colonial hispaniola & the origins of haiti & the dominican republic
DESCRIPTION
Hispaniola is one island; it has complex and divided histories which do not lend themselves well to brief summaries or easy explanations. Geographical and socio-political theories support the hypothesis that had the island of Hispaniola been less suitable for growing sugar, like many of the neighboring Caribbean islands; it would haveTRANSCRIPT
Colonial Hispaniola & the Origins of Haiti
& the Dominican Republic
Heather DeLancett
European Imperialism – WI
Prof. Michael Bitter
Spring 2011
DeLancett - 2
Hispaniola is one island; it has complex and divided histories which do not lend
themselves well to brief summaries or easy explanations. Geographical and socio-political
theories support the hypothesis that had the island of Hispaniola been less suitable for growing
sugar, like many of the neighboring Caribbean islands; it would have a different history and
legacy. The differences in topography between the former colonies of Santo Domingo, (now the
Dominican Republic), and Saint-Domingue, (now Haiti), may have been contributing factors in
the vast differences in development between these two countries. This one island contains one of
the top travel destinations of the Caribbean on the eastern side, the Dominican Republic, and the
poorest nation in the Western hemisphere, Haiti, on the western side. Historically, this island has
been unique in the shifting of European Imperialism powers – Spain, France, Britain - and most
recently has been considered by some scholars to have been the United States of America’s
launching point for a new era of Imperialistic policy. Hispaniola has seen European Imperialism
from its beginnings, to the close of High Imperialism following the World Wars, and continues
to be strongly influenced by what may be considered neo-colonialism.
Roots of Colonialism
Initially called Santo Domingo, Hispaniola was home to the first Castilian settlers in the
New World. After reaching the Bahamas, Christopher Columbus sailed south to Cuba and the
island he called “Española” or “Hispaniola” in honor of his Spanish patrons.1 The Santa Maria
sustained damages and was lost, forcing Columbus to leave the additional sailors behind where
they were all killed at their makeshift camp “Fort Navidad” by the local inhabitants.2
(T)he early accounts of the Castilian voyages coyly admit that the men from the Old
World were immediately anxious to enslave harems of concubines…the destruction of
1 Philippe Girard, Paradise Lost: Haiti (Gordonsville, VA, USA: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 15.2 Girard, p. 13-14.
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the first shipwrecked colony on Hispaniola by the local inhabitants was probably
triggered in part by revenge raids over the persistent stealing of women.3
In 1493 the next settlers arriving on Columbus’s second trans-Atlantic voyage were looking for
gold and pepper, but neither of these goods was to be found in the expected quantities. At that
time, Bartholomew Columbus, (Christopher’s brother), established the settlement of Santo
Domingo, the oldest continually inhabited European settlement in the Americas.
In 1478, prior to the voyages to the New World, Christopher Columbus had been
stranded on Madeira for three years after a failed attempt to broker a sugar trade for the cloth of
Italian wholesalers.4 While he was there, he married, and had a son, Diego, and he certainly must
have learned quite a bit about sugar plantations. Arriving in the “West Indies” in 1492 and
failing to find the gold and riches of the Orient he had promised his patrons, Columbus needed a
“crop that was as good as gold,”5 and it was sugar. “Columbus tried to persuade both the crown
of Castile and the settlers of Hispaniola that the real wealth of the ‘Indies’ lay in the value of its
slaves” to be used to work sugar plantations and to be imported to Europe.6 These efforts gained
Columbus funding for another voyage, but his hope for “human resources” in the New World
was ungrounded. Before moving on to more abundant riches in Mexico and Peru, the new
Castilian inhabitants’ diseases, and enslavement of and cruelty to the native Taino peoples
resulted in a genocide. “They were conquistadors: they were ambitious nobles and merchants
who looked down on manual labor and dreamed of conquering a strange civilization, killing its
leaders, enslaving its natives, and exploiting a quick windfall of gold and spices.”7 To add insult
3 David Birmingham, Trade and Empire in the Atlantic, 1400-1600 (New York: Routledge, 2000), p. 52.4 Birmingham, p. 14.5 Crosby, p. 77.6 Ibid.7 Girard, p. 16.
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to vast injury, the Castilians also hunted down and murdered most of the elites and chiefs that
had managed to escape to neighboring islands.
Soon decimated of population with few settlers in the east, the island became a favorite
stopping point for English privateers and French corsaires, (preying on gold-loaded Spanish
galleons returning from Mexico and Peru), due to the plentiful hunting of escaped domestic
animals brought by the Castilians. The French sailors adopted the native style of slow cooking
venison and called themselves “boucaniers” after the Taino name for the practice “boucan” —
and selling their jerky to naval crews, became known as buccaneers.8 Through the plundering
activities of these buccaneers and privateers, as well as European internal power struggles, Spain
lost its hold on Hispaniola and was forced to surrender some of its Caribbean islands, including
the western one-third of Hispaniola, to France or Britain. Saint-Domingue, (the portion of the
island that is now Haiti), became a French colony created in 1697 by the Treaty of Ryswick.9
Slaves & Sugar
By the 18th century, the application of the sugar industry practices originally developed
by the Portuguese on Madeira and the Canary Islands, and refined by the Spanish on São Tomé,
was in full swing.10 Many of the Atlantic islands by this time had been cultivated by the British,
Spanish and French into slave labor sugar plantations. The primary requirements for a sugar
plantation are fertile soil, heavy rainfall, investment capital, and a very large labor force.
Portuguese Madeira and the Castilian Canary Islands off the northwest coast of Africa were the
settings of much trial and error in the modeling of successful sugar plantations, but once fixed
8 Girard, p. 17.9 Girard, p. 18.10 Birmingham, p. 12-24, 54.
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this industrial model was copied and exported to new colonial lands.11 C.L. R. James reports in
his book “The Black Jacobsons” the setting of the Haitian Revolution as follows:
In 1789 the French West Indian colony of Saint Domingue supplied two-thirds of the
overseas trade of France and was the greatest individual market for the European slave
trade. It was an integral part of the economic life of the age, the greatest colony in the
world, the pride of France, and the envy of every other imperialist nation. The whole
structure rested on the labour of a half-million slaves.12
Some authors, such as Crosby and Klein, have suggested that the European peoples really
developed a taste for sugar during the early Crusades and began to consider sugar to be “a most
precious product, very necessary for the use and health of mankind.”13 Plantation agriculture,
sugar production and slavery had been part of the Mediterranean world since the Islamic
invasion brought sugar to Europe in the 8th century, but it was the First Crusade at the end of the
11th century that gave the Christians a chance to become sugar producers, and hence more
actively involved in slave trade for intensive labor needs.14 Sugar, now considered a quasi-
addictive substance, but at the time thought to be medicinal,15 transformed the world in many
ways.
Throughout the New World Caribbean and South American colonies, slaves were
imported primarily from Africa wherever the native populations had been decimated. These
slaves had varying degrees of lack of rights and freedoms in different locations. Arthur
Stinchcombe links these differences in degrees of a slave’s autonomy – or complete lack thereof
11 Birmingham, p 12.12 Arthur Jones, Pierre Toussaint: A Biography (Westminster, MD: Doubleday Publishing, 2003), p.1.13 Crosby, p 67.
14 Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (Cary, NC, USA: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 8.15 Crosby. p. 77.
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– to crop types, noting that “extreme restriction of freedoms in family, social, political, and
economic matters tends to be produced by sugar plantations and by societies dominated, in a
sense to be described, by sugar plantations.”16 Throughout his book, Sugar Island Slavery in the
Age of Enlightenment: The Political Economy of the Caribbean World, he argues that sugar
plantation societies had structures that allowed greater control of politics by the colonial planter
masters and that the continued existence of sugar plantations - even after slavery was abolished -
helped maintain a slave-like society. Keith Sandiford, in Cultural Politics of Sugar: Caribbean
Slavery & Narratives of Colonialism, also develops a similar thesis of exploration:
(T)he sugar cane played a central role in developing the material economies of these
societies. Similarly, sugar's real and imagined properties are reproduced in textual
economies as central metaphors for the idealized desires of those special-interest Creole
publics.17
Romanticized or brutalized, the legacy of sugar cultivation should not be ignored, because it
undeniably determined a colony’s fiscal and political worth, as well as the types of investment
capital needed and levels of autonomy given to both the slaves and the investing planters.
Population ratios are noted as one of the crucial differences on sugar plantation
dominated land. Islands and regions that had previously cultivated other crops and switched to
sugar cane cultivation and sugar boiling rapidly increased their populations by 5 to 10 times the
previous population. The production of sugar is so labor intensive that at least 4 out of 5 people
on the land would be devoted to sugar plantation work.18 Heavy rainfall was important to
growing sugar, but if there was not enough rainfall, areas where water irrigation systems could
16 Stinchcombe, p. 5.17 Keith Albert Sandiford, Cultural Politics of Sugar : Caribbean Slavery & Narratives of Colonialism (Port Chester, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p 3.18 Sandiford, p. 10.
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be built downstream of mountainous regions made potential sugar land. However, building
irrigation systems was an expensive and incredibly labor intensive undertaking.
Birth of Vodou
Prohibited from practicing the religions of their African homelands, slaves in Hispaniola
were forcibly baptized and expected to maintain rudimentary Catholic beliefs and practices.
Catholic missionaries distributed cheap lithographs of the Church’s holy saints to the slaves as
examples of desired conduct, though the slaves received none of the benefits of being
“Christian” – such as being a “child of God” with a soul and thus immoral to enslave.19 Despite
the strict prohibitions, groups of slaves found ways to meet and perform rituals they remembered
from their homelands. As the slaves were taken from different areas in Africa, various
traditional African religious beliefs - primarily from the Yoruba, Fon, Ewe and Kongo cultures -
merged and became synchronized with time. These remembered African religious elements
reconstructed in the New World slavery setting became “Vodou” or “Vodoun” or “Voodoo” in
Hispaniola. Variations of these African-based religious permutations - fused with the culture of
the ruling colonial power - became Santeria in Cuba, Obi/Obeah in Jamaica, Candomble in
Brazil, etc.
These religious ceremonies and personal acts dedicated to serving the “loa” –the Vodou
spirits/deities - became shielded from the colonists’ vision under the guise of worshipping the
Catholic saints. Symbolic associations between the characteristics of the loa and the saints grew
in volume and complexity with time.20 In a time period from about 1564 – 1803, longer than
America has been an independent nation, people with ideological differences in their
19 R. F. Thompson, Flash of Spirit: African & Afro-American Art & Philosophy (New York: Random House, 1989), p. 17-18.
20 Thompson, p. 163-172.
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backgrounds became united by Vodou in attempts to survive and confront their common
dehumanizing conditions in this New World setting.
Anti-Colonial Resistance
Due to the increased slave to colonist ratios, intensified labor, strict restrictions on slave
autonomy, and local planter political control in these sugar colonies, they were ripe for
revolutions. The surrounding geography of the plantations either made revolution accessible or
nearly impossible. Mountains too steep to be patrolled easily by colonial military troops and
nearby islands often provided refuge for escaped slaves and revolution planning groups. French
Saint-Domingue, had both tall mountains and nearby islands in its favor. Vodou, as an
organizing force for the black slave communities of Saint Domingue, has been both commended
and despised as a tool of rebellion, depending on the particular author’s pro-slavery or anti-
slavery stance. Haiti’s historical “houngan” (Vodou priest) heroes, such as François Mackandal
and Dutty “Zamba” Boukman, are known to have combined religious ceremonies and organized
rebellion against the control of the white colonists.21
Pierre Dominique Toussaint Louverture, also thought to be a houngan22, organized an
army of successful rebellion from 1791 – 1804,23 and the majority population of Saint-
Domingue, meaning the slaves, gained independence on January 1, 1804, hence creating the first
black republic in the world. However, peace was not forthcoming for the new Haitians. The
largest fortress in the Western Hemisphere, Citadelle Laferriere, or “The Citadel,” now a
UNESCO world heritage site, was constructed during 1805 – 1820 to defend against ongoing
21 Adeleke Adeeko, The Slave’s Rebellion: Fiction, History, Orature (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 2005), p. 94-96.22 Claudine Michel (Editor); Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture : Invisible Powers (Gordonsville, VA, USA: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p 102.
23 Adeeko, p. 84-89.
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French invasions. These actions of anti-colonial resistance and victorious uprising created a
wave of paranoia in those invested in maintaining rigorous colonial systems in the Caribbean,
Central and South America.
Saint-Domingue, (present day Haiti), was not unique in being the first or only slave revolt
in these types of colonial New World settings, but it is unique in having the only “successful”
revolt leading to “independence”. Spurred by the ideals of the French Revolution, the first wave
of the revolt of 1791-92 was unsuccessful. While France was busy with its own Revolution,
England and Spain invaded Saint-Domingue in 1793. Soon France, now a Republic under
Jacobin government, retaliated by ratifying a decree of emancipation of slaves in Saint-
Domingue and Guadeloupe in 1794. France was the first major power to officially, and briefly,
give slaves legal emancipation.24 Though granted legal emancipation, the slaves of Saint-
Domingue had to continue to fight for their freedom, especially against the French troops landing
in 1802, now under the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte and intent on resuming slavery practices.
Napoleon sent troops, warships, canons and dogs to regain control, but two years of renewed war
ended in stalemate and French retreat.
The revolution beginning in 1791 lasted for thirteen years, by the end of which all of the
planter aristocracy and their supporters were killed or in exile.25 A new, independent nation
“Haiti” was formed January 1, 1804. This first African-descendant “Republic” took the name
Haiti, from “Hayiti” the Taino language, meaning “mountainous island.”26 However, France
demanded reparations from the new republic for its lost colonial holdings – at a sum of 150
million francs, in gold.
24 Girard, p. 39.25 Michael J. LaRosa (ed.) Atlas and Survey of Latin American History (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, Inc. 2007), p. 70.26 Girard, p. 33.
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For Haiti, this debt did not signify the beginning of freedom, but the end of hope. Even
after it was reduced to 60m francs in the 1830s, it was still far more than the war-ravaged
country could afford. Haiti was the only country in which the ex-slaves themselves were
expected to pay a foreign government for their liberty.27
Though already mired in international debt from the beginning, Haiti was in a 60 year period of
trade isolation, severely limiting available resources for infrastructure development. Other
nations and the Vatican, fearing it would incite other rebellions for independence, refused to give
the new republic diplomatic recognition.28
Santo Domingo became independent from Spain briefly in 1821, but was quickly taken
over by the new Haitian Republic in efforts to stop French invasions from Santo Domingo’s
ports. The Haitian occupation of Santo Domingo “reinforced Dominicans' perceptions of
themselves as different from Haitians in "language, race, religion and domestic customs,” and
increased internal organization towards gaining independence.29 Repelling the Haitians, the
Dominican Republic's first constitution was adopted on November 6, 1844, and was modeled
after the Constitution of the United States.
It featured a presidential form of government with many liberal tendencies, but it was
marred by Article 210, imposed by Pedro Santana on the constitutional assembly by
27 The Times. "Haiti: the land where children eat mud." The Sunday Times. May 17, 2009. Accessed April 4, 2011. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article6281614.ece?token=null&offset=0&page=1
28 E. McAlister, Rara! Vodou, Power, and Performance in Haiti and Its Diaspora (Berkeley and Los Angelos: University of California, 2002), p. 41
29 Frank Moya Pons, "Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-speaking Caribbean in the 19th Century." American Anthropologist, December 1986:p. 981-982.
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force, giving him the privileges of a dictatorship until the war of independence was over.
These privileges not only served him to win the war, but also allowed him to persecute,
execute and drive into exile his political opponents…Santana used the ever-present threat
of Haitian invasion as a justification for consolidating dictatorial powers. For the
Dominican elite—mostly landowners, merchants and priests—the threat of re-conquest
by more populous Haïti was sufficient to seek annexation by an outside power.30
Over the next 70 years, the Dominican Republic had multiple outbreaks of civil war and was
characterized by political instability and economic chaos while “caudillos , strong leaders who
ruled the country as if it were their personal fiefdom,”31struggled for power and alliances with
Spain, France, Britain and the United States, offering deep water bays as a draw to be granted a
protectorate status.
New World Neo-Colonialism
After independence, Haiti was in a 60 year period of trade isolation, severely limiting
available resources for infrastructure development, because other nations and the Vatican refused
to give Haiti diplomatic recognition.32 By 1823, the United States policy, in the form of the
Monroe Doctrine, articulated the “New World” political order which was to shape the Caribbean,
and the North, Central, and South Americas: "The American continents are henceforth not to be
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers."33 The Roosevelt
30 Dr. Lynne Guitar, "History of the Dominican Republic." Hispaniola.com. Accessed April 4, 2011.
http://www.hispaniola.com/dominican_republic/info/history.php
31 Ibid.32 E. McAlister, Rara! Vodou, Power, and Performance in Haiti and Its Diaspora (Berkeley and Los Angelos: University of California, 2002), p. 41
33 Monroe Doctrine, 1823. (n.d.). Retrieved April 4, 2011, from U.S. Department of State: http://history.state.gov/milestones/1801-1829/Monroe
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Corollary, introduced in 1904, was a substantial amendment to the Monroe Doctrine. The
Roosevelt Corollary asserted the right of the United States to intervene to stabilize the economic
affairs of small states in the Caribbean and Central America if they were unable to pay their
international debts. By 1900, due to the reparations demanded by the French, “Haiti was
spending 80% of its national budget on repayments. In order to manage the original reparations,
further loans were taken out — mostly from the United States, Germany and France.”34
In 1915, “The Monroe Doctrine in Relation to the Republic of Haiti” was written by
William A. MacCorkle, former Governor of West Virginia. In this document, it is argued that
the “Black Republic” is an “international nuisance” because the major ports of commerce are
polluted; it is foul-smelling for foreigners, the colonial conditions of Cape Haitian – once known
as “Little Paris” – are in a mass of ruins, mining for resources has not been exploited, and the
government is in constant revolution.35 This document is filled with stories of voodoo child
sacrifice, cannibalism, orgies, and horrible sorcery conjured out of “exhaustive” accounts by
politically minded “gentlemen.” The British resident minister to Haiti, Spencer St. John, shows
his political aims more clearly. MacCorkle quotes him:
No country possesses greater capabilities, or a better geographical position, or more
varied soil, climate, or production, with magnificent scenery of every description; and yet
34 The Times. "Haiti: the land where children eat mud." The Sunday Times. May 17, 2009. Accessed April 4, 2011. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article6281614.ece?token=null&offset=0&page=1
35 W.A. MacCorkle, The Monroe Doctrine in Relation to the Republic of Haiti (New York, 1915) p. 45-46. Retrieved April 4, 2011 from http://www.archive.org/stream/monroedoctrinei00unkngoog#page/n71/mode/1up
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it is now the country to be avoided, ruined as it has been by a succession of self-seeking
politicians, without honesty or patriotism.36
Despite being described as a country that possessed unmatchable capabilities in climate, soil and
production in the 1800’s, Haiti is now described by the Washington Post as “eroded and treeless
an infertile environment that allows little more than subsistence farming” and is considered one
of the poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere.37
In July of 1915, U.S. military troops invaded and held Haiti under military occupation for
nineteen years. Neo-colonial domination took force as:
(M)arines installed a puppet president, dissolved the legislature at gunpoint, denied
freedom of speech, and forced a new constitution on the Caribbean nation— one more
favorable to foreign investment. With the help of the marines, U.S. officials seized the
customshouses, took control of Haitian finances, and imposed their own standards of
efficiency on the administration of Haitian debt.38
The United States also took occupation of the Dominican Republic from 1916-1924, due to
political unrest and threats of potential European interventions which might compromise the
Panama Canal project. During this time, U.S. interests took full control in the Dominican
Republic and established a military government, which brought order, general economic and
living conditions improvement, and infrastructure development. However, because the
Dominican Republic did not have the foreign debt, the United States did not have the
justification for ongoing occupation after the civil and political unrest was settled.
36 Ibid.
37 Washington Post. “Haiti is the Poorest Nation in the Western Hemisphere”. (1988, June 21). Retrieved April 4, 2011, from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1P2-1263701.html
38 Renda, p. 1.
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After two-hundred years of being “independent” Haiti is considered the poorest nation39
in the Western Hemisphere despite the relative affluence of the neighboring Dominican Republic
covering the eastern two-thirds of this Caribbean island once known as Hispaniola. Haiti today
is almost completely deforested, as rural and urban residents used the timber as a source of
available fuel. Currently:
Haiti has a predominantly black, French patois-speaking population; the Dominican
Republic, a predominantly mestizo or mulatto, Spanish-speaking population. Apart from
one another, yet each one occupying a part of the same island, the two countries of
Hispaniola have been called “two tragic twins sharing the same craggy rock,” and
“conjoined siblings.”40
Santo Domingo, though sharing a similar topography, did not share in intensive sugar
cultivation. The Spanish, focused on Central and South America for a source of gold, silver and
slave-based cash crop production, opted to leave Santo Domingo (modern day Dominican
Republic) to focus primarily on small coffee, cocoa, tobacco, cattle and subsistence farming
which had less population and social strife.
In 1934, Roosevelt renounced the policy of interventionism and established the “Good
Neighbor” policy in the Western Hemisphere.41 However a review of continued international
police power interventionism in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, as well as the rest of Latin
America, reflects a different policy is in place. Until the 1980’s, Haiti was self-sufficient in rice
production, its staple food. However, due to the adoption of trade liberalization policies and
39 Washington Post. ""Haiti is the Poorest Country in the Hemisphere". Washington Post, June 21, 1988.40 Eugenio Matibag Haitian-Dominican Counterpoint (Gordonsville, VA: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 1.41 “Theodore Roosevelt’s Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine”. (1905) (n.d.). Retrieved April 4, 2011 from Our Documents: http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=56
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environmental degradation, huge amounts of cheap American rice imports flood the market and
further devastate the already poor population.42
An estimated 80% of Haiti’s population lives in extreme poverty, with half of the
nation’s wealth controlled by 1% of the population.43
Instead of developing its potential, this deformed state produced a parade of nefarious
leaders, most of whom gave up the insurmountable task of trying to fix the country and
looted it instead. In 1947, Haiti finally paid off the original reparations, plus interest.
Doing so left it destitute, corrupt, disastrously lacking in investment and politically
volatile. Haiti was trapped in a downward spiral, from which it is still impossible to
escape. It remains hopelessly in debt to this day.44
Recently, Haiti petitioned France for reparations for its abuses during colonial conditions.
France has denied responsibility and refuses to return even the reparations Haiti was forced to
pay to France.
The state of the nation is blamed on brutal dictatorships and political unrest; but after
reviewing a myriad of sources that slant bias in both directions, it is very difficult not to conclude
that ongoing imperial controlling powers pull the strings of trade regulations, back the dictators
financially and militarily, and stage bloody revolutions from the shadows – all the while relying
42 Josiane Georges, “Trade and the Disappearance of Haitian Rice”. (Ted Case Studies #725, June 2004). Retrieved April 4, 2011 from http://www1.american.edu/TED/haitirice.htm
43 BBC News. “Country Profile: Hait”i. (April 29, 2009) Retrieved April 4, 2011: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_profiles/1202772.stm
44 The Times. "Haiti: the land where children eat mud." The Sunday Times. May 17, 2009. Accessed April 4, 2011. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article6281614.ece?token=null&offset=0&page=1
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on the media to convey the idea that it is only “natural” that the uncivilized “Black Republic”
cannot prosper.
In early 2010 a severe 7.0 magnitude earthquake hit near the capital Port-au-Prince,
killing tens of thousands of residents and leveling most of the infrastructure. International aid
was sent from many countries, but all relief efforts have been complicated by an outbreak of
cholera epidemic effecting at least 20,000 residents and though treatable has claimed many
fatalities due to lack of adequate supplies of clean water and sanitary conditions.45 In contrast,
though the Dominican Republic has vast disparity between the wealthy and the poor, living
conditions and life expectancy are relatively similar to those experienced in the United States and
other “first world” nations. The Dominican Republic has offered some financial assistance to
Haiti following the 2010 earthquake, but ongoing cultural and racial tensions continue to divide
this island dramatically.
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