. 26 Up to this time, European presses had printed numerousaccounts of Spanish adventures in strange, faraway landschronicles thatfailed to present native narratives of events occurring before the Europeaninvasion. Few sources written prior to 1550 could name more than two or

    23 Hanke 1974: 67; 1959; Lupher (2003: 43188) provides a recent study of the debate over

    Spanish imperialism.24 Hanke 1974: 6769; Lupher 2003: 10349.25 Pagden 1982: 119.26 Las Casas 1967: 573 [1550s, ch. 250].

    C H R O N O L O G Y , S U C C E S S I O N , A N D S O V E R E I G N T Y 175

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    three Inka emperors, because of an obsession with conquest and plunder, animperfect command of the native tongue, and reluctance among natives toshare accounts of their past and customs. 27 Insightful native histories werenot produced until Spaniards developed the linguistic capabilities and theintellectual interest for such undertakings. Inka histories remained unpub-lished while explorers accounts and natural histories were widely translatedand printed (Table 1). It may be argued that native histories had a politicalcontent that kept them from being circulated widely to the literate Europeanpublic. 28

    The Lascasian Historical Project

    Las Casas spent the years following the Valladolid encounter writing the Apologe tica historia sumaria , a massive tome that employed a vast corpusof comparative data to argue that native groups of the Americas constitutedcivil societies, and that any barbarism perceived by European observers wasdue to an ignorance ofrather than intransigence toChristian doctrine. 29

    Las Casas never visited the Andes, and he edited reports from travelersand clergy to produce a history that rationalized the Inka as just and rightfulrulers who were unfairly displaced by the Spanish invasion. 30 This involveddeveloping a sequence of cultural evolution in which an initial period of law-lessness was followed by the establishment of a civil government that, whilenot Christian, could yet be considered superior in many ways to the ancientGreek, Roman, and Babylonian cultures. 31 By demonstrating that Inkaemperors were benevolent and just rulers of a well-ordered government,Las Casas asserted that Christian conversion did not necessitate political

    27 Betanzos 1999[15511557]: 7.28 Philip IIs decrees regarding publishing on the Indies in general (and on histories in particu-

    lar) elucidate this point. In 1556, it was established that no book about the Indies could be pub-lished without permission of the Royal Council. Philip II also ordered that the history of theIndies be kept by a royal chronicler who would maintain a general history, taking the truth

    from the most authentic and reliable reports and papers that may be sent to us in our Councilof the Indies, where [the Chronicler] will present what is being written, and it will be kept inthe Archive, and it should neither be published nor printed, more than that which the Councilshould deem appropriate. ( . . . acando la verdad de las relaciones y papeles mas autenticos y ver-daderos, que e nos enviaren en nue tro Con ejo de las Indias, donde se pre entara lo que fueree criviendo, y e guardara en el Archivo, y no e pueda publicar, ni imprimir mas de aquello que a los del Con ejo pareciere .) (Leyes de Indias, Book 2, Titulo 12, Law 1). (The edition of the Leyesde Indias cited here is from an on-line digital copy maintained by the Peruvian government http: // www.congreso.gob.pe/ntley/LeyIndiaP.htm.)

    29 Pagden 1982: 121; see Elliott 1970: 48.30 Las Casas informants included the Dominicans Domingo de Santo Toma s, Toma s de San

    Mart n, Gil Gonza lez de San Nicola s, as well as the Franciscans Juan Cristobal de Rabaneda

    and Antonio de Carvajal (Someda 2002: 289; see also Zuidema 1995[1964]: 4445, n. 32).31 Lupher 2003: 25588; Pagden 1982: 140. Las Casas used examples of religious practices toillustrate his comparison, and Sabine MacCormack (1991: 205 48) provides an important over-view of the religious arguments of the history.

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    restructuring, making the Spanish military conquest of native states morallyproblematic.

    For the Inka case, Las Casas created a distinct (if articial) boundarybetween a barbarian past and the establishment of a civilized culture, andhe did so by assigning the role of civilizer to one Inka ruler, PachakutiqInka Yupanki. 32 He devoted two chapters to the prevailing social conditionsprior to Pachakutiqs accession, a 500 to 600 year period when Andeanpeoples lived in peaceful and ordered villages headed by communityleaders. 33 According to Las Casas, these highland people wore clothing,abstained from cannibalism, and rarely fought with their neighbors. Aspectsof this pre-Inka ethnology are known to be inaccurate, and Las Casas

    TABLE 1Some Publication Dates for European Chronicles

    Author Spanish Italian French Dutch German English

    Xerez 1534,1547

    1535

    Oviedo yValde s

    1535,1547,1557

    1556 1545,1555

    Lopezde Gomara

    1552,1553,1554,1555

    1556,1557,1560,1564,

    1565

    1569,1578

    1578

    Ciezade Leon,pt. 1

    1553,1554

    1555,1556,1557,1560,1564,1576

    Zarate 1555,1577

    1563 1563,1564,1573

    1581

    Benzoni 1565,

    1572

    1579 1579

    Sources : Means 1928; Porras Barrenechea 1986.

    32 This is not to assert a wholly European construction of the Pachakutiq story. Betanzoschronicle also emphasizes the actions of this ruler, probably because the informants for the chron-

    icle were recounting descendants of Pachakutiq. As DAltroy (2001) has noted, Colonial PeriodInka descent groups gloried the actions of their founding ancestors while diminishing those of his predecessors and successors.

    33 1967: 563, [1550s, ch. 248].

    C H R O N O L O G Y , S U C C E S S I O N , A N D S O V E R E I G N T Y 177

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    himself must have been aware of this while writing, given his selective use of source materials. 34

    The rulers of the (Lascasian) pre-Inka Andes were small kings and lords(Sen ores y Reyes pequen os) who . . .were as senior relatives and fathers of families, from whom it may be conjectured that they had all proceeded,whose jurisdiction and dominion did not extend beyond the limits of eachtownand these towns, some were larger and others smaller. Everyoneheld them in great reverence and obedience, and they treated them andloved them like children. They took great care so that people would not doeach other injury or injusticeand most notably the theft and coercion of women and adultery. And this form of government is most natural, as Aristotledescribes almost at the beginning of his Politics . . .35

    This kin-based, village-level political organization constitutes an intermedi-ate Aristotelian form that is on one hand more complex than the household(o ik o6 ) and paternal family organization, while on the other naturally antici-pating the emergence of higher orders of political organization, namely thecity-state ( p o li6 ). Las Casas explicitly links Inka culture and this ultimaterealization of good government, with Pachakutiq as its personication. He pre-sents only minimal information regarding the rst eight Inkas, and having toldthe story of Pachakutiqs rise to power through universal consent and a defen-sive imperialism, offers a lengthy portrait of Inka society under his benevolent

    34 For example, Las Casas appears to have used ethnographic descriptions from the rst part of Cieza de Leo ns chronicle as the basis for his pre-Inka society, but fails to include customs thatwould not meet with European approval. He claims (1967: 564) that sodomy in pre-Inka Peruwas restricted to the area near Puerto Viejo, a statement that echoes Cieza de Leo ns chronicle(1986[1553], chs. 4651, 64]), although that source was describing conditions in the 1540s andin Inka times. Cieza de Leo n also mentions the Huancavilcas, a lowland group whose customsincluded removing six of their front teeth, as well as deowering young women before their mar-riage. Las Casas fails to mention such practices (Las Casas 1967: 565); his Huancavilcas allowwomen to inherit the chieftaincy, which Cieza de Leo n explicitly states was not practiced(1986, ch. 49). Much of Las Casas discussion of pre-Inka funerary practices (1967: 56872[1550s, ch. 249]) appears to be drawn from Cieza de Leo n (see 1986, ch. 63), including (1) the

    placement of bodies inside a camelid hide [in Xauxa], (2) the use of an eastern orientation forthe doorways of funerary towers [in the Collao], and (3) funeral ceremonies that lasted betweenve and ten days, depending on social status. While appearing to extract large amounts of infor-mation that Cieza describes as contemporary or Inka practice, Las Casas fails to mention the prac-tice of burying dead elites with their living wives, a practice that Cieza de Leo n says waswidespread. Although Cieza de Leo ns will stipulated that Las Casas be given the manuscriptfor the unpublished second part of his chronicle (the part with his treatment of Inka history; seeBallesteros 1988: 16), there is no clear evidence that Las Casas used this work in preparing the Apologe tica historia sumaria .

    35 Las Casas 1967: 563: eran como parientes mayores y padres de familias, de quien se puedeconjeturar que hab an todos aquellos procedido, cuya jurisdiccio n y poder o no exced a los te r-minos de cada pueblo, y estos pueblos unos eran mayores y otros menores. Ten anles todos gran

    reverencia y obediencia, y ellos los tractaban y amaban como a hijos. Ten an gran rigor en queunos a otros no hiciesen agravios o injusticias, y sen aladamente el hurto y fuerza de mujeres yadulterio. Y esta gobernacio n es natural sima, como trae Aristo teles cuasi al principio de suPol tica . . .. See Aristotles Politics , bk. I, ch. 2; Lupher 2003: 25758.

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    rule. 36 A single chapter discusses subsequent rulers, demonstrating the histori-cal depth and continuity of Inka good government.

    Las Casas established a sequence of twelve Inka rulers that was distinctfrom those of the earliest kinglists, a list that became more or less standardafter 1570. 37 Chronicles written prior that time contain substantial variationin the number of Inka rulers, their exact names, and the order in which theyreigned (Table 2). 38 Ironically, it was in the refutation of Lascasian argumentsthat the twelve-ruler kinglist became more uniform and accepted.

    Toledan Chronology and Reactionary Historiography

    In 1568, two years after Las Casas died, Philip II selected don Francisco deToledo as the new viceroy in Peru, giving him a mandate to consolidate colo-nial administration in the Andean region, a process that included a historicalprogram to refute Las Casas anti-imperialist ideology. 39 At that time, Spain

    36 Las Casas 1967: 573620 [1550s, chs. 25060].37 MacCormack (2001a: 33132) has noted the Christian signicance of the number twelve.

    Cieza de Leo n 1988: 52[c. 1550, ch. 9] states that there were only eleven Inkas. Since he statesthat Thupa Inka Yupanki was the eleventh ruler (ch. 54, p. 159), and later (ch. 61, p. 176), identiesWayna Qhapaq as the twelfth Inka, it can be assumed that Inka Urquthe brother overthrown byPachakutiq in a coupis counted as a legitimate ruler in this sequence. Betanzos (1999: 5) listsfourteen pre-Conquest rulers in his prologue, including Yamqui Yupanki, who served as thetenth ruler while his father was still living. Polo de Ondegardo (1916[1559, ch. 3]) provides thenames of thirteen Inkas whose mummies were venerated, including Tarku Waman, who is not inthe other kinglists. Las Casas does not mention Tarku Waman, Inka Urqu, or Yamqui Yupankiin constructing his own twelve-ruler sequence, which names eleven Inka rulers through WaynaQhapaq and identies Waskhar as the rightful ruler in Cusco until he was illegally overthrownby Atawallpa. A sequence of twelve Inka rulerslinked clearly to panaka groups living inCusco during the Colonial Periodbecame more rmly xed in chronicles written after 1570.Twelve royal panakakuna were acknowledged in the seventeenth century and later, and the laterkinglists include Inka Yupanki, an emperor said to have reigned after Pachakutiq and beforeThupa Inka Yupanki (e.g., AGI MP Escudos, 276 [1754]; AGI MP Estampas, 125 [1793];Va zquez de Espinosa, 1969[1629]). Noble Inkas claiming membership in the descent group of Inka Yupanki were recognized as one of the twelve royal Inka houses in Colonial Cusco (Dean1999: 241, n. 2), yet this ruler is omitted in the kinglist that is used today. Most sources treat Pacha-kutiq and Inka Yupanki as the same person; that two different noble groups claimed descent from

    Pachakutiq (In aca PanacaAyllu and Capac Ayllu) and were recognized in Colonial times as the off-spring of two distinct rulers poses problems for those treating the Inka narratives as historicallyreliable.

    38 It is worth noting that Philip II established new ordinances for Spanish conquest and colonialadministration in 1573 (Hanke 1974: 120ff), and that subsequent histories by Jero nimo Roma n,Gregorio Garca, and Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas excerpted material from the early historiesof Las Casas, Betanzos, and Cieza de Leo n, respectively.

    39 Hanke (1949: 16272) demonstrates the link between Las Casas, the Inka past, and the con-solidation of Spanish rule in Peru. Las Casas is alluded to in Toledos instructions from Philip II,and mentioned explicitly in other letters and documents. As part of Toledos mission, the royalcosmographer Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa set out to write a history of the twelve Inkas of this land (1965: 198: . . . La historia de los hechos de los doce ingas de esta tierra . . .). Heblames Las Casas for spreading inaccurate information about the Inka, allowing foreigners, here-tics, and indels to challenge Spains right to New World holdings (1965: 197). Toledos term asviceroy coincided with the introduction of the Inquisition to Peruan important means of censor-ship that complemented the existing requirement of royal publishing licenses (Guibovich Pe rez

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    TABLE 2 Ruler Sequences Collected before 1572

    Chronicler Year Number of Inkas; Rulers Mentioned

    Pedro de la Gasca 15511553(1998)

    Six or seven rulers (33); Guayna Cava(32), Topa Inga (33), Viracocha (33)

    FranciscoLopez de Gomara

    1552(1922)

    Unspecied number of rulers; Atabaliba(30), Guaxcar (30), Guaynacapa (29),Topa Opangui (29), Zapalla/ Viracocha (29)

    Bartolome de Segovia 1553(1968)

    Unspecied number of rulers;Atahualpa (41), Huascar (41),Huayna Capac (41), Tupac Inca

    Yupanqui (41), Inca Viracocha (32)Agust n de Zarate 1555

    (1995)Unspeciced number of rulers;

    Atabaliba (61), Guascar (61),Guaynacaua (56), Capalla Ynga/ Ynga Viracocha (55)

    Damia n de la Bandera 1557(1968)

    Seven or eight rulers (57-58);Atauvalpa, Huascar Inga,Guainacapac, Topa Inga Yupangui,Inga Yupangui, ViracochayYupangui, Pachacuti Yupangui,

    Polo de Ondegardo 1559(1916) Thirteen royal lineages (10); HuascarYnca, Huayna Capac, Topa YncaYupanqui, Pachacuti Ynca,Viracocha Ynca, Yahuarhuaqui,Ynca Roca, Tarco Huaman,Maytacapac, Lloque Yupanqui,Capac Yupanqui, Cinchiroca,Manco Capac

    Hernando de Santillan 1563(1950)

    Unspecied number of rulers;Atabaliba, Guascar Inga, GuaynaCapac, Topa Inga Yupangui, IngaYupangui, Yupangui/CapacYupangui, Viracochay, Pachacoch(45)

    Girolamo Benzoni 1565(1967)

    Unspecied number of rulers;Attabaliba (197), Guascar (203),Guainacava (262), Manco Capac(262)

    Juan de Matienzo 1567(1967)

    Eight rulers (7); Atagualipa (7),Guascar Inga (7), Guayna Capa (8),Mango Capa Inga (7)

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    faced a war of independence in the Netherlands, as well as fears of theexpansion of Calvinism into Catalonia. 40 The religious struggles of thecounter-Reformation were compounded by an uprising of Granadas moris-

    cos (Muslim converts) at the end of 1568.41

    The suppression of this rebel-lion reveals a striking policy shift in the administration of previously non-Christian areas. After the conquest of Granada in 1492, the moriscos hadbeen permitted certain latitude in dress, dietary observations, and the useof Arabic. 42 The legislation of restrictions on these liberties had taken

    TABLE 2 (cont. )

    Chronicler Year Number of Inkas; Rulers Mentioned

    Polo de Ondegardo 1571(1917)

    Ten or twelve rulers (50); Guayna Capa(51), Topa Ynga Yupangui (51),Pachacuti Inga Yupangui (50)

    Diego Ferna ndez 1571 (1963) Twelve rulers (through Waskhar) (84);Atabalipa Inga (82), Guascar Inga(82), Guaina Capa (82), Topa IngaYupangue (81), Pachacoti Inga (81),Vira Cocha (81), Yaguarguac IngaYupangue (81), Inga Ruca Inga (80),Capac Yupangue Inga (80), MaitaCapac Inga (80), Llocuco Pangue

    Inga (80), Sicheroca Inga (80),Mango Capa Inga (80)Pedro Pizarro 1571 (1978) Five rulers (through Wayna Qhapaq)

    (46); Ataualpa (50), Guascar (50),Guainacapa (46), two successors(46), Inga Amaru Inga (46), GuainaInga (46), Topa Inga YupanguiPachacuti (46), Inga Vira Cocha (46)

    Anonimo de Yucay 1571 (1995) Twelve rulers (138-139, 142);Atapalipa (142), Guaina Capa (138),Topa Inga Yupangui (138), PachacutiInga Yupangui (138), Viracocha(139)

    Note : Spellings are as they appear in the modern editions cited.

    2000). Toledo not only requested that the Crown prohibit further shipment of Las Casas works toPeru and actively acquired existing copies in order to retire them from circulation; he also con-sidered using the Inquisition not against heretics but as a tool against the preachers and confessors

    in this realm who hold contrary opinions on jurisdictional matters and on security of conscience(Toledo, quote in Hanke 1949: 163).

    40 Elliott 1963: 23135.41 Ibid.: 23541.

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    place under Charles V, but the actual enforcement of these laws precipi-tated the rebellion. The defeat of the moriscos was followed by amassive resettlement program, intended to break up areas culturally domi-nated by Moorish traditions. Unlike his father, Philip II overcame anyambivalence regarding his imperial holdings and the role of his countryin counter-Reformation movements.

    In the 1560s, Inka elites living in and around Cusco enjoyed similarprivileges to those of Granadas moriscos , and rebellions and conspiracieswere common in the Andean highlands. 43 Conditions in Europe must havestrengthened Philip IIs resolve to maintain control over rich revenues fromthe Americas and to preserve the Catholic territories that Spain had begunto Christianize. 44 To the Spanish Crown, Las Casas use of the Inka past toargue that Spain had no right to occupy the Andes or extract preciousmetals was not merely an intellectual matter. 45

    One of the rst documents produced by the Toledo regime was the anon-ymous 1571 treatise Dominio de los yngas . . ., which opens by accusing LasCasas of single-handedly perpetrating a hoax that had damaged the SpanishCrown and the interests of Catholicism. Following a twelve-Inka sequence,the document recapitulates the same claims made by Sepu lveda and otherpro-conquest writers: (1) that the Inka expanded as a tyrannical empire onlyunder Thupa Inka Yupanki (Pachakutiqs son); (2) that they did not presideover a just polity, and conquered without cause; (3) that the Andes lackedany precedent for universal government before the Inka; and (4) that thepapal Bulls of Alexander VI gave the Spanish Crown absolute power overthe Andes. 46 This broadside represents the ideological foundation of a con-certed effort to develop anti-Lascasian narratives of the Inka past, andToledo interviewed hundreds of Andean elites to develop new material forhis argument.

    42 Woolard 2002: 45457.43

    While the 1550s were a period of consolidation of Crown authority in the Andes, the 1560ssaw increasing unease there. A plotted native rebellion was discovered in Jauja in 1564 (Hemming1970: 304 7), and the messianic Taki Onqoy movement spread throughout the central highlandsduring the 1560s (see MacCormack 1991: 181204). The latter crisis was seen to constitute aspiritual relapse that Cristobal de Molina explicitly blames on the holdout Inka polity in Vilca-bamba (Molina 1989[1575]: 129; see also Albo rnoz1989[c. 1582]: 192 94).

    44 It should be noted that Philip II continued to negotiate with the Vilcabamba Inkas. Matienzo(1967: 29498 [1567, pt. 2, ch. 18]) mentions one mission that was sent in 1565. Titu KusiYupanki, the Inka ruler-in-exile, had converted to Christianity, and sent letters to Philip II request-ing honors and estates betting his status as native lord (Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui 1992[1570]).Hemming (1970) notes that such negotiations continued even as Toledo began to consider a mili-tary solution to the problem, and that the capture and execution of Thupa Amaru did not sit well

    with Philip II.45 Las Casas reached such conclusions in the 1562 treatise de Thesauris in Peru (1958:44451).

    46 Ano nimo de Yucay 1995[1571]: 13847.

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    Status and Chronological Knowledge of the Inka Past

    In March 1571, a group of Andean lords gave testimony in response to a ques-tionnaire that asked the ages of the rulers Thupa Inka Yupanki and Wayna

    Qhapaq at the time of their deaths. Several of the witnesses from the Cuscoarea declared not to know such information, or could not provide it for bothrulers, and one group of witnesses stated that as they do not have anaccount with paper and ink like the Spaniards, they do not know. 47 Thisgroup included descendants of two Inka rulers, as well as lower-order admin-istrators of towns near Cusco. Other groups declining to provide chronologicalinformation beyond their own personal experience included several menclaiming Inka ethnic status, among them a provincial governor and descen-dants of the founding Inka ancestor (Manqo Qhapaq), the ruler Pachakutiq

    Inka Yupanki, and his father, Wiraqocha Inka. Over eighty Andean witnessesanswered questions about the recent Inka past, and none was either willing orable to respond in detail.

    Beginning in June 1571, a new, more comprehensive questionnaire waspresented to another set of witnesses in Yucay, an Inka estate located about25 kilometers from Cusco in the neighboring Urubamba Valley. This newinterrogatorio contained as its sixteenth question the following: whether[the witnesses] know how many years Wayna Qhapaq and Thupa InkaYupanki and his father Pachakutiq Inka Yupanki lived, and whether they

    died old or young, more or less.48

    While some groups of witnesses wereable to state whether the most recent Inka emperors had died old or young,complete chronological information was again lacking. 49 This new group of 100 witnesses included descendants of at least seven Inka rulers (ManqoQhapaq, Zinchi Roqa, Inka Roqa, Yawar Waqaq, Wiraqocha Inka, Pacha-kutiq Inka Yupanki, and Thupa Inka Yupanki), but only two individualswere able to provide any exact chronological information. 50 According tothe document, To the sixteenth question, the said don Diego Cayo and donAlonso Tito Atauche stated that they had seen a table and khipukuna

    [records of knotted cords] where were established the ages that the said Pacha-kutiq Inka and Thupa Inka Yupanki his son, and Wayna Qhapaq, son of thesaid Thupa Inka, had; and that from the said table and khipu they saw thatPachakutiq Inka Yupanki lived one hundred years, and Thupa Inka until

    47 Toledo 1940a[1571]: 88: Como no tyenen quenta con papel y tinta como los espan oles queno saben . . . See Toledo 1940a[1571]: 68, 71, 74, 77, 81, 85, 88, 91, 95; Toledo 1940b: 104, 112,118.

    48 Toledo 1940c[1571]: 125: Si saben cua ntos an os vivio Guaynacapac y el Topainga Yupan-gui y su padre Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui y si murieron viejos o mozos poco ma s o menos.

    49

    Toledo 1940c: 132, 140, 148, 15758, 166.50 Don Diego Cayo was said to be a descendant of Pachakutiq Inka Yupanki, while don AlonsoTito Atauche is described as a forty-year-old grandson of Wayna Qhapaq (Toledo 1940c: 167,168; see Julien 2000: 22526).

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    fty-eight or sixty years, and Wayna Qhapaq until seventy years. And every-one else said that they do not know anything regarding what is contained in thequestion. 51

    The signicance of the lack of chronological testimony becomes evidentwhen we consider that at least threeand perhaps seven or moreInkaelites who testied not to know anything about the Inka past also participatedin ratifying the history of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa in February 1572. 52

    Three important points emerge from this: (1) many witnesses consulted increating Inka historical narratives lacked (or were unwilling to share) rst-hand experience with materials recording the Inka past; (2) most witnessesrelying on their own memories or what they had heard from their parentscould only reproduce hazy recollections of the pre-Conquest period, whichby then was nearly forty-years past; and (3) the information from the tables,khipukuna , and living memory contains substantial discrepancies and its accu-racy is debatable. As Table 3 demonstrates, multiple sources said to be basedon such sources present information that is unreliable and internallyinconsistent.

    Despite such obvious problems with their witnesses, Toledo and Sarmientode Gamboa created two remarkable accounts of the Inka dynasty. Toledo had aseries of painted panels produced, depicting Inka succession and the deeds of the Inka rulers, while Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote a new history based on thetestimony of Inka elites in Cusco. 53 This chronicle focuses on the kinds of

    51 (Toledo 1940c: 173): A las diez y seis preguntas dijeron los dichos Don Diego Cayo y Don Alonso Tito Atauche, que ellos vieron una tabla y quipos donde estaban sentadas las edades quehubieron los dichos Pachacuti Inga y Topa Inga Yupangui su hijo, y Guayna Capac, hijo del dichoTopa Inga, y que por la dicha tabla y quipo vieron que vivio Pachacuti Inga Yupangui cien an os, yTopa Inga Yupangui hasta cinquenta y ocho o sesenta an os y Guayna Capac hasta setenta an os, ylos dema s dijeron que no saben de lo contenido en la pregunta cosa alguna .

    52 For example, don Diego Cayo Gualpa, a descendant of Zinchi Roqa, was part of a group thatstated that Wayna Qhapaq would have died approximately at sixty years, and that they do notknow, nor have they heard tell at what age the other Inkas contained in the question died(Toledo 1940c: 166, Guaynacapac Ynga morir a de sesenta anos poco ma s o menos, y que losdema s Yngas contenidos en la pregunta no saben de que edad murieron, ni lo oyerondecir . . .). Don Felipe Uscamayta, a descendant of Mayta Qhapaq, appeared with a group thatclaimed not to know when Thupa Inka Yupanki or Wayna Qhapaq died, although they knewthat the latter died about ten years before the Spanish invasion (Toledo 1940a: 85). A descendantof Wiraqocha Inka and a provincial governor, don Francisco Antigualpa, testied individuallythat the said Wayna Qhapaq could have died [at the age of] fty years, which would havebeen more or less ten years before the Spaniards conquered this kingdom, and that of the saidThupa Inka Yupanki he neither knows nor has heard tell the time that he died (Toledo 1940a:68, que el dicho guainacapac puede auer murio cinquenta an os que seria diez an os poco maso menos antes que conquistasen los espan oles este rreyno y quel dicho topa ynga yupangui nosabe ny oyo dezir el tiempo a que murio . . .). Urton (1990: Table 3) demonstrates that thereare signicant discrepancies in the ages that Inka nobles provided for themselvesfor

    example, Juan Pizarro Yupanqui stated his age as 132 and 86 in two appearances made a week apart.

    53 Julien 2000: 5658. Toledos pan os would have been signicant to the Inka elite, as theyconnote the actions of a pachakutiq a person who ushers in a new universal order. Pachakutiq

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    behavior that Las Casas omitted from his historywarfare, political conict,and acts considered by Europeans to be cruel or immoral. This refutation of Las Casas did not challenge the twelve-ruler sequence, despite some acknowl-edged inconsistencies arising during the assembly of the chronicle. Rather,Sarmiento de Gamboa strengthened the notion of a twelve-ruler sequenceby identifying each ruler with a descent group ( panaka ) living in Cusco,adding European calendar dates for each Inka ruler, and correlating thereigns of Inka rulers with biblical events and the reigns of Spanish monarchsand Catholic popes. 54 The long lives and reigns listed in the chronicle have

    TABLE 3Comparative Dates from Inka Historical Sources

    A B C D E F

    Age of Pachakutiqat accession[year]

    40 [c. 1413] [1438] 22 [1088][1294]

    Years Pachakutiqreigned

    50 33 103

    Age atdeath [year]

    80 1[c. 1463]

    80 1 100 [1471] 125 [1191]

    Age of Thupa Inkaat accession

    [year]

    40[c. 1463]

    [1471] 18 [1191][1397]

    Years Thupa Inkareigned

    28 22 67

    Age at death[year]

    70[c. 1491]

    80 1[c. 1475]

    58 60 [1493] 85 [1258]

    Age of WaynaQhapaq ataccession[year]

    34[c. 1491]

    [c. 1475] [1493] [1490] 20 [1258][1464]

    Years WaynaQhapaq reigned

    32 50 1 32 35 60

    Age at death[year]

    66 1[c. 1525]

    [c. 1525] 70 [1525] [1525] 80 [1524]

    Sources : A: Betanzos; B: khipukamayuq document; C: Toledo informaciones D: Cabello Balboa;E: Ano nimo de Yucay ; F: Va zquez de Espinosa. Italicized information is extrapolated backwardusing other available information and shows discrepancies with dates given.

    Inka Yupanki and Atawallpa both assumed this name, and each destroyed existing historical

    records and commissioned a new painted record (e.g., Sarmiento 1965, ch. 9). Painting wasitself seen as a powerful generative action (see MacCormack 2001b).

    54 Sarmiento de Gamboa discusses the biblical dates for cataclysmic oods, concluding that3,519 years had passed since the Deluge of Noah until the Inka began to rule in Peru (1965, ch.

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    kept modern scholars from taking them seriously, as do internal inconsisten-cies, mathematical errors, and problems with the European gures listed(Table 4). 55 The application of notions of universal history to a more or lessstandardized twelve-ruler sequence transposed Inka narratives into a formthat was familiar to the European mind. This transformation has inuencedthe description of Inka succession and its modern interpretation.

    3 . R E T H I N K I N G I N K A S U C C E S S I O N

    If father-son succession, the number of Inka rulers, and their dates of reignwere established as byproducts of arguments over Spanish imperialism, thenwe should reconsider patterns of royal Inka succession. The documentaryevidence from provincial regions of Tawantinsuyu indicates that father-

    son succession was not an exclusive practice, and early chronicle descrip-tions of Inka succession help to reveal where the current kinglist isproblematic.

    Succession Patterns in Inka Provincial Regions

    In the late sixteenth century, several highland groups described localsuccession practices under Inka rule in testimony offered in response toSpanish questionnaires regarding the jurisdiction and succession of localleaders. 56 The leader of the Chupaychu of the Huanuco region

    testied that adult sons tended to succeed their fathers (pending Inkaapproval), but that collateral succession of close relatives occurred if there were no male children, or if those children were too young to take

    9). As noted in Table 2, histories produced before 1570 demonstrate a general lack of consensus onthe number, names, and order of Inka rulers. Those produced after 1570 show much more coher-ence to what is now taken as the ofcial ruler sequence (e.g., Acosta 1940[1590]; Cabello Balboa1951[1586]; Calancha19741982[1639]; Cobo 1964[1653]; Ferna ndez 1963[1571]; Garcilaso dela Vega 1965[1609]; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980[1615]; Gutie rrez de Santa Clara 1963 1965[c.1600]; Herrera y Tordesillas 19341957[1610 1615]; Lo pez de Velasco 1971[15711574];

    Murua 1987[16111616]; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua 1993[seventeenth century]; RamosGavila n 1988[1589]). Notable exceptions from this period include Atienza (1931[c. 1583]) andMontesinos (1882[1642]). It is interesting to note that Atienza sets his own work and that of Las Casas apart from other chroniclers: for if it is measured well and considered that whichthe Most Reverend Bishop of Chiapas wrote, and the other historians of the Indies, and thatwhich is presented in this small volume (with respect to the rest), it is all discovered clearly toarrive at one conclusion, even though the materials may be different in their own way (1931:5: si bien se mide y considera lo que el Reverend simo Obispo de Chiapa escribio y los dema shistoriadores de las Indias, y lo que en este pequen o cuaderno (respeto de lo dema s) se tracta,hallarse ha claramente tira todo a un n, aunque las materias en su especie cada cual sea difer-ente ). Atienza provides very limited information on Inka rulers, citing Ferna ndez as a moredetailed source (1931: 17).

    55

    We should bear in mind that mathematical inconsistencies were not uncommon in otherSpanish histories at this time.

    56 Compare Diez de San Miguel 1964: 10 [1567, f. 4]; Ortiz de Zu niga 1967: 13 [1562 f. 3v,Question 4].

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    ofce. 57 This practice is described for the Collagua and in the Huamangaarea, and fraternal succession is known for Chachapoya elites working on

    Inka coca lands.58

    Similar practices appear to have held for the Lupaqaof the Titicaca Basin as well, while the nearby Pacaje are said to havepreferred fraternal succession to father-son succession. 59 Although mostColonial testimonies do not explicitly discuss succession in Inka times, itappears that Quechua and Aymara speakers did not practice linealdescent exclusively, and followed succession rules in which age andability were important considerations. 60

    TABLE 4 Inka Rulers and Their European Counterparts

    Inka Ruler (#) Date of Death European Rulers Named Actual Dates

    Manqo Qhapaq (1) 665 Visigoths: Loayba Liuba r. 568571Byzantines:

    Constantine IVConstantine IV:

    668685Zinchi Roqa (2) 675 Visigoths: Wamba Wamba: 672680

    Byzantines: Leo IV Leo IV: 775780Pope: Donus Donus: 676678

    LloqeYupanki (3)

    786 Asturia: Alfonso,El Casto

    Alfonso: 791842Leo IV: 847855

    Pope: Leo IVWaynaQhapaq (11)

    1524 Spain: Charles VPope: Paul III

    Charles V:15191556

    Paul III: 15341549

    Note : Actual dates are in bold where they are inconsistent with those of Sarmiento de Gamboa.

    57 Ortiz de Zu niga 1967: 25.58 Bandera 1965[1557]: 17879; Rostworowski 1963[1590]: 16267; Ulloa Mogollo n

    1965[1586]: 330.59 In 1562, Garci Diez de San Miguel (1964: 212) reported nding several elite positionsusurped because the son of a defunct ofcial was either too young at the time of successionor deemed unt to govern ( . . .halle ciertos cacicazgos que tenian usurpados algunos indios prin-cipales de poco tiempo a esta parte unos por ser muchachos los subcesores y otros aunque eranhombres por parecerles que no ten an habildad para el gobierno de los dichos cargos . . .).Cabeza de Vaca (1965[1586]: 347) describes succession patterns for the Pacaje of La Paz.

    60 Colonial Quechua dictionaries provide further evidence of this. While churi was the termused by a father to refer to his sons, it was also employed between uncle and nephew, olderbrother and younger brother, and as a general intergenerational kin term (Gonza lez Holguin1989[1608]: 123, 190; Santo Toma s 1995[1560]: 142). A group of brothers (or relatives fromthe churi category) was ranked, with the rst called curac (or curaca ) and the last sullca (Gonza lez

    Holguin 1989: 56, 123, 331). Santo Toma s (1951[1560]: 277, 354) uses these terms respectivelyfor the thumb and little nger, suggesting that it refers to ranking based on counting order (seeUrton 1997: 7576). Churi is linked to succession in the term rantichuri (Gonza lez Holguin1989: 123). Rantiy is a verb that implies substitution and exchange, and the term given for

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    Similar practices appear to have been common among coastal polities. Fra-ternal succession is known for Chimu-dominated territory, as well as thesen or os of the central and south coast. 61 A document from the ChinchaValley emphasizes a concern for political ability similar to that describedfor highland groups. 62 Coastal polities tended to have more complexpolitical organization than those in the highlands, indicating that collateralsuccession occurred for a wide range of elite ofces that were linked toTawantinsuyu.

    Royal Inka Succession

    Several documentary sources indicate that father-son succession to lower-order ofces was common under the Inka, but that where an able son waslacking another close relative was acceptable. This also appears to havebeen the case for upper-level provincial posts held by the Inka elitepositionswere not viewed as hereditary, but an able son was often appointed to replacehis father. 63

    Accounts of royal Inka succession by primogeniture appear to be theresult of feedback during the Colonial Period, especially after the Inka king-list had become codied. Sarmiento de Gamboa claimed in 1572 that pri-mogeniture was the ideal type of succession, but that the Inka rarelyfollowed this practice; by 1653, Bernabe Cobo presented this successionpattern as a functioning system. 64 If we compare these descriptions toearlier accounts, it is possible to recognize changes over time in the

    successor is rantinakuq masiy ( Rantinacuk maciy : lit. my partner-substitute) or wan uqparantin ( Huan uc parantin : lit. the dead ones substitute) (Gonza lez Holguin 1989: 179, 312).The term wan uqpa rantin n isqa ( Huan uc parantin n iscca , El nombrado heredero ) indicates thatsuccessors were named by and considered as replacements for the antecessor upon thatpersons death. While a son might be the preferred successor, the vagueness of terminologysuggests that this was not strictly practiced. Betanzos (1999, bk. 1, ch. 27) uses the verb rantiywhen Pachakutiq identies his grandson Wayna Qhapaq as his successor, saying kay nuqaprantiy kanqa, kay nuqap rantiy kachun (cain oc aprandicanga cain o caprandicachun : this onewill be my replacement, let this one be my replacement).

    61 For the Chimu , see Ram rez (1995[1565]: 302) and Rowe (1948: 30). Rostworowski (1990:449) notes that north coast polities tended to pass elite ofces among brothers until a generationwas exhausted, then passed the ofce to the next generation.

    62 Castro and Ortega Morejon 1974[1558]: 243. This document claims that bureaucratic ofcesunder Inka decimal administration went to the most able administrator from the lower-order units,and that the Inka had no law for passing ofces to relatives. This latter statement contradicts mostother accounts, including those cited here.

    63 Falco n 1918[1567]: 146. Rostworowski (1960) provides several other references for ability-based succession in Tawantinsuyu.

    64 Cobo 1964[1563 bk. 12, ch. 36]; Sarmiento de Gamboa 1965, ch. 70. Ferna ndez (1963[1571

    pt. 2, bk. 3, ch. 5]) claims that Inka succession went to the rst-born son, but his list of birth ordercontradicts other chronicles. Gonza lez Holguin (1989: 642) denes primogeniture as phiwiy churikay (Piuichuricay ), literally to be the rst (or only) son. Even in the Colonial Period, this termdoes not appear to connote inheritance of ofce.

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    treatment of succession. 65 In 1563 the chronicler Hernando de Santilla npresented two possibilities for royal Inka succession: either the Inka rulerceremonially designated his most able son as his heir, or the Inka eliteappointed a brother of the ruler after his death if a clear successor couldnot take ofce. 66 This system is close to what the earliest Inka historiesdescribe, and highlights the role of the Inka elite in the succession process.

    Ability and Consent in Royal Succession

    Betanzos and Cieza de Leon describe similar elements to the process of suc-cession, but they differ regarding its timing. Cieza de Leo n provides a fairlystandardized description of the coronation of a new ruler immediately afterthe death of the previous one, while Betanzos offers a more complex

    account in which a living ruler nominated his successor while cedingcertain of his own powers. Both writers indicate that royal Inka successionoccurred when a new ruler was ceremonially offered the maskapaycha (a cer-emonial tassel worn by the ruler) and given a new name in front of members of Cuscos elite lineages. 67 The designated heir then fasted, performed a numberof ceremonies, and married a principal wife, ideally a full sister in the imperialperiod. The consent of the previous ruler was important, but not essential, forthe legitimacy of this process. Sarmiento de Gamboa recounts that Pachakutiqreceived the maskapaycha against the wishes of his fatherfrom an image

    of the Sun, and Betanzos states that Atawallpa received the insignia of sover-eignty in Quito from an image of his already-dead father while his half-brotherreigned in Cusco. 68 Betanzos and Cieza de Leon indicate that successioninvolved either the death of the previous ruler, or the diminishing of his auth-ority relative to the new ruler. For example, Betanzos recounts that the rst actof Pachakutiq upon being given the maskapaycha was to humiliate his fatherin front of the Inka elite, indicating that the transfer of the royal insignia con-noted a change in their relationship. 69 This chronicle describes rulers whooffered the maskapaycha to a son as having remained in Cusco from that

    65 For example, Za rate (1995: 56 [1555, bk. 1, ch. 13]) claims that the Inka title passed fromfather to brother to nephew, with two rulers serving from each generation. As Duviols (1963)notes, a Spanish emphasis on father-son succession led to the expurgation of this claim in thesecond edition of the chronicle.

    66 Santilla n (1968[1563, #18]) states that Inka rulers selected their most able legitimate son byformally offering them the maskapaycha , an emblem of sovereignty.

    67 Carolyn Dean (1999) provides an excellent discussion of royal Inka regalia, from the per-spective of its Colonial Period use among the Inka elite.

    68 Sarmiento de Gamboa 1965, ch. 29; Betanzos 1999, bk. 2, ch. 6. Sarmiento de Gamboa alsosays that Thupa Inka Yupanki received the insignia from the image of the Sun in a ceremonyordered by Pachakutiq, and that Wayna Qhapaq received the maskapaycha from the Sun after

    his fathers death (ibid., chs. 42 and 56). Cieza de Leo n (1988, ch. 32) says that the royal insigniawas kept in the temple of the Sun (the Qorikancha) during the minority of an early ruler, and thistemple is mentioned as the locus of several succession rituals.

    69 Betanzos 1999, bk. 1, ch. 17.

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    time on, governing in place of the newly named ruler while he was awayleading the army on campaign. If the nomination of a successor implied therenunciation of military imperium , then this would explain why ceremoniesof succession might be postponed until a rulers old age or death.

    While the royal insignia could be transferred without the consent of thereigning emperor, succession ceremonies required the support of the Inkanobility. 70 The early chronicles are particularly explicit about the role of thelords of Cusco in Inka succession. Betanzos notes that the Inka nobilityhad the power to contravene the rulers wishes regarding succession, includingoffering the maskapaycha to a candidate whom they found worthy. 71 Thedeath of the ruler or his protracted absence from Cusco encouraged disloyaltyamong the Inka elite. Cieza de Leon describes how a lord from Hurin Cuscostaged a coup during the absence of Wiraqocha Inka, killing the brother whohad been left to govern the city, and attracting sufcient support to attempt tostage ceremonies for assuming the maskapaycha . Betanzos recounts thatYamqui Yupanki feared that if Pachakutiq died while his appointed heirwas away on campaign that the lords of Cuscoparticularly the relatives of the rulers secondary wiveswould promote other sons in his place,leading to wars and unrest.

    Proxy Rulers of Cusco and Imperial Coregents

    The acknowledged power of a rapidly growing Inka elite, coupled with thepropensity among Inka rulers to delay the naming of a successor, would haveencouraged political instability during the century or so when Inka rulerswere more or less constantly engaged in military campaigns to annex newterritory or re-conquer rebellious provinces. This was dealt with throughthe appointment of proxy rulers in Cusco during the absence of the sapainka . As already noted, these could be rulers who had already given the mas-kapaycha to their successors, but they were often brothers of the

    70

    The early chronicles refer to these nobles as orejones and sen ores del Cusco . The formerterm might correspond to the Quechua rinriyuq awki (rinriyoc auqui ), which Gonza lez Holguin(1989: 38) denes as orejo n noble . This suggests an inner elite of well-born Inka individuals.The term sen or might be consistent with apu or yaya(nc) . The former term is commonly usedto describe individuals with high military, judicial, and administrative ofces, while the latterrefers to a lord with servants (Santo Toma s 1951: 209). Incidentally, yaya was a common termof address for male relatives of an older generation (Santo Toma s 1995: 142), perhaps indicatingthat the lords of Cusco represent Inka nobles of an older generation than the current ruler.

    71 For example, Wiraqocha Inka fears that after his death the lords of Cusco would take theroyal title from Inka Urqu, his designated heir, and transfer it to Pachakutiq (Betanzos 1999,bk. 1, ch. 8), Later (ibid., ch. 17) these lords offer to give the maskapaycha to Pachakutiq whilehis father is still alive. When he rejects their offer, they meet in private, rst stating their right

    to transfer the royal title, and then deciding to persuade Wiraqocha Inka to give up the insignia.Cieza de Leo n (1988, ch. 43) offers a contradictory version in which Wiraqocha Inka desires tomake Pachakutiq his successor but is stymied by the lords of Cusco, leading him to abdicateand go into voluntary exile.

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    current ruler. 72 Cieza de Leo n describes the individuals ruling in the place of the sapa inka as governor ( gobernador ), lieutenant ( lugar teniente ), andcaptain-general and head councilor ( capita n general y mayor consejero ).73

    A second, related problem was how to deal with succession crises thatoccurred when a ruler died without leaving a clearly favored successor, orone who was too young to govern. Several chronicles mention cases wherea designated heir was too young to rule the Inka polity, claiming that coregentsrelated to the deceased ruler were assigned until the designated heir reachedthe age of majority, probably about fourteen. Cieza de Leo n claims thatLloqe Yupanki left the Inka polity under the supervision of two of his broth-ers while his son Mayta Qhapaq was too young to rule, while Betanzosrecounts that Thupa Inka Yupanki placed the empire under a nephew and abrother for ten years before Wayna Qhapaq took power. 74 These individualsare described as governors ( gobernadores ), tutor (ayo ), and coadjutor(coadjutor ).75 Coregents tend to have been appointed from the fathers gener-ation, and governed in consultation with the Inka elite. None of these core-gents is included in the twelve-ruler kinglist.

    Succession Crises, Coups, and Regicide

    The Inka solution for providing sovereign representation in Cusco and in pro-vincial regions simultaneously was the appointment of secondary governing

    ofcials from among the rulers close relatives. The appointment of same-gen-eration male relatives posed potential problems for a ruler, as did the persist-ence of authority gures from the generation of a rulers father. The Inkanobility exacerbated ambivalent relations by forming shifting political

    72 This is especially true for Cieza de Leons chronicle (1988). A brother is left in charge inCusco when: (1) Wiraqocha Inka campaigns in the Sacred Valley (ch. 40); (2) Inka Urquleaves the city to go to his pleasure houses (ch. 44); and (3) Pachakutiq goes on campaign (ch.47). Wiraqocha Inka also left his son Inka Urqu to lead Cusco in his absence, while ThupaInka Yupanki is said to have left an uncle in command of the city (ch. 56). It is unclear who gov-erned the city in the absence of Wayna Qhapaq. It should be noted that rulers also appointed their

    brothers as military commanders and provincial governors.73 These probably correspond to different Quechua denitions for leadership. Gonza lezHolguin (1989) denes gobernador as camachic or camachicuc (p. 47), lugar teniente de otroas rantin (p. 569), capita n general as auccak cunap apun (p. 38), and consejero bueno as cunaycuk or allisimictaccuk (p. 458). Santo Tomas (1951) denes gobernador as tocricoc (p. 142), and likeGonza lez Holguin provides denitions for councilors offering either good or bad advice.

    74 Betanzos 1999 bk. 1, ch. 39; Cieza de Leo n 1988, ch. 32; cf. Sarmiento de Gamboa1965, ch. 57. Betanzos also says (ibid., bk. 1, ch. 46) that Wayna Qhapaq declined to namea successor, noting that in the event of his untimely death, the Inka elite could alwaysappoint a co-regent until a designated son came of age to reign. Cieza de Leo n (ibid., ch.68) claims that this emperor did in fact name his brother as co-regent for Waskhar. IncaTitu Cusi Yupanqui (1992: 7 [1570 f. 5]) claims that his father, Manco Inca, was Wayna

    Qhapaqs legitimate successor, but that his half-brother Atawallpa claimed to be watchingover the Inka realm until he came of age. Although this is highly unlikely, it does illustratethe Inka concept of co-regency.

    75 For example, Betanzos 1999, bk. 1, chs. 3940; Sarmiento de Gamboa 1965, ch. 57.

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    factions. The most detailed chronicles frequently mention coups, assassina-tions, and succession crises. 76

    Such struggles tend to occur within generations rather than between them.That is, sons rarely if ever overthrow or kill their fathers, but brothers are con-stantly cast as in competition with each other. The more reliable chroniclesrecount episodes where sons were at pains to show respect for their fathers,even when they were being passed over for succession. 77 This may reectimportant differences in relative authority in the relationship between fatherand son (churintin ) and that between brothers ( wawqintin ). Such conictmay seem odd, given that fraternal vocabulary in the Colonial dictionariesreects friendship, alliance, and shared descent. The situation becomesclearer when we consider that fraternal competition arose at times of succes-sion because the many wives of the Inka rulerand their kin groups and elitefactionssupported multiple candidates. 78 The chronicles are full of refer-ences to half-brothers, many of them their fathers favorites, who wereeither illegitimate or hobbled by character awsugliness, lasciviousness,drunkenness, simplemindednessthat prevented them from ruling. 79 Wemust consider the possibility that some of these individuals represent rulerswhose legacies had been revised by subsequent generations. 80

    To summarize, early chronicle descriptions of Inka royal succession areconsistent with practices known for other parts of the Andes. Betanzos andCieza de Leo n reveal that rulers could formally nominate successors, but attimes chose not to do so. While the rulers wishes carried considerableweight, the consent of the Inka nobility was essential for the successful trans-fer of power. The Inka elite often factionalized to support rival sons of the

    76 DAltroy (2002)andRostworowski (1999)provide recent discussionsof Inka succession crises.77 Betanzos (1999, chs. 9 and 17); Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965, ch. 43).78 Betanzos (1999, bk. 1, ch. 28) notes the concern that upon his [Pachakutiqs] death the lords

    of Cusco, kinsmen of those mothers with whom [Pachakutiq] had had those sons, would wish toname as lord one of those bastard sons of [Pachakutiq]. On account of this, as well as due to thesituation in the city, there would be divisions and war among them . . . (que por su n y muerte lossen ores del Cuzco deudos de aquellas madres en quien su padre hab a habido aquellos hijos qui-siesen nombrar por sen or alguno de aquellos hijos bastardos de Ynga Yupangue por lo cual y conlo cual ansi en la ciudad como entre ellos hubiese divisio n y guerras . . .). Cieza de Leo n (1988, ch.61) describes how the succession of Wayna Qhapaq was contested by the sons of Thupa InkaYupankis other wives. Descriptions of the parentage of Atawallpa, Waskhar, and other sons of Wayna Qhapaq disagree widely regarding mothers identity and sons legitimacy to reign.

    79 Ugliness: Kunti Mayta, brother of Qhapaq Yupanki (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1965, ch. 18);drunkenness: Inka Urqu (Cieza de Leo n 1988, ch. 44), Washkar (Betanzos 1999, bk. 2, ch. 1);sexual impropriety: Inka Urqu (Cieza de Leo n 1988, ch. 44), Waskhar (Betanzos 1999, bk. 2,ch. 1); simple-mindedness: Inka Urqu (Betanzos 1999, bk. 1, ch. 8).

    80 The most obvious case of this is Inka Urqu, whom Cieza de Leo n (1988, ch. 44) describes asthe legitimate heir and ninth ruler. By 1572, Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965, ch. 24) reported that the

    consensus among his informants was that although his father wished him to succeed as ruler, InkaUrqu was illegitimate, a point contested by his descendants. Cobo wrote in 1653 (bk. 11, ch. 12)that he was not only illegitimate, but that he was killed for attempting to overthrow Pachakutiq (cf.Murua 1987[16111616, bk. 1, ch. 87]).

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    dead ruler whose mothers were their relatives. Fraternal rivalry and factional-ism is known to have led to succession crises, and some rulers were over-thrown by their brothers. In cases where a deposed ruler did not establishhis own estate and descent group (or did not have a large group of descendantsliving in the Colonial Period), the memory of these individuals was altered byvictorious rivals. Not only were rival brothers recast as illegitimate orunworthy, but rulers such as Tarku Waman, Inka Urqu, and YamquiYupanki who are mentioned in the early chronicles were not included in thetwelve-ruler sequence that has come to be accepted by most historians. Alsoexcluded from the list are co-regents like Wallpaya and Waman Achachi,who are said to have governed the empire for a decade or more before aruler came of age. Periods of interregnum in which a council of Inka noblesgoverned the polity are not accounted for in the twelve-ruler list, and theleaders of coups are not remembered as legitimate rulers. The comparisonwith other kinglists forces us to accept that the twelve-ruler Inka sequencecannot be considered to be a full and accurate account of the government of the Inka polity.

    4 . C O N C L U S I O N S

    The preceding discussion has demonstrated that the current historicistinterpretation of the twelve-ruler Inka kinglist and associated chronologyfails to t the available evidence. Not only does it contradict a large bodyof archaeological data, but it is also at odds with much of what the Spanishchronicles do say about Inka state formation and patterns of sovereigntyand succession. A standard sequence of twelve Inka rulers cannot be con-sidered complete or accurate. Considering the historical and archaeologicalevidence, it is reasonable to conclude that historical revision in Inka and Colo-nial times involved abridging the kinglist to expunge collateral and contestedsuccessions. A corollary to this observation is that calendar dates included inthe Spanish chronicles should not be privileged as accurate chronologicalmarkers of historical events. While it may seem counterproductive to advocatearchaeological datesto say that Inka imperial expansion began around A.D.1400 rather than within a few years of A.D. 1438this constitutes a more his-toriographically sensitive use of the available evidence.

    A second implication of this study is that we must rethink Inka sovereigntyand succession, accounting for the importance of the Inka nobility in (de)sta-bilizing politics in the imperial heartland. This requires abandoning recon-structions of Inka power and imperial decision-making that focus on thesapa inka as an absolute monarch. The consent of the Inka elite was criticalfor a rulers success, and capable rulers drew strength from the various fac-tions living in Cusco and on the estates of dead emperors throughout theregion. Factions could not have been successful without the agency of elitewomen. As wives of the sapa inka and mothers of potential successors, they

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    provided the most tangible link between the paramount ofce and the noblelineages to which they were related. These women actively inuenced succes-sion, and those who failed paid with their lives. The political role of a rulersmother, sisters, and wives was active and more important than has typicallybeen considered.

    Finally, if factionalism and fraternal rivalry were symptomatic of Inka suc-cession, scholars must rethink the trajectory of the Inka polity. Many writerssee the civil war between Atawallpa and Waskhar as evidence that the Inkawere incapable of governing their large empire effectively over the longterm. Such conclusions support the politically driven accounts of some chron-icles, mitigating the effects of the European invasion, if not justifying it. Wecannot consider Pizarro to have merely euthanized an empire that was alreadyin its death throes. Based on comparisons with other states and empires, thereis no reason to believe that the Inka empire was in permanent decline in 1532.

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