citizen participation in the future

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Policy Studies Review, Yo/. 3, No. 2, February, 7984 C. The Future of Public Decisionmakina ~~ JON VAN TII, CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE FUTURE The participation of citizens in decisions that affect their lives is a central issue in the study of political society. This paper seeks to extend the study of such participation according to several alternative scenarios which may emerge in the future. By way of definition, citizen participation is that form of voluntary action in which individuals confront opportunities and responsibilities of citizenship. The opportunities for such participation include joining in the process of self-governance, responding to authoritative decisions that impact on one's life, and working cooperatively with others on issues of mutual concern. The responsibilities of the citizen role include devoting sufficient energy and thought to develop decisions that are in the common interest. The future of citizen participation may include several possibilities. Participation may wane decisively, yielding to a future of apathy and authoritarianism. It is also possible that participation will flourish in the future, nourished by information, leisure, and a reborn interest in the common good. ON THE METHODOLOGY OF FUTURES STUDY Assessing future alternatives is a task involving considerable risks. Most obviously, considering something that has yet to happen offends some basic canons of empirical methodology. How, after all, is it possible to study what is only a possibility? The editors of the Urbon Affairs Quarterly (1982, p. 399) recently demonstrated the standard academic uneasiness with the futurist's craft in an explicit rejection of futurist submissions for a special issue, IITechnology and the Future of the City." The editors wrote: "Relevant papers would address currently emerging technologies and their implications for alternative policy directions in the immediate future. We d o not have in mind the speculative utopian visions of an Edward Bellamy or a Buckminster Fuller or thoughts about what the city will be like in the twenty-first century, rather technologies that are currently being employed." Unfortunately, the academic preference to stick with the facts and only the facts stifles effective futures study. One can be an effec- tive student of the future only by considering what might be. The conventional academic approach to futures study by extrapolating existing trends often leads to absurd and unlikely images of tomorrow and ignores the fact that few trends develop in a linear pattern (Forrester, 1973). An alternative method of considering the future involves imaqining different scenarios for future development. This method is recom- mended for the examination of macrosocietal futures, in which cul- tural, organizational, political, and economic factors are considered. The evidentiary base of such studies differs from that of empirical studies of behavior in the recent past, obviously, in that the future has yet to happen. But it builds on the same base of theory and 31 1

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Page 1: CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE FUTURE

Policy Studies Review, Yo/. 3, No. 2, February, 7984

C. The Future of Public Decisionmakina ~~

JON V A N TII,

CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE FUTURE

The par t ic ipat ion o f ci t izens in decisions t h a t a f fect t h e i r l ives i s a centra l issue in the s tudy o f po l i t ica l society. Th i s paper seeks t o extend the s tudy o f such par t ic ipat ion accord ing to several a l ternat ive scenarios which may emerge in the fu tu re .

B y way o f def in i t ion, c i t izen par t ic ipat ion is t ha t form o f vo lun ta ry action in which ind iv iduals con f ron t oppor tun i t ies and responsibi l i t ies o f ci t izenship. The oppor tun i t ies f o r such par t ic ipat ion inc lude jo in ing in the process o f self-governance, responding t o author i ta t ive decisions tha t impact on one's l i fe , and work ing cooperatively w i th others on issues o f mutual concern. The responsibi l i t ies o f t he cit izen role inc lude devot ing suf f ic ient energy and though t t o develop decisions tha t a re in the common in terest .

The f u t u r e o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion may inc lude several possibi l i t ies. Part icipation may wane decisively, y ie ld ing t o a f u t u r e o f apathy and authoritarianism. It i s also possible tha t par t ic ipat ion wi l l f l ou r i sh in the fu tu re , nour ished by information, leisure, and a rebo rn in terest in the common good.

ON THE METHODOLOGY OF FUTURES STUDY

Assessing f u t u r e a l ternat ives is a task i nvo l v ing considerable r i sks . Most obv ious ly , cons ider ing something that has y e t t o happen of fends some basic canons o f empirical methodology. How, a f te r all, i s it possible t o s tudy what is on ly a poss ib i l i ty?

The edi tors o f the Urbon Affairs Quar ter ly ( 1 9 8 2 , p. 399) recently demonstrated the s tandard academic uneasiness w i t h the fu tu r i s t ' s c r a f t in an expl ic i t reject ion o f f u t u r i s t submissions fo r a special issue, IITechnology and the Fu tu re o f the C i t y . " The edi tors wrote: "Relevant papers would address c u r r e n t l y emerging technologies and the i r implications for a l ternat ive pol icy d i rect ions in the immediate fu ture. We do not have in mind t h e speculat ive utop ian visions o f an Edward Bellamy o r a Buckminster Ful ler o r thoughts about what the c i t y wi l l b e l i ke in the twen ty - f i r s t cen tu ry , ra the r technologies tha t are c u r r e n t l y be ing employed."

Unfor tunate ly , the academic preference t o s t ick w i t h the facts and on ly t h e facts s t i f les ef fect ive f u t u r e s s tudy. One can b e an effec- t i v e s tudent o f t he f u t u r e on l y by consider ing what might be. The conventional academic approach t o fu tu res s tudy by ext rapolat ing ex i s t i ng t rends of ten leads to a b s u r d and un l i ke l y images o f tomorrow and ignores the fact t ha t few t rends develop in a l inear pa t te rn (Forrester , 1973).

A n a l ternat ive method o f cons ider ing the f u t u r e invo lves imaqining d i f f e ren t scenarios for f u t u r e development. Th i s method is recom- mended fo r t h e examination o f macrosocietal f u tu res , in which cul- t u ra l , organizational, pol i t ical, and economic factors are considered. The ev ident iary base o f such studies d i f f e r s from tha t o f empirical studies o f behavior in the recent past, obv ious ly , in tha t the f u t u r e has y e t t o happen. B u t it bu i l ds on the same base o f theory and

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Policy Studies Review 3:2 Feb. 1984 31 2

tested behav io ra l f i n d i n g s as t h e s t u d y o f wha t has a l ready occu r red . What it a d d s i s a systemat ic e f f o r t t o imagine t h e s t r u c t u r e o f wha t m igh t come t o b e a n d a l te rna t i ve choices f o r seek ing p r e f e r r e d fu- tu res . It i s t h i s method t h a t gu ides t h i s essay (Amara, 1981; Van Til, 1982, pp. 21-27 ) .

IMAGES OF AMERICA'S FUTURE

T h e f u t u r e o f c i t i zen pa r t i c i pa t i on in t h e Un t ied States i s l i n k e d t o severa l genera l a l t e rna t i ves r e g a r d i n g American society. T h e water- shed p res iden t ia l campaign between Jimmy C a r t e r a n d Ronald Reagan p r o v i d e d a p a r t i c u l a r l y u n i q u e demonstrat ion o f these a l te rna t i ve scenarios.

T h e 1980 pres iden t ia l campaign re f l ec ted a deep nat ional uneasiness w i t h American l i fe . Many areas o f p r o g r e s s appeared t o b e a r r e s t e d o r dec l in ing. What Daniel Yankelov ich ( 1 9 8 1 ) cal led t h e "Great Re- versa l " was b e g i n n i n g because rea l income began t o dec l ine f o r many Americans. Fu r the rmore , pe r iod i c d i s r u p t i o n s in e n e r g y p r i c i n g a n d avai lab i l i ty were exper ienced.

I f t h e f u t u r e was t o u n f o l d a long the l ines o f t h e 1970s . it wou ld l i ke l y have emerged in a p a t t e r n l i k e t h i s :

Energy: Occasional shocks i n p r i c e and d i s - r u p t i o n s i n supply.

Economics: I n f l a t i o n steady a t 10 percent . Worsening o f unemployment through 1990,

Cont inu ing co rpo ra te i n f l u e n c e r e -

L i t t l e change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f

f o l l o w e d by some reduc t i on .

s t r a i n e d by government.

weal th and income.

Cul ture: Steady acceptance o f values o f common

Capaci ty t o cope w i t h demographic

Implementat ion o f i n f o r m a t i o n revo lu -

concern.

change.

t i o n .

Government: Development as respons ib le p lanner . Extens ion o f m i n o r i t y empowerment.

F l o u r i s h i n g of " A c t i v e Society . " Voluntary Ac t i on :

In almost e v e r y respect , t h i s good- luck scenar io was t h e one proposed t o t h e American c i t i z e n r y by candidate Reagan, a n d it was t h e one a ma jo r i t y co l lect ive ly des i red. D i f f e r as we m i g h t as t o how to achieve t h i s scenar io, i t i s i nd i spu tab le t h a t t h e goals conta ined w i t h i n it w e r e b r o a d l y cha rac te r i s t i c o f t h e American popu la t i on in 1980.

I f t h e choice we faced in 1980 was between o n l y t h e c o n t i n u i t y a n d good- luck scenar ios, we would h a v e been more f o r t u n a t e t h a n we h a v e

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Van T i l / C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Fu tu re 31 3

a right t o expec t . However , f u t u r i s t s have learned t h a t rea l a l t e rna - t i v e s genera l l y come in th rees . There fo re , f r o m a 1980 perspec t i ve , a h a r d - l u c k scenar io m i g h t h a v e appeared as fo l lows:

Energy: Severe s h o r t f a l l and d i s l o c a t i o n i n p r i c i n g .

Economics: I n f l a t i o n r a t e s w e l l above 10 percent .

unempl oymen t . government.

I nc reas ing l e v e l s o f l ong - te rm

Corporate dominat ion o f t h e economy and

Inc reas ing pove r t y and i n e q u a l i t y .

Cu l tu re : Triumph o f va lues o f p r i v a t i s m and

Inc reas ing r e g i o n a l , i n t e r a g e and i n t e r -

F a i l u r e t o implement i n f o r m a t i o n revo lu -

compet i t i veness .

group c o n f l i c t .

t i o n .

Government: Captured by t h e co rpo ra te r i c h . At tempted rep ress ion o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y

cha l lenges .

Vo lun ta ry Ac t i on : Demise o f t h e " A c t i v e Soc ie ty . "

Looked a t t oday , it i s s t r i k i n g t o no te t h e degree t o wh ich t h e h a r d - l u c k image dominates t h e 1980s. With t h e except ions o f o u r good l u c k in a s s u r i n g e n e r g y s u p p l y a n d r e d u c i n g i n f l a t i on , a long w i t h t h e u n i n t e r r u p t e d p r o g r e s s o f t h e i n fo rma t ion revo lu t i on , t h e h a r d - l u c k scenar io has become a r e a l i t y .

C R I T I C A L FORCES SHAPING C I T I Z E N P A R T I C I P A T I O N I N T H E FUTURE

Among t h e fac to rs t h a t w i l l i n f l uence Amer ica 's f u t u r e , f o u r de- s e r v e special a t t e n t i o n in cons ide r ing t h e f u t u r e o f c i t i zen pa r t i c i pa - t ion . These fac to rs a re : communicat ions, economy, l i fe -s ty le , a n d po l i t i ca l mob i l i za t ion .

Communicat ions a f f e c t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n because pe rsons mus t i n t e r a c t t o advance pe rsona l a n d economic i n te res ts . T h e deve lopment o f con tempora ry communicat ions, i n c l u d i n g mic roprocessors a n d comput - e rs , has mob i l i zed a n " i n fo rma t ion revo lu t i on . " T h e more pos i t i ve aspec ts o f t hese new techno log ies g r e a t l y reduce t h e t ime a n d e n e r g y r e q u i r e d t o communicate.

Economics, t h e second fac to r , a f f e c t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n p a t t e r n s be- cause most w o r k i s o rgan ized a n d p e r f o r m e d in social se t t i ngs , such as fac to r i es o r s to res , a n d in se rv i ce cen te rs , s u c h as hosp i ta ls , a n d it i s w i t h i n s u c h se t t i ngs t h a t cons ide rab le po l i t i ca l mob i l i za t ion takes place. Fu r the rmore , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s i n f l uenced by t h e fac t t h a t economic r e w a r d s a r e n o t equa l l y s h a r e d in o u r society.

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31 4 P o l i c y S t u d i e s Review 3:2 Feb. 1984

Life-style i s a third factor a f fect ing par t ic ipat ion. The Uni ted States is a consumer-oriented society in which ind iv iduals equate material possessions w i t h the good l i fe . For most Americans, t he largest consumer purchase is t he i r house, and the location o f t ha t house has been centra l t o i t s wor th and the satisfact ion p rov ided by it. In recent years, Americans have increas ing ly sought t o move beyond not on ly the c i t y but also beyond the metropoli tan area. In many cases, these spatial l i fe-style preferences have led Americans away from the u r b a n Northeast t o the sprawl ing acreage o f the Sun- belt .

Polit ical mobil ization is a f o u r t h major factor l i nked t o cit izen part icipation. Ways in which par t ic ipat ion is s t r u c t u r e d and en- couraged by governmental leaders and o the r power-holders a re o f cr i t ica l importance in af fect ing the orientat ions o f i nd i v idua l ci t izens.

Each o f these fou r factors may develop q u i t e d i f f e ren t l y in the years ahead. The communications factor, f o r example, may v a r y in i t s speed and pervasiveness o f development. It is possible tha t i t s development w i l l b e steady but no t explosive, cont inu ing along the l ines o f t he past two decades. In such a fu tu re , t he vast major i ty of Americans would remain touched by the information revolut ion v i a t h e use o f computers in t h e i r work, computer t ra in ing fo r t h e i r ch i l d ren at school, and video gaming on t h e i r television screens.

I t is also possible the communications factor may increase a t a more exponential ra te and tha t a more dramatic "communications revolut ion" wi l l take place. Such a revolut ion would lead t o a "w i red society" in which the home computer would be ubiqu i tous. Shopping and paid work could be done from home computer stat ions, and much par t ic ipa- t ion would take the form o f mediated communications t h r o u g h wi red referenda, elections, and issue dialogues (Moli tor, 1 9 8 1 ) . On the economic dimension, t h ree major possibi l i t ies may b e foreseen. There is cer ta in ly a poss ib i l i ty t ha t t he good-luck f u t u r e o f economic g rowth , recovery, and reorganization w i l l come in to existence. B u t it also i s possible tha t a con t inu i t y f u t u r e o f high unemploy- ment--"stagf lat ion"--and secular decl ine wi l l prevai l , pa r t i cu la r l y if the microprocessor continues t o displace large numbers o f workers. A third prospect is t ha t economic deter iorat ion and d is t ress wi l l emerge as a long-term real i ty .

In regard to l i fe-style, t h ree a l ternat ives a re possible. The f i r s t , the " in tens i f ied quest ,(I invo lves the t r i umph o f t he "me generation," pr ivat ism, and untrammeled in terpersonal competit ion. A n a l ternat ive, which might be termed the " rest ra ined quest ,I1 implies a cont inu ing and unresolved s t rugg le between the forces o f i nd i v idua l and social interests. A third option, "transformation ,I1 includes the widespread adoption o f values o f ecological rootedness and col lect ive concern (Harman, 1 9 7 9 ) .

Polit ical mobil ization, t he f o u r t h factor, suggests th ree major options o f author i tar ian, tuissez-fuire, or democratic po l i t ica l practice. Author i tar ian pol i t ical mobil ization invo lves "top-downll cont ro l by those who monopolize power. The luissez-fuire sty le o f pol i t ical mobil ization invo lves power to those w i t h most access and inf luence, wi thout concern over the d i s t r i bu t i on o f inf luences o r resources. Democratic po l i t ica l mobil ization i s characterized by widespread commu- nications between off icials and cit izens in which power flows in b o t h d i rect ions and in f luence i s broadly d is t r ibuted.

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Van T i l / C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e Future 315

A SIMPLE MODEL OF PARTICIPATORY FUTURES

T h e f o u r factors--communicat ions, economic, l i fe-s ty le , a n d po l i t i - cal mobi l izat ion--may b e combined i n t o as many as 5 4 d i f f e r e n t com- b inat ions. These a l te rna t i ve p a t t e r n s may b e r e d u c e d by l im i t i ng t h e op t i ons f o r each fac to r t o those suggested by t h e good- luck, con t inu - i ty, a n d h a r d - l u c k scenar ios d iscussed ea r l i e r .

B y c rea t i ng t w o ve rs ions o f t h e good- luck scenar io ( see F i g u r e 1 ) . we may v iew f o u r poss ib le p a t t e r n s by w h i c h t h e Amer ican f u t u r e may develop. ’

Figure 1

Four elements o f t h e future--communicat ions, economics, l i f e - s t y l e , and p o l i t i c a l mobi l izat ion--emerge i n t h e con tex t o f f o u r scenar ios and thereby a f f e c t t h e shape o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n .

Scenar i 0 s Imply P a r t i c i p a t o r y Consequences

GOOD-LUCK SCENARIO, CONVENTIONAL IMAGE

Comnunications r e v o l u t i o n Uneven and unequal b u t widespread Economic recovery Restra ined quest l i f e - s t y l e s m a i l , and face - to - face organiza- Democratic po l i ti c a l mobi 1 i za-

p a r t i c i p a t i o n through PACs, d i r e c t

t i ons . t i o n s

GOOD-LUCK SCENARIO, TRANSFORMATIONAL IMAGE

Communications r e v o l u t i o n Economic s u f f i c i e n c y L i f e -s ty 1 e t r a n s f o rma t i on Coproduct ive p o l i t i c a l

m o b i l i z a t i o n

CONTINUITY SCENARIO

Cont inu ing communications

Continued s t a g f l a t i o n Restra ined quest l i f e - s t y l e Pseudo-democratic p o l i t i c a l

development

m o b i l i z a t i o n

HARD-LUCK SCENARIO

Widespread e g a l i t a r i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n through va r ious neighborhood and workplace o rgan iza t i ons , r e g u l a t i o n o f f i n a n c i n g , and frequent re fe ren - da.

Manipulated p a r t i c i p a t i o n through oc- cas ional e l e c t o r a l a c t i v i t y , lobby- i n g by the monied, and ex tens i ve apathy.

Cont inu ing communications Neo-corporat i s t c o n t r o l by corporate, governmental, and un ion e l i t e s neg-

Economic d e c l i n e a tes e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a - I n t e n s i f i e d quest l i f e - s t y l e t i o n . A u t h o r i t a r i a n p o l i t i c a l

development

m o b i l i z a t i o n

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31 6 Policy Studies Review 3:2 Feb. 1984

The good-luck scenario, conventional image, suggests the utop ia commonly presented by o u r elected off icials. Here, technological change is encouraged, economic g r o w t h i s promoted, c i t izens are u rged to l ive comfortably but no t ext ravagant ly , and the prevai l ing "American way" o f pol i t ical access, inf luence, and par t ic ipat ion i s celebrated.

Th is scenario y ie lds an uneven and unequal pa t te rn o f par t ic ipa- t ion tha t may warp dramatical ly in light o f t h e information revolut ion. Power in th is system comes to cit izens who a re wi red i n to the pol i t ical system, whether as con t r i bu to rs t o pol i t ical act ion committees (PACs) o r by the i r ab i l i t y t o inf luence decisions by means o f computerized technology available t o them.

In th i s fu tu re , power is mobilized by the "call t o act ion" o f i n te r - est g roups l inked t o a centra l office, computerized mailing l ists, and bulk mailing. The grease in th i s system i s p rov ided by PACs backed by mass-mailed responses.

The good-luck scenario, transformational image, i s a second pos- s ib i l i ty , d i f f e r i ng in terms o f economic base, l i fe-style, and pol i t ical mobilization. In t h i s scenario, economic "suf f ic iency" replaces Ilrecov- e r y " as the key value, signal l ing acceptance o f an economy se rv ing needs ra the r than wants. The acceptance o f a transformational l i fe-style is also posited. Signif icant numbers o f Americans reject t he central tenets o f materialism and individual ism in t h i s scenario and commit themselves t o values o f community, self-help, and familism.

In such a future--widely viewed as possible by such f u t u r i s t s as Willis Harman, Daniel Yankelovich, John Naisbit t , and Mar i l yn Fergu- son--old forms o f pol i t ical mobil ization become rediscovered. Equali ty o f part icipation becomes more highly valued, and the impact o f f inan- cial g i v ing on pol i t ical l i fe becomes widely recognized and rest r ic ted. Public funding o f electoral campaigning is established; new forms o f community and neighborhood governance (such as people's cour ts , workers' democracy) and cooperative enterpr ise th r i ve ; and instant referenda gain consti tut ional power t o requ i re reexamination o f pend- ing governmental decisions.

As Naisbit t ( 1 9 8 2 ) described it, the par t ic ipatory f u t u r e i s t he beneficiary o f f ou r powerfu l "megatrends": the s h i f t from cen- tral izat ion to decentralization, from representat ive democracy to par t ic ipatory democracy, from hierarchies to network ing. In th i s perspective, we need on ly wait f o r t he pa r t i c i pa to ry fruit t o r i pen and fal l i n to o u r wait ing laps. "My God, what a fantastic time to b e a l i ve ! " (Naisb i t t , 1982 , p. 2 5 2 ) .

The third poss ib i l i ty , t he con t inu i t y scenario, invo lves r a p i d communications development, cont inued stagflat ion, rest ra ined quest l i fe-style, and the continuation o f laissez-faire models o f pol i t ical mobilization. It is the present extended in to the fu ture--po l i t ics dominated by money, cu l tu re preoccupied w i t h making it, in f la t ion and unemployment, and communications power in the hands o f the wealthy. Only the computer game d r i f t s in to the l ives o f t he poor , suggesting the aphorism "PACs for the well-off, PAC-MAN fo r t h e poor.l l C i t i - zen par t ic ipat ion in th i s possible f u t u r e remains more a potential t han a rea l i ty . Largely manipulated by a va r ie t y o f pseudo-democratic forms, such par t ic ipat ion takes the form o f low vo t i ng rates and much single-interest inf luence by direct-mail-based lobbies. Genuine pa r - t icipation, in terms o f informed ind iv idual and g r o u p ac t i v i t y t ha t might meet t h e c r i t e r i a o f classical theory, remains p a r t o f the myth ic

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s t r u c t u r e o f a society in p u r s u i t o f essentially p r i v a t e goals (Barne- kov, Rich, and Warren, 1981; B e r r y , 1981; and Blaustein, 1 9 8 2 ) .

Final ly we con f ron t t he potential rea l i ty o f t he hard- luck scenario in which economic l i fe becomes so highly stressed t h a t it threatens the v e r y su rv i va l o f those elementary pol i t ical i ns t i t u t i ons o f "one person one vote" and respect f o r the freedom o f pol i t ical thought . In such a fu tu re , governmental cont ro l i s ceded t o a small g r o u p who represent the major corporate in terests o f a ga r r i son state. Threat - ened by possible nuclear war and domestic insurrect ion, these s t rong- men come to power in a declared e f f o r t t o preserve American values against alien threats. Such a I1neo-corporatist" takeover leaves cit izen par t ic ipat ion as we know it in a tho rough ly d iscredi ted stance. It becomes a l l luxury" t ha t cannot be af forded, a form o f cont ro l no longer su i ted t o the dangers o f a wor ld in collapse (Streeck, Schmit- t e r , and Mart inel l i , 1980; Harrison, 1980; and Meier, 1 9 8 2 ) .

Facing t h e poss ib i l i ty o f so d r e a r y a f u t u r e challenges the contem- po ra ry pract i t ioner o f democracy to focus at tent ion o f t he assurance o f one o f t he more favorable forces sustaining c i t izen part icipation. Rather than concede to the inev i tab i l i ty o f the hard- luck scenario, let u s consider two t rends w i th in the arena o f vo lun ta ry action tha t suggest a more promis ing pa r t i c i pa to ry f u t u r e more ak in t o t h e good- luck scenario.

SUSTAINING FORMS OF VOLUNTARY ACTION

Cit izen par t ic ipat ion is , a t base, t he application o f voluntarism to the realm o f pol i t ics. Without d i rec t rega rd to the i r own welfare o r personal r e t u r n , c i t izen par t ic ipants aim t o enhance the publ ic welfare (Van T i l , 1979; Checkoway and Van Ti l , 1 9 7 8 ) . Such vo luntary action develops th rough personal networks and underg i rd ing ide- ologies o f democracy o r empowerment. A review o f two major t rends in vo lun ta ry action may be usefu l in determing the prognosis for the f u t u r e o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion.

The f i r s t t r e n d is t ha t o f ci t izen coproduction. "Coproduction," notes Rick Wilson ( 1 9 8 1 , p. 4 3 ) . " involves the d i rec t transformation o f a p roduc t by c i t izen consumers and h i red producers. The contr i - but ion o f resource i npu ts by b o t h cit izens and producers to produc- t i on consti tutes an elemental l inkage between the two."

Thus, "publ ic o rde r " in a c i t y is produced no t merely by the police cou r t s , but by the in teract ion o f these of-ficiats w i t h an a ler t and watchfu l c i t izenry. As Jane Jacobs has noted, parents watching ch i ldren play in the s t reet o r ne ighbors cha t t i ng on t h e i r f ron t steps play important roles in sustaining u r b a n o r d e r . The i r v e r y presence dissuades criminals o r vandals more ef f ic ient ly than the l imited actions available t o t h e police.

As w i t h pub l i c o rde r , so w i t h near ly al l municipal services. Clean s t reets resu l t from the disposal o f t r a s h as well as ef fect ive col- lection. F i re protect ion is increased by c i t izen prevent ion and prompt repo r t i ng practices. The l i s t o f similar services to which coproduc- t i on may b e applied can inc lude drug abuse, family p lanning, and nu t r i t i on . Programs in each o f these areas depend "as much on the e f f o r t s o f c l ients t o secure and u t i l i ze information" as they do upon the abi l i t ies o f professionals. "Similarly," wr i tes pol i t ical scientist Richard Rich ( 1 9 8 1 ) . ( I one f requen t l y hears t h a t t he amount of education a ch i l d actual ly der ives f rom pub l i c school attendance i s

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determined a t least as much by h i s o r h e r own e f f o r t s t o learn and parents' suppor t o f educational norms as by the e f fo r t s o f classroom teachers and school administrators."

Service coproduct ion appears t o a f fo rd a powerfu l tool f o r redef in- ing the c l ient i n to a p roduc t i ve cit izen and pe rm i t t i ng many social services to b e redef ined so as no t t o su f fe r propor t ional ly w i t h the ongoing budge ta ry c u t s fo r t he i r prov is ion (Van Til, Margol in, and Culleton, 1982; Rosentraub and Sharp, 1981; and Whitaker, 1 9 8 0 ) .

Coproduction i s a concept tha t applies more b road ly than t o ser- vices alone. It can also b e used in neighborhoods t o faci l i tate co- operative pro jects for g row ing food o r col lect ing solar energy. lt may involve e f f o r t s t o impress upon t h e owners o f businesses and indust r ies the i r responsibi l i t ies t o p rov ide employment, and in the nation t o address press ing issues o f pub l i c po l icy which do no t re- ceive adequate attention. The widespread n a t u r e o f t h e "nuclear freeze" in i t ia t ive suggests one such issue, as cit izens seek t o copro- duce peace in the face o f apparent d i s rega rd by many pub l i c off icials.

Coproduction appears to b e a n idea well f i t t e d t o o u r times. It implies the need for new pa r tne rsh ips and fo r an awareness tha t o u r fu tu re is f i l l ed w i t h pe r i l s and p i t fa l ls un l i ke those faced by any prev ious society (Rosenbaum, 1982) . If we a r e t o build pa r tne rsh ips , it is important to recognize the stakes involved. To ta l k o f copro- duct ion in a time o f social c r i s i s i s t o set about the building o f new social inst i tu t ions: community economic ventures, worker-owned stores and factories, neighborhood-based cooperatives, a l l set on a legisla- t i ve base suf f ic ient t o res t ra in the flight o f capital f rom region t o region o r beyond o u r shores. Such people-run economic enterpr ises wi l l requi re capital, management experience, and pol i t ical suppor t . They wi l l , in shor t , be coproduced among local governments, vo lun- t a r y organizations, and those corporations and holders o f capital determined enough t o v e n t u r e i n t o new and unchar ted social and economic waters.

Th i s b r i n g s u s d i rec t l y t o a second concept tha t also possesses rev i ta l iz ing potential f o r t he f u t u r e o f c i t izen part icipation--the con- cept o f "mediation s t ruc tu res " (Be rge r and Neuhaus, 1977) . The need for new t ypes o f inst i tu t ions which mediate o u r social d i f ferences and generate consensus have been descr ibed c lear ly by economists Charles Wilber and Kenneth Jameson (1981, p. 2 8 ) :

Our modern p o l i t i c a l ph i losophies-- l ibera l ism, conservatism, socialism--have f a i l e d p rec i se l y because they have not understood the importance o f mediat ing i n s t i t u t i o n s . L ibera l ism has constant ly turned t o the s t a t e f o r so lu t i ons t o soc ia l problems wh i l e conservatism sought the same i n the corporate sector. Nei ther recognized the dest ruct iveness t o the soc ia l f a b r i c caused by r e l i a n c e on mega- inst i tu t ions. Social ism s u f f e r s from t h i s same myopia. Even though i t places i t s f a i t h i n renewed c o n u n i t y , i t f a i l s t o see t h a t s o c i a l i s t mega- inst i tu t ions are j u s t a s des t ruc t i ve a s c a p i t a l i s t ones.

Wilbur and Jameson also argue tha t we must b e pa r t i cu la r l y v igorous in o u r explorat ion o f new modes o f cont ro l o f economic enterpr ises in an era o f s h i f t i n g capital, and they po in t t o the need fo r creat ive explorat ion o f ci t izen-control led enterpr ise in the years ahead:

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The road ahead i s n o t easy and the prec ise d i r e c t i o n s o f change a re s t i l l unclear. One th ing , however, i s c l e a r : the choices made a t the na t i ona l l e v e l cannot be r e l i e d upon as the most e f f e c t i v e manner o f working toward r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f the U.S. economy. They w i l l c reate more mega- inst i tu- t i o n s and a t t h i s p o i n t many o f the na t i ona l programs such as f u l l employment and a decent l e v e l o f s e c u r i t y are about t o be j e t t i s o n e d i n the name o f c o n t r o l l i n g i n f l a t i o n . We are moving backwards (p. 28).

The implications o f creat ing new t ypes o f mediat ing s t ruc tu res are b o t h radical and far-reaching. For example, it suggests, as John Dewey did in h i s classic, The Public and I t s Problems ( 1 9 2 7 ) . t ha t the d is t inct ion between what is pub l i c and what i s p r i v a t e i s far more complex than conventional wisdom holds because many decisions which seem t o b e p r i v a t e are o f g rea t pub l i c concern. Moreover, as the l ine between pub l i c and p r i v a t e b l u r s , t he realm o f what has h i the r to been seen as t h e vo lun ta ry sector takes on s ta r t l i ng new roles and responsibi l i t ies. When viewed from i t s mediat ing potential, the realm o f t he vo lun ta ry expands toward the v e r y hea r t o f governmental and corporate systems. Rober t Bel lah and William Sull ivan ( 1 9 8 1 , p. 46) have put the matter po inted ly when they wr i t e :

To view economic i n s t i t u t i o n s as ' p r i v a t e ' made sense when most Americans spent t h e i r l i v e s on fam i l y farms o r i n fam i l y f i rms . But today, when most American men and a r a p i d l y increas ing p ropos i t i on o f American women spend much of t h e i r l i v e s i n l a rge economic s t ruc tu res t h a t are f o r most purposes ' p u b l i c ' except t h a t the p r o f i t s they make go t o an impersonal c o l l e c t i o n o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l and ind i v idua l ' p r i v a t e ' stockholders, i t becomes imperative t o b r i n g the forms o f c i t i z e n s h i p and o f c i v i c assoc iat ion more c e n t r a l l y i n t o the economic sphere.

O u r task in p rese rv ing and expanding c i t izen par t ic ipat ion may necessitate o u r i n fus ing inst i tu t ions w i t h genuinely humane standards and processes instead o f re in fo rc ing outworn pa t te rns o f in ter inst i tu- t ional l inkage. S tua r t Langton ( 1 9 8 2 , p. 1 9 ) has described well the posit ion o f vo lun ta ry organizations: "In real i ty , the vo lun ta ry sector is n o t an independent sector, but an in terdependent sector. I t s for tunes a re v e r y much caught up in decisions made in Washington and in state capitols, as well as in corporate boa rd rooms.Il

TOWARD GENUINE PARTICIPATION

A prominent antidemocratic t heo ry , "neo-corporatism," asserts tha t impor tant decisions should b e made by th ree bureaucrat ic inst i tu t ions act ing in concer t : the state, corporations, and labor unions. Those le f t ou t of these councils--most notably nea r l y all cit izens and most persons act ive in the vo lun ta ry sector--wil l su re l y learn to speak and act s t renuously against t h e imposition o f t h i s theo ry .

Nonetheless, t he re a re germs o f truth in the neo-corporate obser- vat ion tha t no single i ns t i t u t i on o r sector possesses a l l t he resources to create a heal thy society. Waldemar Nielsen ( 1 9 7 9 , p. 251) has pointed t h i s ou t in no t ing tha t t he vo lun ta ry sector "does no t o f fe r a

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subst i tu te fo r t h e social and humanitarian programs o f t he modern welfare state. B u t it does o f fe r a means o f supplementing and stim- u la t i ng them and o f lessening some o f t he most dangerous fiscal, psychological, and pol i t ica l side-effects o f excessive bureaucratization, central izat ion, and depersonalization o f governmental ly administered programs.

Nielsenls perspect ive reminds u s tha t it does l i t t l e good t o ra i l against the unproduc t i v i t y o f government o r t h e s te r i l i t y o f corpo- ra t ions o r t o in f la te claims fo r voluntarism o r c i t izen part icipation. We need a l l o u r major inst i tu t ions (churches, corporations, national government, vo lun ta ry social service organizations, schools, small businesses, un ivers i t ies, local governments, neighborhood organiza- t ions, colleges and univers i t ies, labor unions, c i t izen cooperatives, etc.) t o work in concert in meeting o u r needs. The task we face i s t o reg roup these inst i tu t ions ra the r than fantasize t h a t one o r a few can lead the way t o the f u t u r e we desire.

One might ven tu re onto a slender l imb in suggest ing tha t the f u t u r e o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion should be shared by a va r ie t y o f demo- c ra t i c theories and n o t solely by two theories f rom wh ich it i s custom- a r i l y approached: democratic p lura l ism and ideal ist populism (Wolin, 1960; Coodwyn, 1978). We should n o t omit f rom normative and empir- ical considerations classically corporat ive approaches in p lanning fo r t he f u t u r e o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion. Such approaches suggest t ha t par t ic ipat ion is o f ten appropr ia te ly s t r u c t u r e d t h r o u g h major forms o f g roups l i fe in society (Elbow, 1966; Bowen, 1971; and Oakeshott, 19801.

To be sure, as Leo Panitsch (1980) has recent ly argued, corpora- tism o f fe rs no t a un i f i ed theory o f society but a set o f perspectives. I f we can find ways to borrow from those perspectives, we may discover tha t corporatism as a p r inc ip le o f democratic representation i s no t outmoded. Indeed, such modern inst i tu t ions as neighborhood councils might well advocate "neighborhood seats" on c i t y council. Likewise, f u r t h e r ref lect ions on the role o f labor unions might lead to assigning the i r leaders seats on corporate boards. Perhaps reconsid- erat ion o f the role o f vo lun ta ry association leaders might lead t o the conclusion tha t they be assigned places on counci ls o f pub l i c author i - ty, o r t ha t b o t h parents and educators are appropr ia te ly assigned to boards o f education.

Cer ta in ly much o f o u r publ ic par t ic ipatory pol icy o f the past 20 years has been corporat ive in nature. Elections o f c i t izen boards in specif ied "pover ty" areas have been res t r i c ted t o e l ig ib le poor per- sons. Representation o f ind iv iduals on heal th p lanning boards has been carefu l ly apport ioned among "prov iders" and Ilconsumers. A n d neighborhood organizations have competed f ierce ly for cer t i f ied repre- sentation f rom the i r neighborhoods.

It seems appropr ia te t o ask i f these vestiges o f corporat ive theo ry , which so many have welcomed as appropr ia te extensions o f c iv ic r i g h t s , might well reformulate a theory o f democratic par t ic ipat ion in an organizational society. Corporatism, a f te r al l , i s a theo ry tha t weights societal in terests by the i r value to the co l lect iv i ty . I f com- pensatory pol icy i s t o be implemented, corporatism, un ique ly among major po l i t ica l theories, permits the rat ional adjustment o f pol i t ical weights. Af f i rmat ive action, representation o f t he poor, b lack power --all a re values tha t can well be accommodated by corporat ive s t ruc - t u res and pa t te rns .

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The issue w i l l n o t b e pushed too far; it simply should b e raised. Nonetheless, t he quest ion i s a pointed one. If c i t izen par t ic ipat ion i s t o t h r i v e in t h e fu tu re , w i l l it b e by the Platonic model of rat ional ind iv idual is t act ion and pol i t ical dialogue, as so b r i l l i a n t l y rendered by Sheldon Wolin (1960) and h i s popul is t colleagues? O r w i l l it b e by the ongoing s t rugg le between in terest g roups as p resc r ibed by the p lura l is ts , despite the overwhelming power o f t he evidence tha t money so heavi ly outweighs ind iv idual e f fect? Against such theories, howev- e r b r i l l i an t l y exposed, r e s t the basic real i t ies o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion in an inegali tar ian society. As my former congressman put i t so inelegantly: "Money talks; bu l l sh i t walks." And, t o p u r s u e t h e same c rude image, we a re reminded by Robert Car0 ( 1 9 8 2 ) t ha t Lyndon Johnson's college nickname was llBull ,'I a d iminut ive tha t ref lected h is sk i l l in s l ing ing the same bovine excrement in h i s l i fe- long quest for b o t h money and power.

Against such elemental forces, it wi l l have been a genuine contr i - bu t i on t o have const ructed images o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion tha t prepare u s for the r i g o r s o f f u t u r e realit ies. A f t e r al l , t he re i s a fa i r chance tha t t he f u t u r e o f c i t izen par t ic ipat ion w i l l turn ou t t o be j us t so much more bull.

A n d such a f u t u r e is, it is cer ta in , one which b o t h cit izens and scholars a l ike w i l l w ish passionately t o p reven t .

FOOTNOTE

1. Bezold ( 1 9 8 0 ) has also found tha t f ou r scenarios most adequately represent the range o f choices embodied in the American fu tu re . He ident i f ies the fou r scenarios as nuclear, pr imi t ive, "extended ,I1

and " in tended."

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