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TRANSCRIPT
Cambo Chained
Or: Dissension amongst the Coalition’s Parliamentary
Parties, 2012-2013: A Data Handbook
Philip Cowley
and
Mark Stuart
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Contents Introduction 1 I Backbench rebellions and rebels, 2012-2013 13 II List of all Coalition rebellions, 2012-2013 34 III Major rebellions against the party whip, by issue/bill 37
Europe 37 House of Lords Reform Bill 39 Growth and Infrastructure Bill 41 Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill 42 Crime and Courts Bill 43
IV The Coalition Rebels 44
Sorted by number of rebellions 44 Sorted alphabetically 48
As always, we are grateful to the various bodies that have helped support our research on backbench behaviour – most obviously the University of Nottingham who fund the current research – and to the many MPs who have responded to our plentiful queries. Copies of this pamphlet and other material on backbench dissent are available free of charge from the blog of the School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham (nottspolitics.org). We would also like to thank Tiffany Trenner-Lyle and James Donald for helping to check the data, and Andy Platt for the cover design.
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Introduction
The second session of the 2010 Parliament lasted from 9 May 2012 to 25 April 2013. In that time there were some 227 divisions (votes) in the House of Commons.1 Of these, there were rebellions by Coalition MPs in 61 divisions, covering a wide range of issues and bills, from Europe (repeatedly) to House of Lords reform, from child benefit to housing benefit, and from the succession to the Crown to planning regulation. In absolute terms, a figure of 61 rebellions by government MPs might seem low. It certainly pales by comparison with the previous session, which saw some 239 rebellions by Coalition MPs – the highest figure for government MPs in the post-war era, as we reported in our publication on that session, The Bumper Book of
Coalition Rebellions. (Indeed, that figure of 239 was higher than all but three entire post-war parliaments). However, the comparison is not valid. In order to accommodate the changes to a fixed-term Parliament, the first session of the 2010 Parliament lasted two years, a full 290 sitting days, longer than any session since 1945. That atypical session aside, a figure of 61 rebellions looks much more normal. Out of the 67 post-war sessions before the 2012-13 session, for example, there were 51 which saw a smaller number of rebellions, four which saw the same number, and only 12 which saw a larger number. A figure of 61 rebellions is therefore high if seen in a longer historical perspective, but not exceptionally so. Every Parliament since that of 1966 – and every Prime Minister since Wilson – has experienced at least one session with a larger number of rebellions than seen in the last session; and of the 19 sessions in the last two decades, since the 1992 election, seven have seen more rebellions, and one the same number. A more useful measure is the relative rate of rebellion, to take into account the number of divisions that occur in a session. As a percentage of divisions, the 61 rebellions in the 2012-13 session constitute a rebellion by coalition MPs in 27% of divisions. Again, whilst a clear drop from the 44% witnessed in the last session, seen in a longer historical perspective a figure of 27% is relatively high for the post-war period. It tops the comparable figure for all but nine post-war sessions. Most of these nine are from periods of Labour government (two under Callaghan, five under Blair and Brown); the preceding session of 2010-12 aside, only one Conservative Prime Minister has experienced a session with a higher level of dissent (that is, Edward Heath), and he only experienced it for one session (between 1971-72). If we break down the overall figure of 27% into its two component parts, Conservative MPs have broken ranks in 19% of divisions (down from 28% in the 2010-12 session), Lib Dem MPs have done so in 15% (down from 24% in the 2010-12 session). (These two figures sum to more than 27%, because of some votes in which both parties have seen dissent, something considered further below). In other words, the decline in rebelliousness has been equal (down nine points for the Conservatives and nine for the Lib Dems) for both parts of the Coalition. These separate figures are still relatively high if compared to the overall post-war period, although less so if compared to recent decades. In the last twenty years,
1 This figure is itself relatively low. Leaving aside the final sessions of parliaments – which are usually truncated by the coming general election – we can identify just three other sessions in the last 40 or so years which saw fewer divisions.
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for example, nine sessions (including eight of the last ten years) have seen higher rates of rebellion by MPs of the governing party than the current Conservative figure of 19%. But the figure of 19% for the Conservatives alone is still higher than for all but seven sessions of Conservative government during the post-war era. It is, for example, higher than John Major faced for all but the 1992-93 session; higher than Margaret Thatcher faced during her premiership save for the 1981-2 and 1984-5 sessions; and it is higher than the levels of rebellion faced at any point by Churchill, Eden, Macmillan or Home (save for the 1962-3 session, when it also ran at 19%). Edward Heath faced a higher rate of rebellion in three of his four sessions in government, but overall the rate for the 1970 Parliament was 19%. In other words, even the figure for the Conservatives alone is relatively high compared to most periods of previous Conservative government. Even the Lib Dem rate of 15% is still higher than that seen by government MPs in the majority of post-war sessions (being higher than in all but 24 sessions since 1945), although slightly low compared to most of the last decade or so; you have to go back the 1997 Parliament to find MPs rebelling at a rate as low as a rebellion in 15% of divisions.2 The good news for the whips therefore is that we can report a gradual reduction in the level of backbench dissent on the Coalition side. Between September 2010 and February 2011 the rate of dissent consistently exceeded 50%, with divisions more likely to see a revolt than not. By the end of the last session, cohesion was the norm again, albeit with dissent a relatively common exception. In the last year, by contrast, for every division seeing backbench dissent there have been (roughly) three divisions without any dissent. However, the rate of rebellion in this session only appears low when compared to the unprecedentedly high levels seen in the preceding session. Viewed in a longer historical perspective, the rates of rebellion amongst Coalition MPs remain high. Indeed, despite the reduction in the rate of rebellion from the preceding session, the Parliament still remains on course to be the most rebellious since 1945. The rate for the Parliament as a whole (that is, 2010-13) now stands at a rebellion in 39% of divisions, easily topping the 28% seen in the 2005 Parliament which currently holds the record for the most rebellious post-war parliament. If rebellion in the remaining two sessions continues at the rate seen in the 2012-13 session, and assuming a 2015 election, we can project the total for the Parliament to be around 34% by its end. Indeed, even if the rate of rebellion drops again by half – down to a rate of around 13% - in the remaining two sessions, we would still expect the overall total for the Parliament to be 29%, still (just) enough to make it the most rebellious in the post-war era.
*** A total of 185 Coalition MPs have voted against their whip thus far during the Parliament. Most (148) of these are Conservatives, but this is not surprising, given that there have been more Conservative rebellions and there are anyway more Conservative MPs. The most rebellious nine Coalition rebels are Conservatives, headed by Philip Hollobone, with 129 rebellious votes since the election in 2010. The most rebellious Liberal Democrat MPs so far are Andrew George and Mike Hancock, both of whom have rebelled on 44 occasions, making them joint-tenth on the list. In total, there are six Lib Dem MPs among the top 20 Coalition rebels. 2 It is also higher than the rate of rebellion seen by Lib Dems in any session for which we have data, going back to 1992-93 when the rate of rebellion was at 9%.
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Of these 185 MPs, 144 rebelled during the 2012-13 session, and there was a strong relationship between behaviour in the two sessions of the Parliament. The correlation between rebellions in the 2010-12 and 2012-13 session was 0.79.3 Some 33 MPs rebelled in the 2012-13 session for the first time this Parliament, with the most rebellious of these being the Lib Dem MP Sarah Teather, whose departure from government in September 2012 was followed by enough rebellions to make her the (joint-)second most rebellious Lib Dem MP in the whole session. The most notable falls in rebellious behavior also came from Lib Dems, most obviously Mike Hancock, whose 44 rebellious votes in the 2010-12 session were followed by none in the 2012-13 session, as a result of illness and absence from the Commons. Most of the more rebellious MPs could have been predicted before the 2010 election; most have ‘form’ and were well known in the whips office even before
the Coalition entered government. Yet what will also concern the government whips is the behaviour of their newer MPs. One of the most striking features of the House of Commons after the 2010 election was the number of newly-elected MPs. A full 36% of the House was newly-elected, including some 48% of Conservative MPs. In the past, newly elected MPs have tended to be relatively acquiescent – at least to begin with – but one of the most noticeable features about the 2010 cohort, especially on the Conservative side, is how troublesome they have been. Of the 148 Conservative rebels, 90 (or six in ten) are from the new intake. Of the new intake some 61% have rebelled at least once, and of those who have been on the backbenches throughout the Parliament the figure rises to 85%. Yet whilst numerically smaller, rebellion is much more widespread amongst the Lib Dems. Whereas nearly half (48%) of Conservative MPs have rebelled, a total of 37 Lib Dems, or 64% of the parliamentary party, have now done so.4 Indeed, once you exclude those Lib Dem MPs who are or were at some point members of the payroll vote, either as ministers or parliamentary private secretaries, and thus expected to remain loyal to the government, and there is now not a single Lib Dem MP who has been on the backbenches throughout the Parliament and who has remained loyal to the party whip.
*** Whilst the frequency of backbench rebellion may have been (relatively) high, its size was not. The mean average Coalition rebellion during 2012-13 was just nine MPs (marginally up on the seven of 2010-12), with the median even lower at five MPs. (The mean Conservative rebellion was eight, the mean Lib Dem rebellion just two MPs). There were only 12 rebellions out of the 61 that saw more than 10 Coalition MPs rebel against their whips. Yet the effect of the rebellions increased from the preceding session. For all the rebellions in the first session of this Parliament, they generated no defeats. The only Commons defeat in the first session came in December 2011 on the motion that the House had considered the economy – as a result of an old fashioned Labour ambush, with Labour MPs hiding until enough Conservative MPs had gone home. Defeats caused by such tactical manoeuvres are embarrassing for any government but they do not represent a systematic problem. The Parliament’s
early rebellions might, conceivably, have been dismissed therefore as mostly 3 Of those who rebelled in either session it was 0.76 4 This figure – and the equivalent for the Conservatives – is the percentage of those who have been in the parliamentary party at any point during the Parliament.
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sound and fury, given that none resulted in a defeat. This is not a view that we took – nor, we suspect, one that would have been taken by many of the party whips – because once MPs have developed a habit of rebelling on minor matters they find it much easier to rebel on major ones too. The rebellions in the 2012-13 session were to prove more consequential, generating both outright defeats and retreats more substantial than those in the preceding session.5 The largest rebellion of the session – and of the Parliament to date – came in July 2012 over the Second Reading of the House of Lords Reform Bill. A rebellion of 91 Conservative MPs voting against the Bill’s Second Reading broke four records.
First, it was the largest Commons rebellion to have hit the Coalition since 2010, larger even than the 81 Conservatives who defied the whip in favour of a referendum on the EU in October 2011. Second, it was also the largest rebellion on the issue of Lords reform in the post-war era, almost double the 47 Labour MPs who voted against Richard Crossman’s white paper on the subject in 1968.
Third, it was also the largest rebellion by Government MPs on the Second Reading of any Bill in the post-war period, easily outstripping the 72 Conservative MPs who voted against the Shops Bill in 1986 or the 72 Labour MPs who voted against the Higher Education Bill in 2004. And fourth, whilst it was just shy of the largest Conservative rebellion on any subject in the post-war era (John Major suffered larger rebellions over gun control, one of which saw 95 Conservative MPs voting against their whip), measured as a proportion of the parliamentary party the 91 Lords rebels represented a larger proportion of Cameron’s parliamentary party
than did the 95 gun control rebels of Major’s, and so it was also the largest Conservative rebellion of the post-war era on any subject measured in relative terms. With the support of the Labour frontbench, the Bill’s Second Reading was
secured relatively easily, by 462 votes to 124, a majority of 388. But Labour’s
support did not extend to the Bill’s programme motion, where the whips faced a
similar-sized rebellion; knowing that they would go down to defeat, the government pulled the programme motion rather than see it voted down. Trying to legislate on Lords reform without control of the timetable would have been next-to-impossible – as Harold Wilson had discovered in the 1960s – and so shortly afterwards the Bill was abandoned. The government’s retreat on the
programme motion means that this was, technically, not a government defeat, but no one was in any doubt what would have happened had the vote gone ahead, and the effect was the same: the government withdrew their Bill in the face of backbench opposition. The failure of the House of Lords Reform Bill is a partial explanation for why the levels of rebellion declined between 2010-12 and 2012-13. A parallel universe in which the government had – somehow – managed to get a programme motion on Lords reform through (or, even worse, attempted to legislate without control of the timetable) would have seen produced far higher levels of backbench dissent in this session. In the late-1960s, for example, the last time a government attempted to legislate on Lords reform without control of the timetable, between the Second Reading vote in November 1968 and the final vote in April 1969, Wilson’s government suffered 45 separate backbench rebellions on their Lords reform bill, spread over 80 hours of debate, much of it in all-night sittings. The end came after the nineteenth separate closure motion, when the government failed to muster enough supporters to achieve closure. With only five of the bill’s
20 clauses having been discussed the government gave up, exhausted. Had
5 David Cameron has had three Chief Whips. Two – Patrick McLoughlin and Sir George Young – have been defeated in the Commons. Andrew Mitchell is his only undefeated Chief Whip. We doubt that makes Mr Mitchell feel much better.
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something like that happened in 2012-13, we could be reporting another record-breaking session.6 The medium-term consequences of that vote, however, were just as significant. Together with the announcement that the Bill would be withdrawn came the announcement that the Liberal Democrats were, as a consequence, withdrawing support for the government’s proposed constituency boundary changes. As a
result, in January 2013, a vote to over-turn a Lords amendment to the Electoral Registration and Administration Bill failed by 334 to 292. Four Conservative MPs voted against their party line, but the reason the vote failed was because the Liberal Democrats were whipped to vote against. The vote was interesting as an example of how coalition has changed some of our assumptions about what is, or is not, allowed when it comes to voting in the Commons, and about how we measure it. It saw government MPs whipped, in different directions, and with the Lib Dems voting in direct contravention of the Coalition Agreement.7 Does the Lib Dem behaviour count as ‘dissent’? And if so, from what? And was the outcome a
government defeat? And if so, of what exactly? It was not the first time the two Coalition parties had had different whipping arrangements on measures in the Commons – the Coalition Agreement specifically allowed for the Liberal Democrats to abstain on votes over both tuition fees and nuclear power – but this was the first time they were whipped in opposite directions, and (moreover) in contravention of the Coalition Agreement. The first question is, we think, fairly easy answered. The Lib Dems were whipped, so whatever they were doing, they were not dissenting from their party line. This was an inter-party not intra-party breakdown. But it was still an intra-coalition breakdown, what our colleagues at UCL who work on similar behaviour in the Lords have decided to call a ‘coalition split vote’. We have not listed the Lib Dem
voting as a rebellion in what follows or in the data described above. The second issue is tougher. When the government lost the equivalent vote in the Lords, some media outlets did indeed describe it as a government defeat – as did the House of Lords authorities. But is it? To have a government defeat, we need a government position, and with two parties in the coalition voting in separate lobbies it is not clear what that position was. If, just because the Conservatives lost, we describe it as a government defeat, we could, presumably, describe it as a government victory because the Lib Dems won?8 Nigel Fletcher, the Director of 6 As a crude calculation, if we assume that any attempt to get Lords reform through this session would have generated 45 rebellions (as in the 1960s), and we add that to the 61 we did in fact see, then the percentage rebellion rate for this session would be higher than for 2012-13. Of course, in reality, the 61 ‘other’ rebellions may not have occurred in this way (the government would have moved other legislation, MPs rebelling on Lords reform would have kept quiet on other issues, and so on), but it does at least demonstrate the massive effect that the removal of Lords reform had. 7 As an aside: part of the point of the Coalition – from the Liberal Democrats’
perspective, at least – was to try to show that hung parliaments were not a bad thing, to get the British used to minority and coalition government. Liberal Democrats would routinely point out that much of Europe manages perfectly well with coalitions. This is true, but in most (all?) of those coalitions, a coalition partner voting against the government and defeating something that was in the coalition agreement would have signalled the end of the coalition. That we effectively just carried on, almost as if nothing had happened, indicates that we may still be some way away from having got used to coalition government. 8 It all makes us long for the ease of one-party governments again, a bit like a former colleague whose main wish for life was to see the Berlin Wall go back up just so his lecture notes on the USSR would become useable again.
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the Centre for Opposition Studies, suggested that however one describes it the vote will forever be asterisked, with a footnote explaining the unusual circumstances. That, however, might depend on it remaining unusual and a one-off. With up to two years of the Coalition left to run, it seems quite possible that we will see further votes of this sort, with one or more of the parties refusing to back something that they have both previously signed up to. Indeed, we saw something similar when the Prime Minister conceded in March 2013 over the issue of press regulation. The Liberal Democrats had indicated that they would be voting differently to the Conservatives, and a ‘defeat’ looked certain (aided by
a number of would-be Conservative backbench rebels). Again, there was no formal defeat – but there was little doubt what would have happened had the government tried to tough out a vote. These votes also highlighted the asymmetry in the power enjoyed by the Coalition parties’ backbenchers. The parliamentary arithmetic is such that even if every backbench Lib Dem MP rebels on an issue, there are not enough of them to defeat the government; but there are enough backbench Conservative MPs to do so (as over Lords reform). This means that coalition measures can be blocked if enough Conservative backbenchers are willing to join forces with Labour, but they cannot be blocked if Lib Dem backbenchers are similarly annoyed. In addition, however, the government also suffered an outright defeat as a result of backbench dissent. In October 2012 some 53 Conservative MPs voted against their whip on an amendment moved by Mark Reckless calling for a reduction in the EU budget. Whilst not the largest European rebellion of the Parliament, it was still a larger revolt than any Conservative rebellion over Europe before 2010, including being larger than any of the Maastricht rebellions; and, whereas the European referendum rebellion in 2011 had seen Labour join forces with the government to defeat the rebels, on this occasion Labour opposed the government, and the combination of Official and backbench opposition was sufficient to defeat the government by 307 votes to 294. It meant that David Cameron joined the list of Prime Ministers defeated in the House of Commons as a result of their own MPs rebelling, a line which dates back unbroken to Edward Heath. The largest Lib Dem rebellions of the 2012-13 session comprised nine MPs – once over the Third Reading of the Welfare Benefits Up-Rating Bill in January 2013 and once during the Growth and Infrastructure Bill (over planning regulations on home extensions) in April 2013. The largest Liberal Democrat rebellions of the Parliament remains that in December 2010 over the issue of university tuition fees, when 21 Liberal Democrat MPs voted against their whip, and a further five Lib Dem MPs abstained.
*** We noted a year ago that the Coalition’s two groups of rebels rarely coalesce,
with two wobbly wings of the Coalition mostly not rebelling at the same time. This continues to be broadly true. Some 42% of rebellions have seen Conservative MPs rebel alone; 28% have seen Lib Dem MPs rebel alone. Just 30% have seen a rebellion by both Lib Dem and Conservative MPs. This demonstrates a clear increase from the situation a year ago when just 18% of rebellions saw rebellions involving MPs from both parties, although they remain very much a minority of the rebellions. This is because the two groups generally rebel on very different issues. Just over half (54%) of Lib Dem rebellions have been on social policy (broadly defined), such as the various increases and extensions in VAT, the introduction of free
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schools and the expansion of academies, and curbs to legal aid and superannuation for civil servants. But nearly half (45%) of Conservative rebellions are on constitutional policy (broadly defined), such as the bills relating to the introduction of AV and fixed-term parliaments. Of this last category, a big chunk (nearly one in five of all Conservative rebellions) has been on Europe (18%), rebellions which are more than double the average size of all Conservative rebellions. Rebellions on other issues come and go; the legislation is passed, or falls, tempers calm, the poison drains. But Europe seems to be a chronic ailment to the Conservative body politic; there is always a summit, a treaty amendment, a budget, to cause the fever to return. The split of twenty years ago – between ‘pro-Europeans’ and ‘eurosceptics’ (the labels are crude,
ugly, and contested, but necessary) are now largely over; the new battle lines for the Conservatives are now just between gradations of scepticism, between hard and soft sceptics (or between sceptics and better-off-outers). Thus far Europe has accounted for just 18% of the Conservative rebellions so far this Parliament but 36% of all the rebellious votes that had been cast by Conservative MPs. They have so far involved 98 Conservative MPs. In other words, just over two-thirds of all the Conservative rebels have rebelled over Europe. However, we also have to report the absence of European rebellions in recent months. The Prime Minister made his speech promising an ‘in-out’ referendum on January 2013. Since then, there have been just two ‘European’ revolts, the largest of which involved three
Conservative MPs, and which combined involved just four MPs. Perhaps because it is the result of a coalition between two parties, the size of the Government’s majority is often not appreciated. Even its formal majority of 80 is
a substantial majority. This is not quite of landslide proportions, but it is bigger than that enjoyed by Churchill after 1951, or by Eden, or by Wilson (except between 1966-70), or by Heath, or by Callaghan, or by Thatcher (in her first term, 1979-1983) or by Major (after 1992), or indeed by Blair and Brown (after 2005). Moreover, once you note that the eight DUP MPs usually (though not always) vote with the government, the paper majority is close to 100. Because of divisions in which Labour vote with the government or abstain, the (mean) average majority in this session has been 101, the median has been 71.9 In the majority of votes (some 176 votes in this session), Labour oppose the government, and when they do the government’s average majority has been 70
(with a median of 69). But when Labour abstain (14 votes), the majority has averaged 241 (median: 236); and when Labour supports the government (11 votes), the average majority rises to 412 (median: 442). There has been a slight diminution in the overall majorities achieved (the mean average in the last session was 123, down to 101 now), largely as a result of the votes getting tighter on those occasions when Labour’s frontbench line is to oppose. In the last
session, the government’s majorities in the face of Labour opposition had a
median of 81; that is now down to 69. In its first 24 months in power, the Government’s majority in the Commons only fell below 50 on 22 occasions (out of
some 544 votes). In the last 12 months, it has fallen below 50 on 17 occasions (out of some 201 votes), including two defeats. The former represents 4% of votes, the latter 9%. In other words, relatively close votes are becoming more common, if still rare. And whilst the whips’ cushion (or safety net, depending on your metaphor) has
got smaller it is still sizeable. There are plenty of issues on which 41 Conservative MPs might rebel, but there are fewer on which the Labour party 9 This is the average in the 201 whipped votes to have taken place during the session; we have excluded the occasions when at least some Coalition MPs were given a free vote.
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would be willing to join them. Overall, 21% of Coalition rebellions occurred when Labour was not voting against the government – and when there was therefore no chance of a defeat. But that figures rises to 31% of Conservative rebellions. (These figures are identical to those in the first session). The rebellions that do occur are also larger when there is no chance of defeating the government. The median Coalition rebellion on votes where Labour either abstained or voted with the government was 14; the median for those votes where Labour was voting against the government was just four.10
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This volume is a record of all the occasions which separated members of the Coalition’s parliamentary parties from their leadership. It provides brief details of all 61 rebellions by Coalition backbenchers between 9 May 2012 and 25 April 2013, along with full lists of every MP to participate in each of those rebellions. It is unlikely to be the most exciting volume you will ever read in your life. But it is not meant to be exciting. It is meant as a reference work, something to be checked occasionally for relevant information, and then put back on the shelf, or deleted from the PC. We hope it might be useful for those voters who want to know what their MP did (or didn’t do) during the last session, as well as for those – researchers, academics, lobbyists, journalists – who want to know about the behaviour of the Coalition during the period. We do not pretend that this is the story of the 2012-13 session – the full story is, thankfully, far more interesting than this – but it is at least some of the raw material of that story, and is here for others to use, in the future, however they want. We list here every occasion during the 2012-13 session when a Coalition MP voted against his or her whip. This is a deceptively simple statement – but there are a handful of important caveats which need to be understood if the data are to make sense. The first is that we have excluded ‘free votes’, those occasions on which the party
managers, the whips, did not issue instructions to their MPs. That means, for instance that in this particular session, we do not include a series of votes on issues ranging from same-sex marriage to lowering the voting age to 16, and from smoking in pubs and private clubs to independent abortion counselling.11 All these experienced significant party splits but they are matters where the whips generally do not overtly interfere.12 10 In part, this will be because Conservative rebels (of whom there are more) are more likely to take part in one type of vote, but the relationship also holds (indeed, is even stronger) for those votes in which only Conservative MPs rebelled: Conservative-only rebellions when Labour was abstaining or voting with the government had a median size of 19.5; those when Labour was voting against the government had a median size of just three. 11 More precisely, we exclude some of those votes. In some cases, as with the bill on same sex marriage, there was a mixture of free and whipped votes. In that case, for example, there were free votes on the principle of the issue, but the government whipped consequential and procedural votes (and on which there were rebellions). 12 On occasions, these votes could demonstrate large differences between the Coalition parties. For example, the Second Reading of the Same-Sex Marriage Bill on 5 February 2013 saw the Conservatives split 127 in favour, with 137 against and five double votes; the Liberal Democrats were 45 in favour and four against. A Ten Minute Rule Bill on the repeal of the Human Rights Act on 4
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This volume is therefore not a record of every occasion when a Coalition MP deviated from the rest of his or her party; it is a record of every occasion when Coalition MPs defied the whip to do so.13 This differentiates this data source from some of the (otherwise excellent) web-based search engines that are available (such as publicwhip.org.uk or theyworkforyou.com), which record all occasions when a party’s MPs are not 100% united.14 Our interest here is on matters of dissent, on those occasions where MPs defy their party leadership. For one thing, there is a qualitative difference between voting against your party when the whip is on, and doing so when it is not. In addition, not differentiating whipped from unwhipped votes can lead to strange conclusions about an MP’s behaviour. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish definitively between whipped and genuinely free votes – hence the problem that the websites have - and there is a tricky middle ground, where the vote may not be officially whipped but where it is quite clear what the party hierarchy want their MPs to do. As one whip put it: there are ‘free votes and free votes’. And on occasion, the whip will only apply to some
of the parliamentary party.15 In addition whilst the Coalition Agreement allows the Liberal Democrats to abstain on certain issues (tuition fees, nuclear power) even when Conservative MPs are whipped to support, the party has (as discussed above) now gone beyond that, and begun to either vote (boundaries) or indicate that it will vote (press regulation) against the Conservatives. But based both on contacts with MPs and with whips, we believe that we have identified all those occasions when Coalition MPs defied the official instructions of their whips. The result is that, if anything, we are understating the level of Coalition backbench division in this session.
December 2012 Conservatives split three against but 71 in favour whilst 21 Lib Dem MPs voted against. Another Ten Minute Rule Bill to devolve electricity generation to the Welsh Assembly on 31 January 2012 saw the Liberal Democrats split 30 in favour (with just one against), but Conservative MPs splitting with only four in favour (and 89 against). 13 Our data also do not include Nadine Dorries she once had the Conservative whip removed in November 2012. The three dissenting votes for this session recorded below occurred whilst she was in receipt of the whip. In the remainder of the session her participation in Commons divisions declined (which is common for MPs who lose or resign the whip), from 66% to 49%, and she cast another four votes in ways that would have been rebellions had she continued in receipt of the whip. 14
There is one other problem with the various web-based sources on MPs’ voting.
When a party’s official line is to abstain, they fail to detect MPs who are breaking their whip to vote on an issue (either for or against). This is usually less of a problem for the government – since it is extremely rare for the government to be neutral on an issue – but it can be a much more serious problem when analysing the behaviour of MPs from opposition parties. And it can prove a problem with government MPs too. 15 For example, in October 2012 there were two votes on backbench motions where the Coalition allowed a free vote amongst backbenchers, but where the frontbench abstained (that is, a motion on 18 October opposing the disbandment of the 2nd Battalion, the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, and one on 25 October opposing a badger cull). Votes on motions emanating from the Backbench Business Committee have proved a particular problem for the government, and who – after several retreats and embarrassments – have begun to take a more relaxed attitude to whipping such votes.
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The second caveat is that we have excluded from our list of rebels those occasions when MPs vote twice. One of the most common reasons for this happening is to register an abstention. The procedures of the House of Commons give MPs just two formal options: to vote aye or no on whatever question is before them. MPs occasionally get around this by voting in both lobbies. This practice – which was deprecated by the Speaker – is known by some Labour MPs as ‘Skinner abstentions’, after the veteran Labour MP, and frequent rebel, Dennis
Skinner. It is a curious nomenclature. Skinner is by inclination not the abstaining type – and (as far as we are aware) has never voted in both lobbies to register an abstention. It would be much more sensible to call them ‘Taylor abstentions’ after
the former Labour MP for Leicestershire North West, David Taylor, who began to engage in the practice fairly regularly as a way of casting what he called a ‘positive abstention’ (and which he continued to do so until his death in 2009).16 We do not include such MPs in our lists of rebels – or in our overall figures - but we have recorded their presence in notes each time it has occurred. MPs also sometimes vote in both lobbies as a way of correcting an initial vote cast in error, rushing back through the other lobby once they realise their mistake. As the Labour MP Paul Flynn notes in his wonderful book, Commons Knowledge, ‘outsiders guffaw at the possibility of MPs voting the wrong way. After all the choice is simple, yes or no’. But with around 200-300 votes each year, MPs do not know all the details about each vote they cast, especially on the more arcane amendments; so, as Flynn puts it, they are ‘grateful for the sheepdog herding of the Whips who direct them safely into the lobby of righteousness and truth’.17 But sometimes the herding breaks down, and the MP gets directed into the wrong lobby. Voting can be a particular problem for MPs from minor parties because they often lack the sight of masses of their colleagues flooding into one lobby, but it happens to MPs of all parties. Lastly, there are also those occasions when Hansard – the official record of parliamentary debates – simply mis-records an MP’s vote. Again, where, with the
help of the MPs concerned, we have been able to identify such mis-recorded votes we have excluded them from the data. Perhaps most importantly, of all, however, we are not able to record all the occasions when MPs defy their whips by abstaining, rather than voting against. Because the House of Commons does not allow MPs to register abstentions – other than, as discussed above, by voting twice – it is not possible to read anything into absences. The whips may have formally sanctioned an absence from a vote; it may be accidental; or it may be deliberate. There is no 16 On whipped votes this session, six Conservative MPs cast a total of eight deliberate abstentions, with the most regular being Andrew Percy (who did so three times). Lib Dem MPs are, as they were last session, even keener users of this procedural device: six Lib Dem MPs (out of a much smaller parliamentary party) have done so, a total of seven times on whipped votes, with John Hemming (who did so twice) the most frequent on whipped votes, although he shares the overall top spot with Andrew George (who also used it on a free vote). There were three whipped votes in this Parliament when no Conservative MP voted against their whip, but at least one of their number registered a deliberate abstention by voting in both lobbies; the largest of these occurred on 7 October 2012, when three Conservative MPs cast deliberate abstentions during a Labour Opposition Day Debate on Regional Pay in the NHS. An advantage for MPs of such behaviour is that it boosts their voting records in website such as ‘They
WorkForYou’. If they merely sit a vote out, then it will not be recorded; but
register a deliberate abstention and their voting turnout will remain high. 17 Paul Flynn, Commons Knowledge, Seren, 1997, p. 16.
12
information on the record that allows us to establish, at least not systematically, the causes of absences. Where the information is available, we do provide a note of the numbers believed to be abstaining in any particular vote. But even here, we are not able to read anything into the behaviour of those who were absent from both votes.
*** We are very grateful for the MPs who helped us with the research, research of which this volume is just one part. MPs get bombarded with academic requests for assistance – from school children, students, and academics – and yet nearly all of them took the time to help clear up, or explain, what had taken place on a particular vote. We are also grateful for the assistance of the government whips’
office, for similar help in determining the whipping arrangements on some votes. Many MPs helped further, by granting interviews, the material from which we intend to use in further (more interesting) publications. The research reported here was conducted as part of a research project, which is currently funded by the University of Nottingham, where the authors are based, and we are grateful for their support. The pamphlet is in four main sections. Section I (pp. 13 to 33) contains a listing of every rebellion by Coalition MPs between 2012 and 2012, giving an explanation of each vote and listing the backbench rebels. Section II (pp. 34 to 36) contains summary tables of all 61 rebellions, giving issue, date, division number and size of rebellion. Section III (pp. 37 to 43) contains tabulations of each of the issues to see significant rebellions during the session. We define this as issues or bills involving at least 20 Conservatives and/or 10 Liberal Democrats (or a combination thereof). Section IV (pp. 44 to 51) provides totals for the number of dissenting votes cast by each Coalition MP, listing MPs by both the total number of dissenting votes cast, and alphabetically, as well as by party. We have made every effort to ensure that the information contained in this volume is correct, but in the event that we have made mistakes, we would, of course, welcome the chance to correct them. We can be contacted at [email protected].
May 2013
13
I Backbench rebellion and rebels, 2012-2013 9 May 2012-25 April 2013 [1] 22 May 2012 (Div. 8): During the Report stage of the Financial Services Bill, three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) supported a Labour frontbench amendment that would have applied sanctions to those offering credit terms to the detriment of consumers: Zac Goldsmith Philip Hollobone Mark Reckless [2] 27 June 2012 (Div. 28): In a deferred division, three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) opposed the draft Sexual Offences Act 2003 (Notification Requirements) (England and Wales) regulations:
William Cash Chris Heaton-Harris David Nuttall
[3] 27 June 2012 (Div. 29): In a deferred division, seven Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) opposed the draft Sexual Offences Act 2003 (Remedial) Order 2012: William Cash Chris Heaton-Harris Gordon Henderson
Jason McCartney David Nuttall Mark Reckless
Henry Smith
[4] 27 June 2012 (Div. 30): In a deferred division, eight Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) opposed a Government motion taking note of an EU Commission communication relating to the prevention and correction of macroeconomic balances: William Cash Gordon Henderson Jason McCartney
David Nuttall Mark Reckless John Redwood
Richard Shepherd Sir Peter Tapsell
14
[5] 27 June 2012 (Div. 32): During the Committee stage of the Electoral Registration and Administration Bill, seven Coalition MPs (six Conservatives, one Liberal Democrat) voted in favour of a Conservative backbench clause in the name of Eleanor Laing that would have ensured that people queuing outside polling stations at 10pm would be issued with ballot papers: Conservatives to vote in favour of the New Clause: Bob Blackman Peter Bottomley
Philip Davies Philip Hollobone
Eleanor Laing Bob Stewart
Liberal Democrat to vote in favour of the New Clause: John Leech [6] 2 July 2012 (Div. 36): During the Report stage of the Finance Bill, one Coalition MP (a Conservative) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench amendment that would have removed the abolition of the age-related allowance (or ‘granny tax’) from the Bill: Philip Hollobone [7] 2 July 2012 (Div. 37): During the Report stage of the Finance Bill, eight Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted to remove the high income child benefit charge from the Bill: Christopher Chope Philip Davies David Davis
Nadine Dorries Philip Hollobone Stewart Jackson
Edward Leigh Mark Reckless
[8] 5 July 2012 (Div. 44): One Coalition MP (a Conservative) voted in favour of a Labour Opposition motion that called for a judge-led public inquiry into the culture and professional standards of the banking industry: Philip Hollobone
15
[9] 10 July 2012 (Div. 47): Ninety-one Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted against the Second Reading of the House of Lords Reform Bill: Adam Afriyie David Amess Steve Baker John Baron Guto Bebb Andrew Bingham Brian Binley Bob Blackman Nicola Blackwood Peter Bone Graham Brady Angie Bray Julian Brazier Andrew Bridgen Steve Brine Conor Burns Dan Byles Alun Cairns William Cash Christopher Chope James Clappison Geoffrey Clifton-Brown Geoffrey Cox Tracey Crouch Philip Davies David Davis Nick de Bois Caroline Dinenage Nadine Dorries Richard Drax
George Eustice Mike Freer Richard Fuller Zac Goldsmith James Gray Andrew Griffiths Richard Harrington Simon Hart Sir Alan Haselhurst Philip Hollobone Adam Holloway Stewart Jackson Bernard Jenkin Gareth Johnson Chris Kelly Eleanor Laing Dr. Phillip Lee Edward Leigh Charlotte Leslie Dr. Julian Lewis Ian Liddell-Grainger Peter Lilley Jonathan Lord Karen Lumley Anne Main Jason McCartney Karl McCartney Anne McIntosh Louise Mensch Patrick Mercer Penny Mordaunt
James Morris Jesse Norman David Nuttall Matthew Offord Mark Pawsey Andrew Percy Christopher Pincher John Redwood Jacob Rees-Mogg Simon Reevell Sir Malcolm Rifkind Laurence Robertson Andrew Rosindell David Ruffley Richard Shepherd Nicholas Soames Bob Stewart Rory Stewart Gary Streeter Graham Stuart Sir Peter Tapsell David Tredinnick Andrew Turner Charles Walker Robin Walker Robert Walter Chris White Craig Whittaker John Whittingdale Nadhim Zahawi
Notes: The Labour frontbench line was to support the Government in the aye lobby, but 26 Labour MPs voted against the Bill. Two parliamentary private secretaries – Conor Burns and Angie Bray – voted against Second Reading. Burns (PPS to Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Owen Paterson) resigned prior to the vote, while Bray (PPS to Cabinet Office minister Francis Maude, was sacked for voting against). The division saw the largest Second Reading rebellion by Government backbench MPs in the post-war era. Second Reading vote was carried by 462 votes to 124. The Government chose not to move a programme motion, which it would almost certainly have lost. The Government subsequently abandoned its plans to proceed with the Bill.
16
[10] 12 September 2012 (Div. 66): During the Report stage of the Defamation Bill, one Coalition MP (a Conservative) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench amendment that would have reinstated the defence of innocent dissemination for booksellers: Peter Bottomley [11] 17 October 2012 (Div. 74): In a deferred division, one Coalition MP (a Liberal Democrat) voted against the draft Public Bodies (Abolition of the Commission for Rural Communities) Order 2012: Andrew George [12] 17 October 2012 (Div. 75): In a deferred division, fifteen Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted against taking note of an EU Document which limited the sulphur content in marine fuels: John Baron Peter Bone Douglas Carswell William Cash James Clappison
Philip Davies Richard Drax Philip Hollobone Bernard Jenkin David Nuttall
Andrew Percy Mark Reckless John Redwood Henry Smith Sir Peter Tapsell
Note: Nick Boles, a Government minister, cast his ballot incorrectly against the order.
[13] 17 October 2012 (Div. 78): During the Report stage of the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill, two Coalition MPs (both Conservatives) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench clause which would have ensured that the Green Investment Bank only invested in schemes which helped achieve carbon budget and greenhouse emission reduction targets as set out in the Climate Change Act 2008: Zac Goldsmith Mike Weatherley
17
[14] 17 October 2012 (Div. 79): During the Report stage of the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill, one Coalition MP (a Conservative) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench amendment which would have notified the European Commission of the state aid implications of creating the Green Investment Bank: Zac Goldsmith [15] 24 October 2012 (Div. 84): In a deferred division, seven Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted against the draft Housing Benefit (Amendment) Regulations 2012, which reduced benefits if rooms in social housing were under-occupied (the so-called ‘Bedroom Tax’): Andrew George Charles Kennedy John Leech
Greg Mulholland Alan Reid Adrian Sanders
David Ward
[16] 24 October 2012 (Div. 86): One Coalition MP (a Conservative) supported a Labour Opposition Day motion endorsing the Electoral Reform Society’s warnings about low turnout in the
Policing and Crime Commissioner Elections and censuring the Government for cuts to police budgets: Philip Davies [17] 30 October 2012 (Div. 89): Seven Coalition MPs (six Conservatives, one Liberal Democrat) voted against the Draft Welfare of Wild Animals in Travelling Circuses (England) Regulations 2012: Conservatives to vote against the regulations: Peter Bone Tracey Crouch
Zac Goldsmith Mark Reckless
Henry Smith Mike Weatherley
Liberal Democrat to vote against the regulations: Bob Russell
18
[18] 31 October 2012 (Div. 91): Fifty-three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted in favour of a Conservative backbench amendment in the name of Mark Reckless that called on the Government to reduce in real terms payments to the European Multiannual Financial Framework: Steve Baker John Baron Andrew Bingham Brian Binley Peter Bone Andrew Bridgen Aidan Burley Conor Burns Douglas Carswell William Cash Christopher Chope James Clappison Tracey Crouch Philip Davies David Davis Nick de Bois Nadine Dorries Richard Drax
Zac Goldsmith James Gray Chris Heaton-Harris Gordon Henderson Philip Hollobone Adam Holloway Stewart Jackson Bernard Jenkin Chris Kelly Edward Leigh Dr Julian Lewis Jack Lopresti Anne Main Karl McCartney Stephen McPartland Nigel Mills David Nuttall Andrew Percy
Mark Pritchard Mark Reckless John Redwood Simon Reevell Laurence Robertson Andrew Rosindell David Ruffley Richard Shepherd Henry Smith Bob Stewart Sir Peter Tapsell Andrew Turner Martin Vickers James Wharton Heather Wheeler John Whittingdale Dr Sarah Wollaston
Note: The amendment was carried by 307 votes to 294, a majority against
the Government of thirteen. Thirteen Conservative abstained or were absent.
[19] 5 November 2012 (Div. 93): Two Coalition MPs (both Liberal Democrats) voted against the Second Reading of the Growth and Infrastructure Bill: Martin Horwood David Ward
19
[20] 6 November 2012 (Div. 94) Twenty-three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted in favour of a Conservative backbench amendment in the name of William Cash to an EU take note motion that would have called on the Government to stop the adoption of Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in the European Banking Authority: John Baron Brian Binley Bob Blackman Peter Bone Douglas Carswell William Cash Christopher Chope James Clappison
Philip Davies Richard Drax Zac Goldsmith Philip Hollobone Stewart Jackson Bernard Jenkin Anne Main Jason McCartney
David Nuttall Andrew Percy Mark Pritchard Mark Reckless Jacob Rees-Mogg Andrew Rosindell Sir Peter Tapsell
[21] 8 November 2012 (Div. 98): After a Backbench Business Committee debate on the House of Commons Administration and Savings Programme, twelve Coalition MPs (eleven Conservatives, one Liberal Democrat) voted for a Conservative backbench amendment in the name of Robert Halfon that rejected parts of the Finance and Services Committee report as contributing towards the ‘commercialisation’ of
Parliament: Conservatives to vote for the amendment: John Baron Jackie Doyle-Price Mike Freer Richard Fuller
Robert Halfon Philip Hollobone Andrew Rosindell Henry Smith
Martin Vickers Charles Walker John Whittingdale
Liberal Democrat to vote for the amendment: Bob Russell
[22] 21 November 2012 (Div. 103): In a deferred division, one Coalition MP (a Liberal Democrat) voted against the draft Benefit Cap (Housing Benefit) Regulations 2012: Sarah Teather
20
[23] 17 December 2012 (Div. 121): During the Report stage of the Growth and Infrastructure Bill, two Coalition MPs (one Conservative, one Liberal Democrat) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench amendment that would have removed the clause allowing planning applications to made directly to the Secretary of State: Conservative to vote in favour of amendment: Zac Goldsmith Liberal Democrat to vote in favour of amendment: Martin Horwood [24] 17 December 2012 (Div. 123): During the Report stage of the Growth and Infrastructure Bill, three Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench amendment that would have removed clause 25, a scheme where employees would gain shares in a company in return for waiving certain employment rights: Martin Horwood Greg Mulholland Adrian Sanders [25] 17 December 2012 (Div. 124): One Coalition MP (a Liberal Democrat) voted against the Third Reading of the Growth and Infrastructure Bill: Martin Horwood [26] 18 December 2012 (Div. 125): Five Coalition MPs (four Conservatives and one Liberal Democrat) voted against the Second Reading of the Justice and Security Bill: Conservatives to vote against Second Reading: David Davis Edward Leigh Simon Reevell Andrew Tyrie Liberal Democrat to vote against Second Reading: John Hemming
21
[27] 8 January 2013 (Div. 129): Four Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted against the Second Reading of the Welfare Benefits Up-Rating Bill: Dr. Julian Huppert John Leech Sarah Teather David Ward
Notes: Two Liberal Democrats - Andrew George and Charles Kennedy - voted in both lobbies to register a deliberate abstention. It is believed a further three Liberal Democrat MPs abstained.
[28] 21 January 2013 (Div. 137): During the Committee stage of the Welfare Benefits Up-Rating Bill, five Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion that Clause 1 to 3 (uprating benefits by 1% in 2014-15 and 2015-16) stand part of the Bill: Andrew George Martin Horwood Dr. Julian Huppert Charles Kennedy Alan Reid [29] 21 January 2013 (Div. 138): Nine Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted against the Third Reading of the Welfare Benefits Up-Rating Bill: Andrew George Martin Horwood Dr. Julian Huppert
Charles Kennedy John Leech Alan Reid
Adrian Sanders Sarah Teather Mark Williams
22
[30] 28 January 2013 (Div. 143): During the Report stage of the Succession to the Crown Bill, nineteen Coalition MPs (seventeen Conservatives, two Liberal Democrats) voted in favour of a clause in the name of Jacob Rees-Mogg that would have provided for circumstances where the successor was not in communion with the Church of England; in such a case, the next Anglican heir to the Crown would assume the role of Supreme Governor of the Church of England on the Monarch’s behalf: Conservatives to vote in favour of the new clause: Steve Baker Aidan Burley Conor Burns David Davis Jonathan Evans Zac Goldsmith
Philip Hollobone Bernard Jenkin Edward Leigh Anne McIntosh Stephen McPartland Nigel Mills
Mark Reckless Jacob Rees-Mogg Sir Richard Shepherd Bob Stewart Dr Sarah Wollaston
Liberal Democrats to vote in favour of the clause: John Hemming Alan Reid
Notes: Liberal Democrat MP Michael Crockart and Conservative minister Helen Grant voted in both lobbies. Michael Crockart confirmed this was to abstain, Helen Grant declined to provide an explanation.
[31] 29 January 2013 (Div. 146): Four Conservative MPs voted with the Liberal Democrats and Labour to approve a Lords amendment to the Electoral Registration and Administration Bill that delayed the boundary review until 2018: John Baron Philip Davies David Davis Sir Richard Shepherd
Note: The attempt to overturn the amendment failed by 334 to 292, with Conservative and Liberal Democrat MPs whipped in different lobbies.
23
[32] 5 February 2013 (Div. 152): Thirty-eight Coalition MPs (thirty-six Conservatives, two Liberal Democrats) voted against the programme motion on the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill: Conservatives to vote against the programme motion: Peter Aldous Bob Blackman Peter Bone Andrew Bridgen Fiona Bruce Douglas Carswell William Cash Christopher Chope Philip Davies David Davis Richard Drax Edward Garnier
James Gray Philip Hollobone Gerald Howarth Stewart Jackson Edward Leigh Anne Main Karl McCartney Anne McIntosh Stephen McPartland David Nuttall Matthew Offord Mark Pritchard
Jacob Rees-Mogg Simon Reevell Sir Richard Shepherd John Stevenson Bob Stewart Sir Peter Tapsell Andrew Turner Martin Vickers Charles Walker Robert Walter Craig Whittaker John Whittingdale
Liberal Democrats to vote against the programme motion: Tim Farron Simon Hughes
Note: Both Coalition parties allowed free votes on the Bill’s Second Reading, but then whipped the programme motion and other consequential divisions.
[33] 5 February 2013 (Div. 153): Twenty-five Coalition MPs (all Conservative) voted against the money resolution for the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill: Andrew Bingham Bob Blackman Peter Bone Fiona Bruce William Cash Christopher Chope Philip Davies David Davis Richard Drax
James Gray Philip Hollobone Gerald Howarth Stewart Jackson Edward Leigh Karl McCartney Stephen McPartland David Nuttall Matthew Offord
Jacob Rees-Mogg Simon Reevell John Stevenson Bob Stewart Martin Vickers Craig Whittaker John Whittingdale
24
[34] 5 February 2013 (Div. 154): Thirty Coalition MPs (all Conservative) voted against the carry over motion for the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill: David Amess Andrew Bingham Bob Blackman Peter Bone Fiona Bruce William Cash Christopher Chope David Davies Philip Davies David Davis
Richard Drax James Gray Philip Hollobone Gerald Howarth Stewart Jackson Pauline Latham Edward Leigh Karl McCartney Anne McIntosh Stephen McPartland
David Nuttall Matthew Offord Jacob Rees-Mogg Laurence Robertson John Stevenson Bob Stewart Andrew Turner Martin Vickers Craig Whittaker John Whittingdale
[35] 26 February 2013 (Div. 164): During the Report stage of the Groceries Code Adjudicator Bill, seven Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted for a Conservative backbench amendment in the name of Philip Davies that would have exempted companies whose turnover exceeds £1bn from being able to refer cases to the Adjudicator: Peter Bone Christopher Chope Philip Davies
Philip Hollobone David Nuttall Justin Tomlinson
Andrew Turner
[36] 4 March 2013 (Div. 169): During the Report stage of the Justice and Security Bill, eleven Coalition MPs (four Conservatives, seven Liberal Democrats) voted for a Labour frontbench amendment which would have added further conditions before Closed Material Procedures could be used in civil courts: Conservatives to vote in favour of the amendment: Steve Baker David Davis Richard Fuller Andrew Tyrie Liberal Democrats to vote in favour of the amendment: Michael Crockart Tim Farron John Hemming
Simon Hughes Dr. Julian Huppert Greg Mulholland
Sarah Teather
25
[37] 4 March 2013 (Div. 170): During the Report stage of the Justice and Security Bill, twelve Coalition MPs (five Conservatives, seven Liberal Democrats) voted for a Labour frontbench amendment which would have required judges to balance the interests of national security against “public interest in the fair and open administration of justice”
when considering the use of Closed Material Procedures: Conservatives to vote in favour of the amendment: Steve Baker David Davis Simon Reevell Andrew Tyrie Charles Walker Liberal Democrats to vote in favour of the amendment: Michael Crockart Tim Farron John Hemming
Simon Hughes Dr. Julian Huppert Greg Mulholland
Sarah Teather
[38] 4 March 2013 (Div. 171): During the Report stage of the Justice and Security Bill, thirteen Coalition MPs (five Conservatives, eight Liberal Democrats) voted in favour of a Labour frontbench clause which would have meant sections of the Act relating to the use of Closed Material Procedures would expire after a year and have to be renewed: Conservatives to vote in favour of the New Clause: Steve Baker Graham Brady Christopher Chope Andrew Tyrie Charles Walker Liberal Democrats to vote in favour of the New Clause: Annette Brooke Michael Crockart Tim Farron
John Hemming Simon Hughes Dr. Julian Huppert
Greg Mulholland Sarah Teather
26
[39] 4 March 2013 (Div. 172): During the Report stage of the Justice and Security Bill, eleven Coalition MPs (four Conservatives, seven Liberal Democrats) voted for a Labour frontbench amendment which would have required ‘damage to national security’ to outweigh public interest when Closed Material Procedures are used in civil courts: Conservatives to vote for the amendment: David Davis Simon Reevell Andrew Tyrie Charles Walker Liberal Democrats to vote for the amendment: Michael Crockart Tim Farron John Hemming
Simon Hughes Dr. Julian Huppert Greg Mulholland
Sarah Teather
[40] 6 March 2013 (Div. 174): Five Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) opposed a Government Business of the House Motion that made the House sit on 22 March in order to fit in four days of debate on the Budget: Peter Bone Christopher Chope Philip Davies Philip Hollobone David Nuttall [41] 6 March 2013 (Div. 175): Three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) supported a Labour frontbench amendment to a Government Business of the House Motion that would have made the House of Commons sit on Wednesday 27 March so there could be a Prime Minister’s Question Time after the Budget and before the Easter Recess: Peter Bone Philip Davies Philip Hollobone
27
[42] 7 March 2013 (Div. 177): Five Coalition MPs (one Conservative, four Liberal Democrats) voted against the Third Reading of the Justice and Security Bill: Conservative to vote against the Third Reading: Andrew Tyrie Liberal Democrats to vote against the Third Reading: Michael Crockart John Hemming Julian Huppert Sarah Teather [43] 13 March 2013 (Div. 182): In a deferred division, one Coalition MP (a Conservative) opposed the Conditional Fee Agreements Order 2013: Simon Reevell [44] 18 March 2013 (Div. 191): Sixteen Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted in favour of Conservative backbench amendment in the name of Peter Bone to the Crime and Courts Bill programme motion that would have allowed an additional two days to debate new clauses relating to regulation of the press: Andrew Bingham Bob Blackman Peter Bone Graham Brady Tracey Crouch Philip Davies
Nick de Bois Richard Drax Philip Hollobone Anne McIntosh David Nuttall Mark Reckless
Jacob Rees-Mogg Sir Richard Shepherd Andrew Turner Charles Walker
Note: Eight Labour MPs also voted for this amendment, whilst two voted in both lobbies.
28
[45] 18 March 2013 (Div. 192): Fourteen Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted against the Second Reading of new clause 21A to the Crime and Courts Bill relating to exemplary damages and exemption for media bodies who sign up to the new press regulatory body: Richard Bacon Christopher Chope Tracey Crouch Philip Davies Nick de Bois
Richard Drax Andrew Percy Mark Reckless John Redwood Jacob Rees-Mogg
Andrew Turner Martin Vickers Charles Walker Dr. Sarah Wollaston
Note: Nigel Mills voted in both lobbies in order to register a deliberate abstention.
[46] 18 March 2013 (Div. 193): One Coalition MP (Liberal Democrat) voted in favour of a Labour amendment to the Crime and Courts Bill (matters relating to regulation of the press) that would have allowed fines to be means tested if the publisher was found to be liable to two or more claimants: Sarah Teather
Note: One Labour MP (Dr Alan Whitehead) voted against this Clause; and, probably by mistake, Danny Alexander, Liberal Democrat Chief Secretary to the Treasury voted in both lobbies.
[47] 19 March 2013 (Div.194): One Coalition MP (Liberal Democrat) voted against the Second Reading of the Job Seeker’s (Back to Work Schemes) Bill: John Leech [48] 16 April 2013 (Div. 202): Three Coalition MPs (all Liberal Democrats) voted against a government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Growth and Infrastructure Bill which would have removed the clause establishing the new employment status of ‘employee shareholder’: Martin Horwood Greg Mulholland David Ward
29
[49] 16 April 2013 (Div. 203): Twenty-six Coalition MPs (seventeen Conservatives, nine Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Growth and Infrastructure Bill which would have changed the details of planning regulations for home extensions: Conservatives to vote against: John Baron Andrew Bingham Bob Blackman Conor Burns Tracey Crouch Nick de Bois
Zac Goldsmith Philip Hollobone Stewart Jackson Dr. Julian Lewis Anne Main Jason McCartney
Caroline Nokes Matthew Offord Mark Pawsey Sir John Stanley Chris White
Liberal Democrats to vote against: Annette Brooke Paul Burstow Andrew George
Martin Horwood Greg Mulholland Dr. John Pugh
Adrian Sanders Mike Thornton David Ward
Note: Liberal Democrat MP John Hemming voted in both lobbies in order to register a deliberate abstention.
[50] 16 April 2013 (Div. 205): Five Coalition MPs (one Conservative, four Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill which would have prevented section 3 of the Equality Act 2006 being repealed: Conservative to vote against: Peter Bottomley Liberal Democrats to vote against: John Hemming Adrian Sanders Sarah Teather David Ward
30
[51] 16 April 2013 (Div. 206): Four Coalition MPs (two Conservatives, two Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill relating to the Commission for Equality and Human Rights: Conservatives to vote against: Nicola Blackwood Peter Bottomley Liberal Democrats to vote against: Sir Alan Beith John Hemming [52] 16 April 2013 (Div. 207): Eight Coalition MPs (five Conservatives, three Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill relating to the Equality Act 2010 and caste discrimination: Conservatives to vote against: Peter Bottomley Richard Fuller Philip Hollobone Mark Reckless Dr. Sarah Wollaston Liberal Democrats to vote against: Sir Alan Beith Andrew George David Ward [53] 16 April 2013 (Div. 208): One Coalition MP (a Liberal Democrat) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill relating to civil liability for breach of health and safety duties: John Hemming
31
[54] 16 April 2013 (Div. 209): Six Coalition MPs (three Conservatives, three Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Defamation Bill that would have limited the ability of corporations to sue for libel: Conservatives to vote against: Peter Bottomley Philip Hollobone Dr. Sarah Wollaston Liberal Democrats to vote against: John Leech Greg Mulholland Adrian Sanders
Note: Liberal Democrat MPs Tim Farron and John Hemming voted in both lobbies, both registering deliberate abstentions.
[55] 18 April 2013 (Div. 219): During the Committee stage of the Finance (No.2) Bill, one Coalition MP (a Liberal Democrat) voted in favour of a new clause by Plaid Cymru regarding air passenger duty in Wales: Mark Williams [56] 22 April 2013 (Div. 221): Two Coalition MPs (both Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Public Service Pensions Bill which would have set the pension age of the Ministry of Defence Fire Service at sixty: Michael Crockart Alan Reid
32
[57] 22 April 2013 (Div. 222): Two Coalition MPs (both Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment to the Public Service Pensions Bill which would have set the pension age of the Ministry of Defence Police at sixty: Michael Crockart Alan Reid [58] 22 April 2013 (Div. 223): Three Coalition MPs (all Conservatives) voted against a Government motion, for the purposes of section 5 of the European Communities (Amendment) Act 1993, approving the Government’s assessment as set out in the Budget Report which
forms the basis of the United Kingdom’s Convergence Programme: Philip Davies Philip Hollobone David Nuttall [59] 23 April 2013 (Div. 224): Four Coalition MPs (one Conservative, three Liberal Democrats) voted against a Government motion disagreeing with a Lords amendment and proposing its own amendments to the Growth and Infrastructure Bill relating to planning regulations for home extensions: Conservative to vote against: Peter Bottomley Liberal Democrats to vote against: Martin Horwood Greg Mulholland David Ward
Note: Liberal Democrat Mike Thornton voted in both lobbies in order to cast a deliberate abstention.
33
[60] 24 April 2013 (Div. 225): Two Coalition MPs (both Liberal Democrats) voted for a Labour Opposition Day motion calling on the government to drop its plans to abolish the Agricultural Wages Board: Andrew George John Thurso [61] 25 April 2013 (Div. 227): Two Coalition MPs (both Conservatives) voted against a government motion on the Fourth Railway Package, an EU legislative proposal regarding the creation of a single European railway area: Philip Hollobone Andrew Percy
34
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Ban
king
Ind
ustr
y (L
ab O
ppos
ition
Day
Mot
ion)
5
July
201
2 1
0 1
44
9 H
ouse
of Lo
rds
Ref
orm
Bill
(Se
cond
Rea
ding
)
10 J
uly
2012
91
0
91
47
10
Def
amat
ion
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
rein
stat
e de
fenc
e of
inno
cent
dis
sem
inat
ion
for
book
selle
rs)
12 S
epte
mbe
r 20
12
1 0
1 66
11
D
raft
Pub
lic B
odie
s (A
bolit
ion
of t
he C
omm
issi
on for
Rur
al C
omm
uniti
es)
Ord
er 2
012
(def
erre
d di
visi
on)
17 O
ctob
er 2
012
0 1
1 74
12
EU
Doc
umen
ts,
take
not
e m
otio
n (L
imit
Sul
phur
Con
tent
in M
arin
e Fu
els)
(de
ferr
ed d
ivis
ion)
17
Oct
ober
201
2 15
0
15
75
13
Ente
rprise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
Gre
en I
nves
tmen
t Ban
k an
d cl
imat
e ch
ange
) 17
Oct
ober
201
2 2
0 2
28
14
Ente
rprise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
Not
ify E
U C
omm
issi
on a
bout
Gre
en I
nves
tmen
t Ban
k)
17 O
ctob
er 2
012
1 0
1 79
15
D
raft
Housin
g B
enefit
(Am
endm
ent)
Regula
tions 2
012 (
‘Bedro
om
Tax’)
(defe
rred d
ivis
ion)
24 O
ctob
er 2
012
0 7
7 84
16
Po
lice
and
Crim
e Com
mis
sion
er e
lect
ions
and
cut
s to
pol
ice
budg
ets
(Lab
Opp
ositi
on D
ay M
otio
n)
24 O
ctob
er 2
012
1 0
1 86
17
D
raft
Wel
fare
of W
ild A
nim
als
in T
rave
lling
Circu
ses
(Eng
land
) Reg
ulat
ions
201
2 30
Oct
ober
201
2 6
1 7
89
18
EU D
ocum
ents
, ta
ke n
ote
mot
ion
(Con
b/b
am
dt:
Mul
tiann
ual F
inan
cial
Fra
mew
ork)
31
Oct
ober
201
2 53
0
53
91
19
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Sec
ond
Rea
ding
) 5
Nov
embe
r 20
12
0 2
2 93
20
EU
Doc
umen
ts,
take
not
e m
otio
n (C
on b
/b a
mdt
: ag
ains
t Q
MV in
the
Eur
opea
n Ban
king
Aut
hority
) 6
Nov
embe
r 20
12
23
0 23
94
21
H
ouse
of Com
mon
s Adm
inis
trat
ion
and
Sav
ings
Pro
gram
me
(BBBC
mot
ion:
Con
b/b
am
dt)
8
Nov
embe
r 20
12
11
1 12
98
22
D
raft
Ben
efit
Cap
(H
ousi
ng B
enef
it) R
egul
atio
ns 2
012
(def
erre
d di
visi
on)
21 N
ovem
ber
2012
0
1 1
103
23
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
prev
ent
appl
icat
ions
bei
ng m
ade
dire
ctly
to
Secr
etar
y of
Sta
te)
17 D
ecem
ber
2012
1
1 2
121
24
Gro
wth
and I
nfr
astr
uctu
re B
ill (R
eport
: Lab a
mdt:
rem
ove ‘rights
for
share
s’ cla
use)
17 D
ecem
ber
2012
0
3 3
123
25
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Th
ird
Rea
ding
) 17
Dec
embe
r 20
12
0 1
1 12
4 26
Ju
stic
e an
d Sec
urity
Bill
(Sec
ond
Rea
ding
) 18
Dec
embe
r 20
12
4 1
5 12
5
35
27
Wel
fare
Ben
efits
Up-
Rat
ing
Bill
(Sec
ond
Rea
ding
) 8
Janu
ary
2013
0
4 4
129
28
Wel
fare
Ben
efits
Up-
Rat
ing
Bill
(CW
H:
Gov
t m
otio
n: 1
% in
crea
se c
ap u
ntil
2016
) 21
Jan
uary
201
3 0
5 5
137
29
Wel
fare
Ben
efits
Up-
Rat
ing
Bill
(Th
ird
Rea
ding
) 21
Jan
uary
201
3 0
9 9
138
30
Suc
cess
ion
to t
he C
row
n Bill
(Rep
ort:
Con
b/b
am
dt:
Ang
lican
hei
r as
Sup
rem
e G
over
nor
of t
he C
hurc
h of
Eng
land
) 28
Jan
uary
201
3 17
2
19
143
31
Elec
tora
l Reg
istr
atio
n an
d Ad
min
istr
atio
n Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
s: d
isag
ree,
del
ay o
f bo
unda
ry r
evie
w u
ntil
2018
) 29
Jan
uary
201
3 4
0 4
146
32
Mar
riag
e (S
ame
Sex
Cou
ples
) Bill
(Pr
ogra
mm
e M
otio
n)
5 Fe
brua
ry 2
013
36
2 38
15
2 33
M
arriag
e (S
ame
Sex
Cou
ples
) Bill
(M
oney
Res
olut
ion)
5
Febr
uary
201
3 25
0
25
153
34
Mar
riag
e (S
ame
Sex
Cou
ples
) Bill
(Car
ry O
ver
Mot
ion)
5
Febr
uary
201
3 30
0
30
154
35
Gro
ceries
Cod
e Adj
udic
ator
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Con
b/b
am
dt:
exem
pt c
ompa
nies
with
£1b
n+ t
urno
ver)
26
Feb
ruar
y 20
13
7 0
7 16
4 36
Ju
stice a
nd S
ecurity
Bill (R
eport
: Lab a
mdt:
Clo
sed M
ate
rial Pro
cedure
s ‘Secre
t Court
s’ in
Civ
il C
ourt
s)
4 M
arch
201
3
4 7
11
169
37
Just
ice
and
Sec
urity
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
Publ
ic in
tere
st in
Clo
sed
Mat
eria
l Pro
cedu
res)
4
Mar
ch 2
013
5 7
11
170
38
Just
ice
and
Sec
urity
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
Clo
sed
Mat
eria
l Pro
cedu
res,
sun
set
clau
se)
4 M
arch
201
3 5
8 13
17
1 39
Ju
stic
e an
d Sec
urity
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
Clo
sed
Mat
eria
l Pro
cedu
res
only
whe
n na
tiona
l sec
urity
dam
aged
) 4
Mar
ch 2
013
4 7
11
172
40
Bus
ines
s of
the
Hou
se (
Hou
se t
o si
t on
22
Mar
ch t
o de
bate
Bud
get
for
four
day
s)
6 M
arch
201
3 5
0 5
174
41
Bus
ines
s of
the
Hou
se (
Lab
amdt
: H
ouse
to
sit
on 2
7 M
arch
to
hold
PM
Qs)
6
Mar
ch 2
013
3 0
3 17
5 42
Ju
stic
e an
d Sec
urity
Bill
(Th
ird
Rea
ding
) 7
Mar
ch 2
013
1 4
5 17
7 43
Con
ditio
nal F
ee A
gree
men
ts O
rder
201
3 (G
ovt
Mot
ion:
Leg
al S
ervi
ces)
(de
ferr
ed d
ivis
ion)
13
Mar
ch 2
013
1 0
1 18
2 44
Crim
e an
d Cou
rts
Bill
(Pr
ogra
mm
e M
otio
n: C
on b
/b a
mdt
: tw
o m
ore
days
for
deb
ate
on r
egul
atio
n of
the
pre
ss)
18 M
arch
201
3 16
0
16
191
45
Crim
e an
d Cou
rts
Bill
(Rep
ort:
New
Cla
use
21A:
exem
plar
y da
mag
es)
18 M
arch
201
3 14
0
14
192
46
Crim
e an
d Cou
rts
Bill
(Rep
ort:
Lab
am
dt:
mea
ns t
este
d fin
es)
18 M
arch
201
3 0
1 1
193
47
Job S
eeker’s (
Back t
o W
ork
Schem
es)
Bill (S
econd R
eadin
g)
19 M
arch
201
3 0
1 1
194
48
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee, re
mov
e sta
tus ‘Em
ploy
ee S
hare
hold
er’)
16 A
pril
2013
0
3 3
202
49
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee, pl
anni
ng r
egul
atio
ns for
hom
e ex
tens
ions
)
16 A
pril
2013
17
9
26
203
50
Ente
rprise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
prev
entin
g re
peal
of Sec
tion
3 of
the
Equ
ality
Act
) 16
Apr
il 20
13
1 4
5 20
5 51
En
terp
rise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
Com
mis
sion
for
Equ
ality
and
Hum
an R
ight
s)
16 A
pril
2013
2
2 4
206
52
Ente
rprise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
Equa
lity
Act
2010
and
cas
te d
iscr
imin
atio
n)
16 A
pril
2013
5
3 8
207
53
Ente
rprise
and
Reg
ulat
ory
Ref
orm
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
civi
l lia
bilit
y fo
r br
each
in h
ealth
and
saf
ety
dutie
s)
16 A
pril
2013
0
1 1
208
54
Def
amat
ion
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
limiti
ng a
bilit
y of
cor
pora
tions
to
sue
for
libel
) 16
Apr
il 20
13
3 3
6 20
9 55
Fi
nanc
e (N
o.2)
Bill
(CW
H:
Plai
d Cym
ru n
ew c
laus
e: A
ir P
asse
nger
Dut
y W
ales
) 18
Apr
il 20
13
0 1
1 21
9 56
Pu
blic
Ser
vice
Pen
sion
s Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
MO
D F
ire R
escu
e Se
rvic
e Pe
nsio
n at
age
60)
22
Apr
il 20
13
0 2
2 22
1
36
57
Publ
ic S
ervi
ce P
ensi
ons
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee,
MO
D P
olic
e pe
nsio
n at
age
60)
22
Apr
il 20
13
0 2
2 22
2 58
G
overn
ment’s B
udget
Assessm
ent
(for
Section 5
of th
e E
uro
pean C
om
munitie
s (
Am
endm
ent)
Act
1993)
22 A
pril
2013
3
0 3
223
59
Gro
wth
and
Inf
rast
ruct
ure
Bill
(Lo
rds
amdt
: di
sagr
ee, pl
anni
ng r
egul
atio
ns for
hom
e ex
tens
ions
) 23
Apr
il 20
13
1 3
4 22
4 60
Agr
icul
tura
l Wag
es B
oard
(La
b O
ppos
ition
Day
: ab
ando
n pl
ans
to a
bolis
h W
ages
Boa
rd)
24 A
pril
2013
0
2 2
225
61
Four
th R
ailw
ay P
acka
ge (
Gov
t m
otio
n: p
ropo
sals
to
crea
te S
ingl
e Eu
rope
an R
ailw
ay A
rea)
25
Apr
il 20
13
2 0
2 22
7
37
III M
ajo
r r
eb
ellio
ns a
gain
st
the p
arty
wh
ip,
by i
ssu
e/
bill
Eu
ro
pe
Nam
e of
MP
Mac
roec
onom
ic
Imba
lanc
es
(Div
. 30
)
Sul
phur
con
tent
in
mar
ine
fuel
s (D
iv.7
5)
EU M
MF
(Div
.91)
Q
MV in
EBA
(Div
.94)
EU a
ppro
val o
f Bud
get
(Div
.223
)
Euro
pean
Rai
lway
Are
a (D
iv.2
27)
Bak
er,
Ste
ve
X
Bar
on,
John
X
X
X
Bin
gham
, And
rew
X
Bin
ley,
Bri
an
X
X
Bla
ckm
an,
Bob
X
Bon
e, P
eter
X
X
X
Bri
dgen
, And
rew
X
Bur
ley,
Aid
an
X
Bur
ns,
Con
or
X
Car
swel
l, D
ougl
as
X
X
X
Cas
h W
illia
m
X
X
X
X
Cho
pe,
Chr
isto
pher
X
Cla
ppis
on,
Jam
es
X
X
Cro
uch,
Tra
cey
X
D
avie
s, P
hilip
X
X
X
X
D
avis
, D
avid
X
D
e Boi
s, N
ick
X
D
orri
es,
Nad
ine
X
D
rax,
Ric
hard
X
X
X
Gol
dsm
ith,
Zac
X
X
Gra
y, J
ames
X
H
eato
n-H
arri
s, C
hris
X
H
ende
rson
, G
ordo
n X
X
H
ollo
bone
, Ph
ilip
X
X
X
X
X
Hol
low
ay,
Ada
m
X
38
Jack
son,
Ste
war
t
X
X
Jenk
in,
Ber
nard
X
X
X
Kel
ly,
Chr
is
X
Le
igh,
Edw
ard
X
Le
wis
, D
r. J
ulia
n
X
Lo
pres
ti,
Jack
X
M
ain,
Ann
e
X
M
cCar
tney
, Ja
son
X
M
cCar
ney,
Kar
l
X
M
cPar
tlan
d, S
teph
en
X
M
ills,
Nig
el
X
N
utta
ll, D
avid
X
X
X
X
X
Pe
rcy,
And
rew
X
X
X
X
Pritch
ard,
Mar
k
X
X
Rec
kles
s, M
ark
X
X
X
X
Red
woo
d, J
ohn
X
X
X
Ree
s-M
ogg,
Jac
ob
X
Ree
vell,
Sim
on
X
Rob
erts
on,
Laur
ence
X
Ros
inde
ll, A
ndre
w
X
X
Ruf
fley,
Dav
id
X
She
pher
d, R
icha
rd
X
X
Sm
ith,
Hen
ry
X
X
Ste
war
t, B
ob
X
Ta
psel
l, Sir
Pet
er
X
X
X
Tu
rner
, And
rew
X
Vic
kers
, M
artin
X
W
hart
on,
Jam
es
X
W
heel
er,
Hea
ther
X
W
hitt
ingd
ale,
Joh
n
X
W
olla
ston
, D
r. S
arah
X
39
House of Lords Reform Bill
Name of MP Second Reading (Div.47)
Afriyie, Adam X Amess, David X Baker, Steve X Baron, John X Bebb, Guto X Bingham, Andrew X Binley, Brian X Blackman, Bob X Blackwood, Nicola X Bone, Peter X Brady, Graham X Bray, Angie X Brazier, Julian X Bridgen, Andrew X Brine, Steve X Burns, Conor X Byles, Dan X Cairns, Alun X Cash, William X Chope, Christopher X Clappison, James X Clifton-Brown, Geoffrey X Cox, Geoffrey X Crouch, Tracey X Davies, Philip X Davis, David X De Bois, Nick X Dinenage, Caroline X Dorries, Nadine X Drax, Richard X Eustice, George X Freer, Mike X Fuller, Richard X Goldsmith, Zac X Gray, James X Griffiths, Andrew X Harrington, Richard X Hart, Simon X Haselhurst, Sir Alan X Hollobone, Philip X Holloway, Adam X Jackson, Stewart X Jenkin, Bernard X Johnson, Gareth X Kelly, Chris X Laing, Eleanor X Lee, Phillip X
40
Leigh,Edward X Leslie, Charlotte X Lewis, Julian X Liddell-Grainger, Ian X Lilley, Peter X Lord, Jonathan X Lumley, Karen X Main, Anne X McCartney, Jason X McCartney, Karl X McIntosh, Anne X Mensch, Louise X Mercer, Patrick X Mordaunt, Penny X Morris, James X Norman, Jesse X Nuttall, David X Offord, Matthew X Pawsey, Mark X Percy, Andrew X Pincher, Christopher X Redwood, John X Rees-Mogg, Jacob X Reevell, Simon X Rifkind, Sir Malcolm X Robertson ,Laurence X Rosindell, Andrew X Ruffley, David X Shepherd, Richard X Soames, Nicholas X Stewart, Bob X Stewart, Rory X Streeter, Gary X Stuart, Graham X Tapsell, Sir Peter X Tredinnick, David X Turner, Andrew X Walker, Charles X Walker, Robin X Walter, Robert X White, Chris X Whittaker, Craig X Whittingdale, John X Zahawi, Nadhim X
41
Gro
wth
an
d I
nfr
astr
uctu
re B
ill
Note
s:
In t
his,
and
in s
ubse
quen
t ta
bles
, M
Ps f
rom
the
par
ty t
hat
cons
titu
ted
the
maj
ority
of t
he r
ebel
lious
MPs
are
in r
oman
typ
e;
thos
e fr
om t
he p
arty
tha
t co
nstitu
ted
the
min
ority
are
in it
alic
s.
Nam
e of
MP
Sec
ond
Rea
ding
(D
iv.
93)
Sec
reta
ry o
f Sta
te
(Div
. 12
1)
Sha
res
for
righ
ts
(Div
. 12
3)
Thir
d Rea
ding
(D
iv.
124)
Sha
res
for
righ
ts (
Lord
s)
(Div
. 20
2)
Exte
nsio
ns
(Lor
ds)
(Div
. 20
3)
Exte
nsio
ns
(Div
. 22
4)
Bar
on,
John
X
Bin
gham
, And
rew
X
Bla
ckm
an,
Bob
X
Bot
tom
ley,
Pet
er
X
Bro
oke,
Annett
e
X
Bur
ns,
Con
or
X
Burs
tow
, Paul
X
Cro
uch,
Tra
cy
X
de
Boi
s, N
ick
X
G
eorg
e,
Andre
w
X
G
olds
mith
, Zac
X
X
H
orw
ood,
Mart
in
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Hol
lobo
ne,
Phili
p
X
Ja
ckso
n, S
tew
art
X
Le
wis
, D
r. J
ulia
n
X
M
ain,
Ann
e
X
M
cCar
tney
, Ja
son
X
M
ulh
olland,
Gre
g
X
X
X
X
Nok
es,
Car
olin
e
X
O
ffor
d, M
atth
ew
X
Pa
wse
y, M
ark
X
Pugh,
Dr.
John
X
Sanders
, Adri
an
X
X
Sta
nley
, Sir
Joh
n
X
Thorn
ton,
Mik
e
X
W
ard
, D
avid
X
X
X
X
Whi
te,
Chr
is
X
42
Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill
Name of MP Programme (Div.152)
Money Resolution (Div.153)
Carry-Over Motion
(Div.154) Aldous, Peter X
Amess, David
X Bingham, Andrew
X X
Blackman, Bob X X X Bone, Peter X X X Bridgen, Andrew X
Bruce, Fiona X X X Carswell, Douglas X
Cash, William X X X Chope, Christopher X X X Davies, David TC
X
Davies, Philip X X X Davis, David X X X Drax, Richard X X X Farron, Tim X
Garnier, Edward X Gray, James X X X
Hollobone, Philip X X X Howarth, Gerald X X X Hughes, Simon X
Jackson, Stewart X X X Latham, Pauline
X
Leigh, Edward X X X Main, Anne X
McCartney, Karl X X X McIntosh, Anne X
X
McPartland, Stephen X X X Nuttall, David X X X Offord, Matthew X X X Pritchard, Mark X
Rees-Mogg, Jacob X X X Reevell, Simon X X
Robertson, Laurence
X Shepherd, Richard X
Stevenson, John X X X Stewart, Bob X X X Tapsell, Sir Peter X
Turner, Andrew X
X Vickers, Martin X X X Walker, Charles X
Walter, Robert X Whittaker, Craig X X X
Whittingdale, John X X X
43
Crime and Courts Bill
Name of MP Programme: (Div. 191)
Exemplary Damages (Div. 192)
Bacon, Richard X Bingham, Andrew X Blackman, Bob X Bone, Peter X Brady, Graham X Chope, Christopher X Crouch, Tracey X X Davies, Philip X X De Bois, Nick X X Drax, Richard X X Hollobone, Philip X McIntosh, Anne X Nuttall, David X Percy, Andrew X Reckless, Mark X X Redwood, John X Rees-Mogg, Jacob X X Shepherd, Richard X Turner, Andrew X X Vickers, Martin X Walker, Charles X X Wollaston, Dr. Sarah X
44
IV The Coalition Rebels a) Sorted by number of rebellions in 2012-13
Listed as a Coalition Listed by party
Votes against the whip
Votes against the whip
Name of MP 2012
-13
2010
-12
Tota
l
Name of MP 2012
-13
2010
-12
Tota
l
Hollobone, Philip 23 106 129 Hollobone, Philip 23 106 129 Davies, Philip 17 68 85 Nuttall, David 14 74 88 Nuttall, David 14 74 88 Davies, Philip 17 68 85 Bone, Peter 12 56 68 Bone, Peter 12 56 68 Reckless, Mark 12 34 46 Chope, Christopher 11 48 59 Davis, David 12 27 39 Cash, William 10 41 51 Chope, Christopher 11 48 59 Turner, Andrew 7 43 50 Cash, William 10 41 51 Shepherd, Richard 7 40 47 Mulholland, Greg 10 27 37 Reckless, Mark 12 34 46 Goldsmith, Zac 10 19 29 Jenkin, Bernard 5 35 40 Hemming, John 10 5 15 Davis, David 12 27 39 Teather, Sarah 10 0 10 Percy, Andrew 6 32 38 Horwood, Martin 9 18 27 Main, Anne 5 31 36 Drax, Richard 9 16 25 Lewis, Dr Julian 3 33 36 Ward, David 8 29 37 Carswell, Douglas 4 28 32 Walker, Charles 8 20 28 Goldsmith, Zac 10 19 29 Rees-Mogg, Jacob 8 17 25 Walker, Charles 8 20 28 Leigh, Edward 8 12 20 Drax, Richard 9 16 25 Huppert, Dr. Julian 8 9 17 Rees-Mogg, Jacob 8 17 25 Jackson, Stewart 8 7 15 Baker, Steve 6 17 23 Reevell, Simon 8 5 13 Clappison, James 4 19 23 Blackman, Bob 8 4 12 Baron, John 7 15 22 Turner, Andrew 7 43 50 Leigh, Edward 8 12 20 Shepherd, Richard 7 40 47 Redwood, John 5 15 20 George, Andrew 7 37 44 Henderson, Gordon 3 17 20 Baron, John 7 15 22 Vickers, Martin 6 13 19 Bottomley, Peter 7 8 15 Binley, Brian 3 16 19 Crockart, Mike 7 7 14 Tapsell, Sir Peter 6 12 18 Stewart, Bob 7 4 11 Whittingdale, John 6 11 17 Sanders, Adrian 6 36 42 Gray, James 5 12 17 Percy, Andrew 6 32 38 McCartney, Jason 5 12 17 Leech, John 6 28 34 Jackson, Stewart 8 7 15 Baker, Steve 6 17 23 Bottomley, Peter 7 8 15 Vickers, Martin 6 13 19 Reevell, Simon 8 5 13 Tapsell, Sir Peter 6 12 18 Blackman, Bob 8 4 12 Whittingdale, John 6 11 17 McCartney, Karl 5 7 12 Reid, Alan 6 7 13 Wollaston, Dr. Sarah 5 7 12 Bingham, Andrew 6 5 11 Brady, Graham 3 9 12 Crouch, Tracey 6 3 9 Stewart, Bob 7 4 11 Tyrie, Andrew 6 3 9 Bingham, Andrew 6 5 11 Jenkin, Bernard 5 35 40 Bridgen, Andrew 3 7 10
45
Main, Anne 5 31 36 Dorries, Nadine 3 7 10 Redwood, John 5 15 20 Pritchard, Mark 3 7 10 Gray, James 5 12 17 Crouch, Tracey 6 3 9 McCartney, Jason 5 12 17 Tyrie, Andrew 6 3 9 McCartney, Karl 5 7 12 de Bois, Nick 5 4 9 Wollaston, Dr. Sarah 5 7 12 Offord, Matthew 5 4 9 de Bois, Nick 5 4 9 Smith, Henry 5 4 9 Farron, Tim 5 4 9 Whittaker, Craig 4 4 8 Offord, Matthew 5 4 9 Heaton-Harris, Chris 3 5 8 Smith, Henry 5 4 9 Robertson, Laurence 3 5 8 Hughes, Simon 5 2 7 Mills, Nigel 2 6 8 McIntosh, Anne 5 2 7 McIntosh, Anne 5 2 7 McPartland, Stephen 5 1 6 Bruce, Fiona 3 4 7 Carswell, Douglas 4 28 32 Eustice, George 1 6 7 Clappison, James 4 19 23 Field, Mark 0 7 7 Whittaker, Craig 4 4 8 McPartland, Stephen 5 1 6 Rosindell, Andrew 4 2 6 Rosindell, Andrew 4 2 6 Fuller, Richard 4 1 5 Cox, Geoffrey 1 5 6 Burns, Conor 4 0 4 Stuart, Graham 1 5 6 Lewis, Dr Julian 3 33 36 Fuller, Richard 4 1 5 Henderson, Gordon 3 17 20 Stevenson, John 3 2 5 Binley, Brian 3 16 19 Kelly, Chris 2 3 5 Brady, Graham 3 9 12 Laing, Eleanor 2 3 5 Bridgen, Andrew 3 7 10 Mercer, Patrick 1 4 5 Dorries, Nadine 3 7 10 Murray, Sheryll 0 5 5 Kennedy, Charles 3 7 10 Burns, Conor 4 0 4 Pritchard, Mark 3 7 10 Freer, Mike 2 2 4 Heaton-Harris, Chris 3 5 8 Bebb, Guto 1 3 4 Robertson, Laurence 3 5 8 Nokes, Caroline 1 3 4 Bruce, Fiona 3 4 7 Newton, Sarah 0 4 4 Stevenson, John 3 2 5 Raab, Dominic 0 4 4 Howarth, Gerald 3 0 3 Howarth, Gerald 3 0 3 Russell, Bob 2 20 22 Holloway, Adam 2 1 3 Brooke, Annette 2 11 13 Walter, Robert 2 1 3 Williams, Mark 2 7 9 Weatherley, Mike 2 1 3 Mills, Nigel 2 6 8 Afriyie, Adam 1 2 3 Beith, Sir Alan 2 4 6 Aldous, Peter 1 2 3 Kelly, Chris 2 3 5 Brine, Steve 1 2 3 Laing, Eleanor 2 3 5 Dinenage, Caroline 1 2 3 Freer, Mike 2 2 4 Evans, Jonathan 1 2 3 Holloway, Adam 2 1 3 Stanley, Sir John 1 2 3 Walter, Robert 2 1 3 Streeter, Gary 1 2 3 Weatherley, Mike 2 1 3 Tomlinson, Justin 1 2 3 Amess, David 2 0 2 Lefroy, Jeremy 0 3 3 Blackwood, Nicola 2 0 2 Amess, David 2 0 2 Burley, Aidan 2 0 2 Blackwood, Nicola 2 0 2 Pawsey, Mark 2 0 2 Burley, Aidan 2 0 2 Ruffley, David 2 0 2 Pawsey, Mark 2 0 2 White, Chris 2 0 2 Ruffley, David 2 0 2 Pugh, Dr. John 1 12 13 White, Chris 2 0 2 Eustice, George 1 6 7 Byles, Dan 1 1 2 Cox, Geoffrey 1 5 6 Cairns, Alun 1 1 2
46
Stuart, Graham 1 5 6 Davies, David TC 1 1 2 Mercer, Patrick 1 4 5 Halfon, Robert 1 1 2 Thurso, John 1 4 5 Hart, Simon 1 1 2 Bebb, Guto 1 3 4 Latham, Pauline 1 1 2 Nokes, Caroline 1 3 4 Lilley, Peter 1 1 2 Afriyie, Adam 1 2 3 Lord, Jonathan 1 1 2 Aldous, Peter 1 2 3 Lumley, Karen 1 1 2 Brine, Steve 1 2 3 Morris, James 1 1 2 Dinenage, Caroline 1 2 3 Soames, Nicholas 1 1 2 Evans, Jonathan 1 2 3 Walker, Robin 1 1 2 Stanley, Sir John 1 2 3 Wharton, James 1 1 2 Streeter, Gary 1 2 3 Wheeler, Heather 1 1 2 Tomlinson, Justin 1 2 3 Knight, Greg 0 2 2 Byles, Dan 1 1 2 Mosley, Stephen 0 2 2 Cairns, Alun 1 1 2 Ottaway, Richard 0 2 2 Davies, David TC 1 1 2 Patel, Priti 0 2 2 Halfon, Robert 1 1 2 Bacon, Richard 1 0 1 Hart, Simon 1 1 2 Bray, Angie 1 0 1 Latham, Pauline 1 1 2 Brazier, Julian 1 0 1 Lilley, Peter 1 1 2 Clifton-Brown, G. 1 0 1 Lord, Jonathan 1 1 2 Doyle-Price, Jackie 1 0 1 Lumley, Karen 1 1 2 Garnier, Edward 1 0 1 Morris, James 1 1 2 Griffiths, Andrew 1 0 1 Soames, Nicholas 1 1 2 Harrington, Richard 1 0 1 Walker, Robin 1 1 2 Haselhurst, Sir Alan 1 0 1 Wharton, James 1 1 2 Johnson, Gareth 1 0 1 Wheeler, Heather 1 1 2 Lee, Phillip 1 0 1 Thornton, Mike 1 n/a 1 Leslie, Charlotte 1 0 1 Bacon, Richard 1 0 1 Liddell-Grainger, Ian 1 0 1 Mensch, Louise 1 0 1 Lopresti, Jack 1 0 1 Bray, Angie 1 0 1 Mensch, Louise 1 0 1 Brazier, Julian 1 0 1 Mordaunt, Penny 1 0 1 Burstow, Paul 1 0 1 Norman, Jesse 1 0 1 Clifton-Brown, G. 1 0 1 Pincher, Christopher 1 0 1 Doyle-Price, Jackie 1 0 1 Rifkind, Sir Malcolm 1 0 1 Garnier, Edward 1 0 1 Stewart, Rory 1 0 1 Griffiths, Andrew 1 0 1 Tredinnick, David 1 0 1 Harrington, Richard 1 0 1 Zahawi, Nadhim 1 0 1 Haselhurst, Sir Alan 1 0 1 Andrew, Stuart 0 1 1 Johnson, Gareth 1 0 1 Buckland, Robert 0 1 1 Lee, Phillip 1 0 1 Ellis, Michael 0 1 1 Leslie, Charlotte 1 0 1 Ellison, Jane 0 1 1 Liddell-Grainger, Ian 1 0 1 Fullbrook, Lorraine 0 1 1 Lopresti, Jack 1 0 1 Gummer, Ben 0 1 1 Mordaunt, Penny 1 0 1 Hollingbery, George 0 1 1 Norman, Jesse 1 0 1 Jones, Marcus 0 1 1 Pincher, Christopher 1 0 1 Leadsom, Andrea 0 1 1 Rifkind, Sir Malcolm 1 0 1 Morris, Anne Marie 0 1 1 Stewart, Rory 1 0 1 Mowat, David 0 1 1 Tredinnick, David 1 0 1 Parish, Neil 0 1 1 Zahawi, Nadhim 1 0 1 Poulter, Daniel 0 1 1 Hancock, Mike 0 44 44 Sandys, Laura 0 1 1
47
Rogerson, Dan 0 14 14 Stephenson, Andrew 0 1 1 Swales, Ian 0 9 9 Sturdy, Julian 0 1 1 Field, Mark 0 7 7 Syms, Robert 0 1 1 Lloyd, Stephen 0 6 6 George, Andrew 7 37 44 Campbell, Sir M. 0 5 5 Hancock, Mike 0 44 44 Murray, Sheryll 0 5 5 Sanders, Adrian 6 36 42 Gilbert, Stephen 0 4 4 Mulholland, Greg 10 27 37 Newton, Sarah 0 4 4 Ward, David 8 29 37 Raab, Dominic 0 4 4 Leech, John 6 28 34 Lefroy, Jeremy 0 3 3 Horwood, Martin 9 18 27 Williams, Roger 0 3 3 Russell, Bob 2 20 22 Bruce, Malcolm 0 2 2 Huppert, Dr. Julian 8 9 17 Foster, Don 0 2 2 Hemming, John 10 5 15 Knight, Greg 0 2 2 Crockart, Mike 7 7 14 Mosley, Stephen 0 2 2 Rogerson, Dan 0 14 14 Ottaway, Richard 0 2 2 Reid, Alan 6 7 13 Patel, Priti 0 2 2 Brooke, Annette 2 11 13 Smith, Sir Robert 0 2 2 Pugh, Dr. John 1 12 13 Willott, Jenny 0 2 2 Teather, Sarah 10 0 10 Wright, Simon 0 2 2 Kennedy, Charles 3 7 10 Andrew, Stuart 0 1 1 Farron, Tim 5 4 9 Brake, Tom 0 1 1 Williams, Mark 2 7 9 Buckland, Robert 0 1 1 Swales, Ian 0 9 9 Ellis, Michael 0 1 1 Hughes, Simon 5 2 7 Ellison, Jane 0 1 1 Beith, Sir Alan 2 4 6 Fullbrook, Lorraine 0 1 1 Lloyd, Stephen 0 6 6 Gummer, Ben 0 1 1 Thurso, John 1 4 5 Hollingbery, George 0 1 1 Campbell, Sir M. 0 5 5 Jones, Marcus 0 1 1 Gilbert, Stephen 0 4 4 Leadsom, Andrea 0 1 1 Williams, Roger 0 3 3 Morris, Anne Marie 0 1 1 Bruce, Malcolm 0 2 2 Mowat, David 0 1 1 Foster, Don 0 2 2 Munt, Tessa 0 1 1 Smith, Sir Robert 0 2 2 Parish, Neil 0 1 1 Willott, Jenny 0 2 2 Poulter, Daniel 0 1 1 Wright, Simon 0 2 2 Sandys, Laura 0 1 1 Thornton, Mike 1 n/a 1 Stephenson, Andrew 0 1 1 Burstow, Paul 1 0 1 Sturdy, Julian 0 1 1 Brake, Tom 0 1 1 Syms, Robert 0 1 1 Munt, Tessa 0 1 1 Williams, Stephen 0 1 1 Williams, Stephen 0 1 1
Notes: Figures are for votes cast against the whip. Italics indicate Liberal Democrat MPs. Figures for Nadine Dorries include those up to her loss of the Conservative whip on 6 November 2012.
48
b) Sorted alphabetically
Listed as a Coalition Listed by party
Votes against the whip
Votes against the whip
Name of MP 2012
-13
2010
-12
Tota
l
Name of MP 2012
-13
2010
-12
Tota
l
Afriyie, Adam 1 2 3 Afriyie, Adam 1 2 3 Aldous, Peter 1 2 3 Aldous, Peter 1 2 3 Amess, David 2 0 2 Amess, David 2 0 2 Andrew, Stuart 0 1 1 Andrew, Stuart 0 1 1 Bacon, Richard 1 0 1 Bacon, Richard 1 0 1 Baker, Steve 6 17 23 Baker, Steve 6 17 23 Baron, John 7 15 22 Baron, John 7 15 22 Bebb, Guto 1 3 4 Bebb, Guto 1 3 4 Beith, Sir Alan 2 4 6 Bingham, Andrew 6 5 11 Bingham, Andrew 6 5 11 Binley, Brian 3 16 19 Binley, Brian 3 16 19 Blackman, Bob 8 4 12 Blackman, Bob 8 4 12 Blackwood, Nicola 2 0 2 Blackwood, Nicola 2 0 2 Bone, Peter 12 56 68 Bone, Peter 12 56 68 Bottomley, Peter 7 8 15 Bottomley, Peter 7 8 15 Brady, Graham 3 9 12 Brady, Graham 3 9 12 Bray, Angie 1 0 1 Brake, Tom 0 1 1 Brazier, Julian 1 0 1 Bray, Angie 1 0 1 Bridgen, Andrew 3 7 10 Brazier, Julian 1 0 1 Brine, Steve 1 2 3 Bridgen, Andrew 3 7 10 Bruce, Fiona 3 4 7 Brine, Steve 1 2 3 Buckland, Robert 0 1 1 Brooke, Annette 2 11 13 Burley, Aidan 2 0 2 Bruce, Fiona 3 4 7 Burns, Conor 4 0 4 Bruce, Malcolm 0 2 2 Byles, Dan 1 1 2 Buckland, Robert 0 1 1 Cairns, Alun 1 1 2 Burley, Aidan 2 0 2 Carswell, Douglas 4 28 32 Burns, Conor 4 0 4 Cash, William 10 41 51 Burstow, Paul 1 0 1 Chope, Christopher 11 48 59 Byles, Dan 1 1 2 Clappison, James 4 19 23 Cairns, Alun 1 1 2 Clifton-Brown, G. 1 0 1 Campbell, Sir M. 0 5 5 Cox, Geoffrey 1 5 6 Carswell, Douglas 4 28 32 Crouch, Tracey 6 3 9 Cash, William 10 41 51 Davies, David TC 1 1 2 Chope, Christopher 11 48 59 Davies, Philip 17 68 85 Clappison, James 4 19 23 Davis, David 12 27 39 Clifton-Brown, G. 1 0 1 de Bois, Nick 5 4 9 Cox, Geoffrey 1 5 6 Dinenage, Caroline 1 2 3 Crockart, Mike 7 7 14 Dorries, Nadine 3 7 10 Crouch, Tracey 6 3 9 Doyle-Price, Jackie 1 0 1 Davies, David TC 1 1 2 Drax, Richard 9 16 25 Davies, Philip 17 68 85 Ellis, Michael 0 1 1 Davis, David 12 27 39 Ellison, Jane 0 1 1 de Bois, Nick 5 4 9 Eustice, George 1 6 7
49
Dinenage, Caroline 1 2 3 Evans, Jonathan 1 2 3 Dorries, Nadine 3 7 10 Field, Mark 0 7 7 Doyle-Price, Jackie 1 0 1 Freer, Mike 2 2 4 Drax, Richard 9 16 25 Fullbrook, Lorraine 0 1 1 Ellis, Michael 0 1 1 Fuller, Richard 4 1 5 Ellison, Jane 0 1 1 Garnier, Edward 1 0 1 Eustice, George 1 6 7 Goldsmith, Zac 10 19 29 Evans, Jonathan 1 2 3 Gray, James 5 12 17 Farron, Tim 5 4 9 Griffiths, Andrew 1 0 1 Field, Mark 0 7 7 Gummer, Ben 0 1 1 Foster, Don 0 2 2 Halfon, Robert 1 1 2 Freer, Mike 2 2 4 Harrington, Richard 1 0 1 Fullbrook, Lorraine 0 1 1 Hart, Simon 1 1 2 Fuller, Richard 4 1 5 Haselhurst, Sir Alan 1 0 1 Garnier, Edward 1 0 1 Heaton-Harris, Chris 3 5 8 George, Andrew 7 37 44 Henderson, Gordon 3 17 20 Gilbert, Stephen 0 4 4 Hollingbery, George 0 1 1 Goldsmith, Zac 10 19 29 Hollobone, Philip 23 106 129 Gray, James 5 12 17 Holloway, Adam 2 1 3 Griffiths, Andrew 1 0 1 Howarth, Gerald 3 0 3 Gummer, Ben 0 1 1 Jackson, Stewart 8 7 15 Halfon, Robert 1 1 2 Jenkin, Bernard 5 35 40 Hancock, Mike 0 44 44 Johnson, Gareth 1 0 1 Harrington, Richard 1 0 1 Jones, Marcus 0 1 1 Hart, Simon 1 1 2 Kelly, Chris 2 3 5 Haselhurst, Sir Alan 1 0 1 Knight, Greg 0 2 2 Heaton-Harris, Chris 3 5 8 Laing, Eleanor 2 3 5 Hemming, John 10 5 15 Latham, Pauline 1 1 2 Henderson, Gordon 3 17 20 Leadsom, Andrea 0 1 1 Hollingbery, George 0 1 1 Lee, Phillip 1 0 1 Hollobone, Philip 23 106 129 Lefroy, Jeremy 0 3 3 Holloway, Adam 2 1 3 Leigh, Edward 8 12 20 Horwood, Martin 9 18 27 Leslie, Charlotte 1 0 1 Howarth, Gerald 3 0 3 Lewis, Dr Julian 3 33 36 Hughes, Simon 5 2 7 Liddell-Grainger, Ian 1 0 1 Huppert, Dr. Julian 8 9 17 Lilley, Peter 1 1 2 Jackson, Stewart 8 7 15 Lopresti, Jack 1 0 1 Jenkin, Bernard 5 35 40 Lord, Jonathan 1 1 2 Johnson, Gareth 1 0 1 Lumley, Karen 1 1 2 Jones, Marcus 0 1 1 Main, Anne 5 31 36 Kelly, Chris 2 3 5 McCartney, Jason 5 12 17 Kennedy, Charles 3 7 10 McCartney, Karl 5 7 12 Knight, Greg 0 2 2 McIntosh, Anne 5 2 7 Laing, Eleanor 2 3 5 McPartland, Stephen 5 1 6 Latham, Pauline 1 1 2 Mensch, Louise 1 0 1 Leadsom, Andrea 0 1 1 Mercer, Patrick 1 4 5 Lee, Phillip 1 0 1 Mills, Nigel 2 6 8 Leech, John 6 28 34 Mordaunt, Penny 1 0 1 Lefroy, Jeremy 0 3 3 Morris, Anne Marie 0 1 1 Leigh, Edward 8 12 20 Morris, James 1 1 2 Leslie, Charlotte 1 0 1 Mosley, Stephen 0 2 2 Lewis, Dr Julian 3 33 36 Mowat, David 0 1 1
50
Liddell-Grainger, Ian 1 0 1 Murray, Sheryll 0 5 5 Lilley, Peter 1 1 2 Newton, Sarah 0 4 4 Lloyd, Stephen 0 6 6 Nokes, Caroline 1 3 4 Lopresti, Jack 1 0 1 Norman, Jesse 1 0 1 Lord, Jonathan 1 1 2 Nuttall, David 14 74 88 Lumley, Karen 1 1 2 Offord, Matthew 5 4 9 Main, Anne 5 31 36 Ottaway, Richard 0 2 2 McCartney, Jason 5 12 17 Parish, Neil 0 1 1 McCartney, Karl 5 7 12 Patel, Priti 0 2 2 McIntosh, Anne 5 2 7 Pawsey, Mark 2 0 2 McPartland, Stephen 5 1 6 Percy, Andrew 6 32 38 Mensch, Louise 1 0 1 Pincher, Christopher 1 0 1 Mercer, Patrick 1 4 5 Poulter, Daniel 0 1 1 Mills, Nigel 2 6 8 Pritchard, Mark 3 7 10 Mordaunt, Penny 1 0 1 Raab, Dominic 0 4 4 Morris, Anne Marie 0 1 1 Reckless, Mark 12 34 46 Morris, James 1 1 2 Redwood, John 5 15 20 Mosley, Stephen 0 2 2 Rees-Mogg, Jacob 8 17 25 Mowat, David 0 1 1 Reevell, Simon 8 5 13 Mulholland, Greg 10 27 37 Rifkind, Sir Malcolm 1 0 1 Munt, Tessa 0 1 1 Robertson, Laurence 3 5 8 Murray, Sheryll 0 5 5 Rosindell, Andrew 4 2 6 Newton, Sarah 0 4 4 Ruffley, David 2 0 2 Nokes, Caroline 1 3 4 Sandys, Laura 0 1 1 Norman, Jesse 1 0 1 Shepherd, Richard 7 40 47 Nuttall, David 14 74 88 Smith, Henry 5 4 9 Offord, Matthew 5 4 9 Soames, Nicholas 1 1 2 Ottaway, Richard 0 2 2 Stanley, Sir John 1 2 3 Parish, Neil 0 1 1 Stephenson, Andrew 0 1 1 Patel, Priti 0 2 2 Stevenson, John 3 2 5 Pawsey, Mark 2 0 2 Stewart, Bob 7 4 11 Percy, Andrew 6 32 38 Stewart, Rory 1 0 1 Pincher, Christopher 1 0 1 Streeter, Gary 1 2 3 Poulter, Daniel 0 1 1 Stuart, Graham 1 5 6 Pritchard, Mark 3 7 10 Sturdy, Julian 0 1 1 Pugh, Dr. John 1 12 13 Syms, Robert 0 1 1 Raab, Dominic 0 4 4 Tapsell, Sir Peter 6 12 18 Reckless, Mark 12 34 46 Tomlinson, Justin 1 2 3 Redwood, John 5 15 20 Tredinnick, David 1 0 1 Rees-Mogg, Jacob 8 17 25 Turner, Andrew 7 43 50 Reevell, Simon 8 5 13 Tyrie, Andrew 6 3 9 Reid, Alan 6 7 13 Vickers, Martin 6 13 19 Rifkind, Sir Malcolm 1 0 1 Walker, Charles 8 20 28 Robertson, Laurence 3 5 8 Walker, Robin 1 1 2 Rogerson, Dan 0 14 14 Walter, Robert 2 1 3 Rosindell, Andrew 4 2 6 Weatherley, Mike 2 1 3 Ruffley, David 2 0 2 Wharton, James 1 1 2 Russell, Bob 2 20 22 Wheeler, Heather 1 1 2 Sanders, Adrian 6 36 42 White, Chris 2 0 2 Sandys, Laura 0 1 1 Whittaker, Craig 4 4 8 Shepherd, Richard 7 40 47 Whittingdale, John 6 11 17 Smith, Henry 5 4 9 Wollaston, Dr. Sarah 5 7 12
51
Smith, Sir Robert 0 2 2 Zahawi, Nadhim 1 0 1 Soames, Nicholas 1 1 2 Beith, Sir Alan 2 4 6 Stanley, Sir John 1 2 3 Brake, Tom 0 1 1 Stephenson, Andrew 0 1 1 Brooke, Annette 2 11 13 Stevenson, John 3 2 5 Bruce, Malcolm 0 2 2 Stewart, Bob 7 4 11 Burstow, Paul 1 0 1 Stewart, Rory 1 0 1 Campbell, Sir M. 0 5 5 Streeter, Gary 1 2 3 Crockart, Mike 7 7 14 Stuart, Graham 1 5 6 Farron, Tim 5 4 9 Sturdy, Julian 0 1 1 Foster, Don 0 2 2 Swales, Ian 0 9 9 George, Andrew 7 37 44 Syms, Robert 0 1 1 Gilbert, Stephen 0 4 4 Tapsell, Sir Peter 6 12 18 Hancock, Mike 0 44 44 Teather, Sarah 10 0 10 Hemming, John 10 5 15 Thornton, Mike 1 n/a 1 Horwood, Martin 9 18 27 Thurso, John 1 4 5 Hughes, Simon 5 2 7 Tomlinson, Justin 1 2 3 Huppert, Julian 8 9 17 Tredinnick, David 1 0 1 Kennedy, Charles 3 7 10 Turner, Andrew 7 43 50 Leech, John 6 28 34 Tyrie, Andrew 6 3 9 Lloyd, Stephen 0 6 6 Vickers, Martin 6 13 19 Mulholland, Greg 10 27 37 Walker, Charles 8 20 28 Munt, Tessa 0 1 1 Walker, Robin 1 1 2 Pugh, John 1 12 13 Walter, Robert 2 1 3 Reid, Alan 6 7 13 Ward, David 8 29 37 Rogerson, Dan 0 14 14 Weatherley, Mike 2 1 3 Russell, Bob 2 20 22 Wharton, James 1 1 2 Sanders, Adrian 6 36 42 Wheeler, Heather 1 1 2 Smith, Sir Robert 0 2 2 White, Chris 2 0 2 Swales, Ian 0 9 9 Whittaker, Craig 4 4 8 Teather, Sarah 10 0 10 Whittingdale, John 6 11 17 Thornton, Mike 1 n/a 1 Williams, Mark 2 7 9 Thurso, John 1 4 5 Williams, Roger 0 3 3 Ward, David 8 29 37 Williams, Stephen 0 1 1 Williams, Mark 2 7 9 Willott, Jenny 0 2 2 Williams, Roger 0 3 3 Wollaston, Dr. Sarah 5 7 12 Williams, Stephen 0 1 1 Wright, Simon 0 2 2 Willott, Jenny 0 2 2 Zahawi, Nadhim 1 0 1 Wright, Simon 0 2 2
Notes: Figures are for votes cast against the whip. Italics indicate Liberal Democrat MPs. Figures for Nadine Dorries include those up to her loss of the Conservative whip on 6 November 2012.
