bangladeshi immigrant businesses in japan

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Journal of InternationalMigration and Integration ISSN 1488-3473Volume 12Number 3 Int. Migration & Integration(2011) 12:253-274DOI 10.1007/s12134-010-0158-0

The Development of MigrantEntrepreneurship in Japan: Case ofBangladeshis

Md Mizanur Rahman & Kwen Fee Lian

1 23

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The Development of Migrant Entrepreneurshipin Japan: Case of Bangladeshis

Md Mizanur Rahman & Kwen Fee Lian

Published online: 28 October 2010# Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

Abstract One of the visible but often neglected outcomes of international migrationin Asia is the emergence of immigrant-run businesses. Drawing on the experiencesof Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs in Japan, this study examines how migrantsreposition themselves from the rank of irregular workers to that of entrepreneursunder conditions of temporary migration. It highlights both the opportunity structureand the ingenuity of migrants in entrepreneurship. Unlike traditional migrantbusinesses, Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs engage in transactions in ethnic andnon-ethnic products and are driven to adopt innovative strategies to make use ofavailable technology in communication and transport and the globalization ofmarkets. In doing so, they maintain multiple orientations in cultivating both theethnic and local markets and developing a transnational and/or multinationaldimension in growing their businesses.

Keywords Migrant entrepreneurship . Bangladesh . Japan .Migrant business .

Ethnicity

Introduction

The emergence of migrant businesses has been a part of the urban landscape in somerelatively developed countries of East and Southeast Asia in recent decades. Whilethe outcomes of international migration have affected many aspects of the lives ofimmigrants and their receiving societies, one of the visible but often neglectedoutcomes of international migration in Asia is the development of immigrant-runbusinesses. There has been comparatively little work on migrant settlement and

Int. Migration & Integration (2011) 12:253–274DOI 10.1007/s12134-010-0158-0

Lian Kwen Fee

M. M. Rahman (*) :K. F. LianDepartment of Sociology, National University of Singapore, Kent Ridge, Singapore,Singapore 117570e-mail: [email protected]

K. F. Liane-mail: [email protected]

Author's personal copy

community formation in Asia. Hirano et al. (2000) cite two main reasons for this:first, most intraregional movements are fairly recent, so that settlement processes arenot yet far advanced; second, policy-makers and public opinion are not ready forsuch settlement and are largely unwilling to accept that it is occurring. The lack ofinterest in migrant entrepreneurship also stems from the belief that, unlike theirEuropean counterparts where temporary migrants became permanent setters in the1970s, Asian migrants are regarded as sojourners and are unlikely to establishsuccessful business ventures.

Among the East and Southeast Asian countries, Japan is a case in point. A diverseimmigrant population with significant numbers of migrants from South, Southeast, andEast Asia has evolved in Japan since the late 1970s (Tsuda 2006; Goodman et al. 2003;Komai 2000). In the early 1980s, South Asian migrants, mainly Bangladeshis, enteredJapan as tourists and overstayed their visas. According to Mahmood (1994), between1985 and 1990, 33,573 Bangladeshi entered Japan. Other sources report that thecumulative number of overstaying Bangladeshis between 1990 and 2000 was 73,016(Watanabe 1998). Therefore, it is likely that the number of Bangladeshi migrants in the1980s and 1990s was more than 100,000. These migrant workers experienced severeproblems in settling in Japan. Halal food, ethnic goods, and services were almostunavailable. Realizing the demand for halal food and other ethnic goods and services,some Bangladeshi migrants opened businesses in Japan to serve mainly the migrantpopulation of South Asian origin in general and Muslim migrants in particular, andsubsequently many expanded into trading in Japanese products internationally.

The literature on immigrant entrepreneurship has mainly developed in the NorthAmerican context (for a review, see Portes 1995; Thornton 1999). The questionstraditionally investigated in migrant entrepreneurship research are why someimmigrant groups are more likely than others to engage in entrepreneurial activityand what specific outcomes entrepreneurship yield for immigrants and their countriesof origin (Zhou 2004). The making of an immigrant business is a central butsomewhat neglected aspect of entrepreneurship (Waldinger 1994). Most recently, therehas been some attempt to address the development of Asian migrant labor andbusinessed in the major cities of Europe (Spaan et al. 2005). However, thedevelopment of migrant businesses under conditions of temporary labor migration,which is a central feature of contemporary intra-Asian migration, is a neglected issue.

In this article, drawing on the experiences of Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneursin Japan, we address the following questions: Who are these migrant entrepreneurs?How do migrants, who were mostly irregular and involved in low-skilledoccupations, circumvent restrictions imposed on them in operating businesses inJapan? What makes them entrepreneurs and propels them to take risks either to startor expand their enterprises? As described later, unlike South Korea and many otherlow-skilled migrant-receiving countries, migration of Bangladeshis to Japan has nottaken place under any government-run temporary migration scheme; it has beenpredominantly a clandestine single (male) migration with an overwhelmingeconomic motivation. Although the numbers involved in Bangladeshi migrantbusinesses are modest, their emergence provides an opportunity to explore littleknown aspects of the development of migrant businesses under conditions oftemporary and irregular migration. Bangladeshi migrant businesses also provideearly insights to the unfolding processes of settlement and community formation.

254 M.M. Rahman, K.F. Lian


We argue that the repositioning of migrants from workers to migrantentrepreneurs is a complex process, and it needs to be understood in light of severalissues. In doing so, we highlight the significance of cultural conditions, opportunitystructure, innovative practices, and transnational linkages in the development ofmigrant businesses. Our focus on Bangladeshi migrant worker businesses in Japannot only provides an understanding of migrant entrepreneurship but also sheds lighton the way in which such entrepreneurship emerges under conditions of temporarymigration. After describing the data sources and the trends and patterns ofBangladeshi labor migration to Japan, we examine the opportunity structure thatprevails in Japan for the rise of such businesses, the path to entrepreneurship,innovative practices that they adopt to reach ethnic and non-ethnic clienteles, andfinally, the extra-territorial link that adds to migrant businesses a transnational andmultinational dimension.

Theoretical Issues

There are a number of theoretical contributions that help us understand whyimmigrants participate in entrepreneurial activities and the outcomes of suchactivities for migrants and their host countries (Light 1972; Goldberg 1985; Li1976; Bonacich and Modell 1980; Wilson and Portes 1980; Portes and Zhou 1992;Kloosterman et al. 1999). Broadly, theories that explain the development of migrantor ethnic entrepreneurship in advanced economies fall into two schools: cultural andstructural (Chan and Hui 1995). The cultural approach points to the supply side ofentrepreneurship or class and ethnic resources and the structural approach stressesthe socioeconomic contest, the demand side of the entrepreneurship (Light andRosenstein 1995). A common objection to cultural analysis is its lack of attention tothe context in which entrepreneurship thrives while a common objection to structuralanalysis is its lack of attention to the cultural properties that propel entrepreneurship(Waldinger et al. 1990).

In the 1990s, theoretical development shifted to integrating the cultural andstructural determinants of immigrant entrepreneurship. For instance, Waldinger et al.(1990) introduced the ideas of opportunity structure and group characteristic, therebycombining structure and agency. In this approach, the demand for business and thesupply of skills and resources interact to produce ethnic entrepreneurship. Engelen(2001: 211) is critical of Waldinger et al. (1990) on two issues, the “economicassimilation thesis” and “enclave spatial logic”. Engelen argues that the economicassimilation thesis lacks insights on the process of innovation and that spatiallyoriented strategies are relevant to some entrepreneurs but not to others. For example,the latter may be applicable to retailers but not for wholesalers and manufacturers aswe will argue. Engelen (2001: 211–212) suggests that the development of innovativemarketing and distributing strategies in tapping new markets can be viewed as amove away from the “spatial logic” argument, as we will highlight in this paper.

Given the nature of some migrant businesses in East and Southeast Asia, we haveargued elsewhere that the analytic notion of “spatial logic of the ethnic enclave” doesnot fit well in the context of contemporary migrant businesses in Asia (Lian andRahman forthcoming). Engelen (2001) highlighted the significance of innovation in

The Development of Migrant Entrepreneurship in Japan 255


ethnic and migrant entrepreneurship. Migrant entrepreneurs employ differentinnovative strategies to access a wider clientele and penetrate new and lucrativemarkets in Japan and beyond. However, studies of ethnic business overlook theimportance of innovation (Aldrich and Waldinger 1990). Engelen (2001) suggeststhat this is probably due to the marginal character of most ethnic and migrantbusinesses. In our view, Engelen has overstated the importance of innovation.

Schumpeter (1934: 66–69) argues that the essence of entrepreneurship lies in“employing existing resources in a different way, in doing new things with them,irrespective of whether those resources increase or not”. Hence, one is anentrepreneur by doing any of these: introducing a new good, a new method ofproduction, opening a new market, discovering a new source of supply of rawmaterials, and reorganizing an industry. These may be described as innovativestrategies but no more than what an entrepreneur does in order to expand his or herenterprise. Innovation, in Schumpeter’s view, is indistinguishable from entrepre-neurship. Further, he emphasizes, the ability to recombine and redeploy resources inorder to initiate change depends on the availability of credit. The migrant enterprisesin our study notwithstanding their marginal characteristic have prospered because ofthe resourcefulness of individuals and their willingness to innovate in order to taplarger markets, domestically and internationally.

The globalization of technology in communication and transport has had aconsiderable impact on the diversification of migrant entrepreneurship in recentdecades. Migrant entrepreneurship has so far been examined in relation to thenational and spatial limits of the host country; transnational and even multinationaldimensions now need to be taken into consideration. Transnational entrepreneurshipis primarily explained from the immigrant (country) perspective (Portes et al. 2002;Faist and Özveren 2004), as a way to maximize the “human capital returns ofimmigrants and to convert the meager wages earned in developed countries tomaterial gains and social status recognition in immigrants’ country of origin” (see fordetails, Zhou 2004: 1054–1060).

However, we argue that migrant business activities are not only confined to theirhome countries but also extend to other countries with high market returns, a trendthat the current literature on transnational entrepreneurship does not take intoaccount. For instance, Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs selling Japanese used carsin Bangladesh and other countries in Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, NorthAmerica, and the former Soviet Union or Japanese herbal products in Bangladesh,Europe, and North America are more than just transnational entrepreneurs. Theinternational recognition of the quality of Japanese products has resulted in lucrativeglobal markets for these migrant entrepreneurs.

We have argued elsewhere that the theoretical and conceptual tools developed andhypotheses tested in connection with immigrant entrepreneurship in North Americaand Europe have some limitations in explaining recent developments of migrantbusinesses in Asia (Lian and Rahman forthcoming). It is not only because of varyinglevels of economic development but also the absence of liberal immigration andsettlement policies, the nature of migration which is predominantly individual (maleor female) migration, and the transient nature of migration. We point to the fact thatthe making of migrant entrepreneurship is a complex process, and it demands anappreciation of the globalization of markets and the migration experiences of the



successful Bangladeshi entrepreneurs. Hence, while we accept that cultural circum-stances provide the necessary conditions to facilitate ethnic and migrant businessesinitially in the host country, the opportunity structure—a confluence of theuncertainty of migration status and the globalization of migration—is critical tothe development of Bangladeshi entrepreneurship in Japan. What is striking aboutsuch entrepreneurship is its orientation toward domestic, transnational, andmultinational markets.

Data Sources

The study focuses on contemporary Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs who areliving in Tokyo but their businesses extend to different cities of Japan and other partsof the world. There is no available and reliable data on the number of Bangladeshimigrant entrepreneurs in Japan and corresponding areas of businesses. To understandthe various types of Bangladeshi migrant businesses and their developmentdynamics, this study attempted first to locate major types of Bangladeshi migrantbusinesses and then to identify Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs in each type ofbusinesses so that all major migrant businesses are represented.

Information regarding major types of businesses was collected from Bangladeshiresidents who were living in Japan for long and their ethnic online portals and ethnicmagazines (printed and online) that regularly advertised different types of migrantbusinesses targeting the Bangladeshi community. Such portals and magazinesprovide valuable information on the nature and extent of such businesses and theinitiatives and activities of the migrant community. From these, we identified therespondents for the study—representing the major businesses such as retail, service,wholesale, used cars, and tires, car parts, phone cards, and the export–import of otheritems.

In addition to interviews of migrant entrepreneurs, we also interviewedBangladeshi community members to have a broader idea about the development ofBangladeshi migrant businesses in Japan. The data collection methods includedquestionnaire survey, participant observations, in-depth interviews, and informalfocus group discussions. The fieldwork was conducted between September andOctober 2008. The duration of the fieldwork was limited by financial and timeconstraints which precluded more in-depth fieldwork. We interviewed 25 migrantentrepreneurs from all the major migrant businesses. Interviews were conducted inthe Bengali language, mother tongue of Bangladeshis, and later translated intoEnglish.

The profiles of migrant entrepreneurs are provided in Table 1. Of the 25respondents, 20 were first married to Japanese women, two were single, two weremarried to Bangladeshi women, and one to a Burmese woman.1 Most respondentswere aged between 40 and 45 years. Most of them had 12 years of schooling

1 This migrant entrepreneur is actually a Rohingya Muslim from Myanmar. He migrated to Bangladeshand took up Bangladeshi citizenship and then moved to Saudi Arabia for work in early 1990s. Later, hemigrated to Japan from Saudi Arabia. He married a Rohingya Muslim woman. It is important to note thatmany Rohingya Muslims go to Saudi Arabia for work via Bangladesh.



including 11 cases who were graduates from colleges in Bangladesh. Most havebeen in Japan for some time, 15 migrated in the 1980s while eight in the 1990s. Allrespondents had legal status in Japan holding long-term visas and permanentresidence. A few also held Japanese citizenship. Fourteen respondents employedJapanese nationals in their businesses along with Bangladesh and other Asiannationals. The businesses of 13 respondents extended outside of Japan and wereinternational. Most of the migrant entrepreneurs were engaged in more than onebusiness.

Bangladeshi Migration to Japan

Japan, once known as an emigrant country in the early twentieth century, became animmigrant country in the second half of the twentieth century with the settlement ofKorean immigrants after World War II (Iguchi 2002, 2009; Tsuda and Cornelius2004). Japan first experienced labor shortages in the late 1960s and early 1970s.Nevertheless, it was able to meet its labor demand through increases in laborproductivity and greater use of untapped labor (for details, Mori 1997; Tsuda andCornelius 2004). Yoko Sellek (2001) maintains that the influx of foreign workerssince late 1970s can be divided into three different stages. First, the initial stage (late1970s to mid 1980s) mainly involved irregular female migration from East andSoutheast Asia, especially the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, and SouthKorea. They were brought in to work in the entertainment industry.

The second stage between mid-1980s and 1990 is characterized by irregular malemigration from South Asia, Middle East (mainly Iran), Southeast Asia, and otherparts of the World and female migration from East and Southeast Asia. The primarysource of cheap labor during this period was foreigners either working illegallywithout work permits or those whose visas had expired (Komai 2000). The thirdstage, the implementation of the revised immigration control act in 1990 facilitatedthe regular flow of skilled, semi-skilled, and the descendants of Japanese emigrantsto South America (Sellek 2001; Komai 2000). Registered foreigners constitute 1.6%of the population (OECD 2008). Japan strictly controls unskilled migration from theAsian countries. The official rationale for not accepting unskilled labor stems fromthe fear that unskilled foreign workers from ethnically diverse societies may lowerwages and worsen working conditions (Tsuda and Cornelius 2004). Apart fromthese, there is also a widespread fear that the influx of low-skilled foreigners mayincrease the rate of crimes and threaten public safety in Japan.

Japan has been a desirable destination for Bangladeshis since the early 1980s.2

Due to the absence of any formal recruitment procedures (such as trainee programs),Bangladeshi migrants resorted to unauthorized channels to live and work in Japan inthe early phase of migration in the 1980s. The influx of Bangladeshi migrantsincreased after 1985 and reached a peak in 1988, but the number of entries thensuddenly dropped because the Japanese government moved to stem the flow bysuspending the waiver of visa requirements for Bangladeshis on January 15, 1989

2 In addition to Bangladeshis, other South Asian groups like Pakistanis and Nepalese also migrated toJapan clandestinely for work in the 1980s.



(Higuchi 2007). After the suspension of visa-waiving status, most Bangladeshisinitially entered Japan legally using tourist, student (language school), or other typesof nonworking visas though their actual intent is to seek employment. Many of themused Thailand or Singapore as springboards for their migration to Japan in the earlyphase of Bangladeshi migration to Japan (Lian and Rahman 2006).

Bangladeshi official statistics suggest that between 1999 and 2008, 694 migrantswent to Japan for work.3 The central bank of Bangladesh reports that Bangladeshisfrom Japan remitted US$ 384.91 million between 1991 and 2003.4 This discrepancyin the total number of recorded migrants and inflow of remittances to Bangladeshsuggests that a large number of Bangladeshi migrants live in Japan and has not beenreported in the official statistics in Bangladesh. In addition to migrants, around10,000 Bangladeshi students studied in Japan between 1991 and 2004.5 In total,based on available data and fieldwork in different places of Japan, we estimate thatthere may be as many as 40,000 Bangladeshi migrants including students,dependents, regular, and irregular migrants who are living in various parts of Japan.They constitute a strong base for the development of Bangladeshi migrantbusinesses.

Bangladeshi Migrant Businesses in Japan

The businesses of Bangladeshi migrants in Japan can be broadly categorized intotwo types: atypical calling card, used car, electronics, and ethnic magazines andtypical halal food enterprises, restaurants, and travel agencies. In the followingdiscussion, we will turn to each of the businesses to explain their determinants andimpact.

Halal Food Trade

The demand for halal food grew with the inflow of South Asian and Iranian Muslimmigrants in the early 1980s. Pakistanis first initiated the halal food trade in the early1980s, but with the increase in the size of the Bangladeshi migrant population in themid 1980s, some enterprising migrants came to supply halal food to the communitymainly on an informal and irregular basis. However, by the late 1980s, two leadinghalal food retailers and suppliers emerged to serve the Bangladeshi and otherMuslim population in Japan. Several other halal food retailers came on to the scenein the 1990s, but the two established halal food retailers continue to be the mainsuppliers and retailers of halal food in Japan. Although they are known as halal foodretailers by name, they provide a variety of ethnic products, for instance food items(meats, fishes, spices and powders, rice, flour, sweets, pickles, dates, etc.), clothes(male and female apparel from South Asia), print and music products (Bangladeshiand Indian books, magazines, videos, CDs, VCDs), and phone cards (different

3 http://www.bmet.org.bd/Reports/Flow_Migration.htm accessed on June 22, 20094 http://www.bmet.org.bd/Reports/remittance.htm5 http://web-japan.org/stat/stats/16EDU61.html accessed on 14 November 2005



http://www.bmet.org.bd/Reports/Flow_Migration.htm

http://www.bmet.org.bd/Reports/remittance.htm

http://web-japan.org/stat/stats/16EDU61.html

Tab

le1

Profilesof

Bangladeshi

entrepreneursin

Japan

Noof

case

Businessactiv

ities

(single/multip

lebusinesses)

Age

Edu

catio

nYearof

migratio

nNationalityof

wife

Statusin

Japan

National/local/

international

Noof

employ

eeNationality/origins

ofem

ploy

ees

1Callin

gCardProdu

cer,Japanese

Herbal

Exp

orter,UsedCar,U

sedLaptopand

UsedScrap,(A

nnualTurno

ver

US$34

millionor

¥3300million)

3712

yearsof

schooling

1995

Japanese

PR

National

35Japanese,South,

Sou

theastAsians,

Iranians

Multin

ational

2Retailer:EntertainmentProducts

(Music),Clothes

andLeather

prod

ucts

4212

yearsof

schooling

1988

FirstJapanese

Later,B’D

eshi

PR

National

4Japanese

B’D

eshi

3Halal

Foodandotherethnic

products

fordaily

use

4212

yearsof

schooling

1992

Japanese

PR

National

1B’D

eshi

4Halal

FoodShopandotherethnic

prod

uctsfordaily

use

43Graduate

1986

FirstJapanese

laterB’D

eshi

PR

National

1B’D

eshi

5Jeweler

Sho

pwith

music

prod

ucts

4012

yearsof

schooling

1987

Japanese

PR

Local

and

National

––

6TravelAgency,

Telecom

(Callin

gCards),Halal

FoodSho

p,IT

service

(software)

Development

33Masters

2002

Single

Long-term

visa

National

8Japanese

and

Sou

thAsian

International

7UsedCar

(US$70

millionyearly

turnov

er);(around10

00carexport

permon

th)

4012

yearsof

schooling

1982

FirstJapanese

and

(later

B’D

eshi)

Citizen

International

45Japanese

and

Bangladeshi

andothers

8Restaurant(Ind

ianFood)

2312

yearsof

schooling

2005

Single

Working

visa

Local

3Nepaliand

Bangladeshi

9Restaurant(13restaurants),Bud

get

Hotel

(2ho

tels),Stock

Exchang

e(firstbusiness)

4212

yearsof

schooling

1986

Japanese

PR

Local

75Japanese

and

Sou

thAsian

National

10Halal

Foodretailers

(including

other

ethn

icprod

ucts)

47Graduate

1988

FirstJapanese

laterB’D

eshi

PR

National

4B’D

eshi



Tab

le1

(con

tinued)

Noof

case

Businessactiv

ities

(single/multip

lebusinesses)

Age

Edu

catio

nYearof

migratio

nNationalityof

wife

Statusin

Japan

National/local/

international

Noof

employ


ofem

ploy

ees

11Car

Business

47Gradu

ate

1987

FirstJapanese

Later

B’D

eshi

PR

Multin

ational

3B’D

eshi

12Callin

gCard(Producer),IP-Pho

ne,

UsedLaptop,

BengaliBi-mon

thly

Magazine,

Japan

39Gradu

ate

1996

B’D

eshi

Long-term

visa

Nationaland

Multin

ational

13Japanese,B’D

eshi

Vietnam

ese

13Fam

ilyStore

(Halal

food,Music

andotherethnic

products)

4010

yearsof

schooling

1997

Burmese

Long-term

visa

National

5B’D

eshi,Nepalese,

Indonesian,Thai

andSriLankan

14Restaurant(2

Restaurants)

4512

yearsof

schooling

1987

FirstJapanese

laterB’D

eshi

PR

Local

6B’D

eshi,Nepalese

andIndian

15UsedCar

(around2000

car,exports

monthly

onaverage),Restaurants

50Gradu

ate

1988

Japanese

Japanese

(citizen)

International

30Japanese

B’D

eshi

Fiji

16Halal

Food

4510

yearsof

schooling

1984

Japanese

PR

Local

and

National

6Japanese

and

Bangladeshi

17Car

Export,Restaurant

43Master

1986

Japanese

PR

Local

and

International

3Japanese

and

South

Asian

18Use

Car

business

butno

w,mostly

UsedTierBusiness

44Gradu

ate

1988

Japanese

Long-term

visa

International

3Japanese

and

B’D

eshi

19Callin

gCard(Producer),Food

Staff,Electronics

29Gradu

ate

1998

Japanese

Long-term

visa

Local

and

Nationaland

International

12Japanese

B’D

eshi

Africaand

South

Asia

20UsedTierCar

(50to

60carexport

onaveragemon

thly)

3910

yearsof

schooling

1992

Japanese

PR

Local

4Japanese

and

B’D

eshi

International

21Car

Businesses(local

marketfor

foreigners

e.g.

students,working

visa

holders)

47Gradu

ate

1986

Japanese

PR

Local

Market

––

22TravelAgency(w

orkedfortravel

agency

forlong

)42

Gradu

ate

1981

Japanese

Japanese

Local

Market

3B’D

eshi

and

Indian



Tab

le1

(con

tinued)

Noof

case

Businessactiv

ities

(single/multip

lebusinesses)

Age

Educatio

nYearof

migratio

nNationalityof

wife

Statusin

Japan

National/local/

international

Noof

employ


ofem

ploy

ees

23Editorof

BengaliBi-Monthly

Magazine(alsoworkfora

restaurant

fulltim

e)

41Gradu

ate

1988

Japanese

(wifeleftand

livingalon

e)

PR

Local,National,

Online

3B’D

eshi

24Car

Business

40Gradu

ate

1991

B’D

eshi

PR

International

2Japanese

and

B’D

eshi

25Clothes

(2clothe

shop

sin

Japan:

clothesarebrou

ghtfrom

Sou

thKorea

andChina)

40Master

1988

Japanese

Citizen

Local

butbasedon

international

source

4Japanese

and

South

Asian



brands of prepaid calling cards). In addition to Bangladeshi immigrants, migrantsfrom other Asian countries are also in their list of regular clienteles.

Started in 1989, Padma halal food is one of the pioneering Bangladeshi halalfood retailers and suppliers in Japan. It imports all kinds of freshwater fish, halalmeat, vegetables, spices, oils, rice, sweets, and other food products fromBangladesh, Thailand, India, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Australia. As an importer ofhalal food and ethnic products, it also supplies these imported products to otherhalal retailers. However, halal retailers do not rely on a single source of supply.They bank on other Indian, Pakistani, Middle Eastern, and even African suppliers tomeet the demand from customers of different origins. These wholesalers play amajor role in supplying a variety of products to the market. Along with the regularwholesale entrepreneurs, there are also some irregular wholesale entrepreneurs whosupply Indian products to the market. As one unauthorized Indian wholesaler said, “Iknow the demand for Indian products in the local market; I tell my friend in India tosend a container of relevant products. I do not invest money. Once the containerreaches Japan, I contact my local suppliers who take the responsibility to deliver thegoods to local retailers. Within a few weeks, I get cash. I take a commission and therest I remit to my friend in India.”

Calling Card Trade

Critical to the lives of migrants is their ability to maintain contact with family membersleft behind. The quickest and most efficient means of communication is the telephone.However, the cost of direct calling is expensive and these migrants incur costly billswhen they talk to relatives. The early Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs seized thisopportunity to establish calling card businesses in Japan. It is the Bangladeshis whodominate the calling card trade since its emergence in the late 1990s. We identified threemajor calling card companies that control, as they claim, almost 70% of the market.However, this claim could not be verified through officially published statistical data.Given the various types of calling cards and their market presence (availability of thesecards in ethnic stores and online purchase), it is understandable that Bangladeshimanufactured cards are widely sold in the market.

The educational background and business motivation of three leadingBangladeshi calling card traders—Ryo International, ILP Japan, and Sadiatec—reveal that they were exposed to information technology before their move toJapan. One of the respondents disclosed that he was involved in IT business inBangladesh and when he moved to Japan, he explored first the business niche incalling cards. This respondent’s calling cards can be used to talk from computerto landline and mobile and his clienteles include even those soldiers from SouthAsia who are deployed in UN peace-keeping missions in African countries.Another respondent, who first migrated to Canada as a tourist and later moved toJapan with his Japanese wife, cited his involvement in the calling card trade:

When I first came to Japan, I could not talk to family regularly. Telephone callcharge was very high. You know, all migrants are living alone here, far awayfrom their families and they all want to talk to their loved ones back home.Whatever I earned from working in a restaurant in Tokyo, I spent a good



portion of it on telephone bill. Later, when I decided to do business, I thought Ishould do a business that would help other migrant workers. So, I decided todo calling card business.A Calling Card Trader, Tokyo, September 2008

Bangladeshi calling card traders manufacture and market a few hundred types ofcalling cards for local and international calls. Some of the popular calling cards thatthey market have names like “for you,” “good communications,” “my love,” “minar-e-Pakistan,” “new twin tower,” “the best,” “Africa,” “you and me,” “original callingcards,” “sonar Bangla,” “Africa Green card.”6 Some of these companies have alsoopened up branch offices outside Japan such as Malaysia and run their calling cardbusiness there. These companies are mainly producers and wholesalers of callingcards. Retailers collect calling cards from them to sell to customers for a fixedcommission, in addition to maintaining online shopping facilities. The customers ofcalling cards are both foreigners and locals.

Used Car Trade

Japanese cars are renowned for their reliability, efficiency, and innovativeness. They areavailable in most countries in the world. As new models of Japanese cars are expensive,lower-income groups cannot afford new cars; hence, the demand for used cars in boththe developed and developing countries. This demand for used cars is usually metthrough the internal resale market in the developed countries. However, customers in thedeveloping world are forced to depend on imported used cars if they want to drive aJapanese model. To tap the huge market, many enterprising individuals have opened upused car businesses in Japan, buying and exporting them to the developing countries fora fixed commission. In general, used car traders from the developing countries contactthe used car traders in Japan for wholesale purchase.

Some Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs became involved in the used car businessesin the mid 1980s and expanded their businesses beyond Asia. They export the cars to theMiddle East, Africa, Latin America, South, East, and Southeast Asia, and Russia. Oneadvantage of getting into the used car business is that only minimum venture capital isrequired so long as the right buyer from the other country is found. Furthermore, thewhole official procedure from buying to shipment in Japan can be completed online.What is necessary to run this business is to be familiar with the formalities involved inthe online transactions. Once one has acquired the relevant technical know-how, thebusiness can be expanded quickly. The commission for each used car ranges betweenUS 200 and 800 dollars and profitability depends on the volume transacted. Given theprofitability of the business and home-based operation procedures, many migrantsinvolved in calling cards, ethnic groceries, halal food, or in paid jobs also participate indealing in used cars by providing information about potential buyers, auctions, andshipment procedures.

6 http://www.ilpjp.com/profile.html; http://www.ryointernational.com/calling_cards.html; http://www.sadiatec.com



http://www.ilpjp.com/profile.html

http://www.ryointernational.com/calling_cards.html

http://www.sadiatec.com

http://www.sadiatec.com

Given the home-based nature of such businesses it is not possible to provide anexact number of migrants involved in the used car business. However, it is believedthat a few hundred Bangladeshis are currently involved in the used car business inJapan. Bangladeshi entrepreneurs who started early are currently leading the used cartrade in Japan with monthly exports of 1,000–3,000 cars to Latin America, NorthAmerica, Africa, Middle East, and various countries in Asia. The two leading usedcar traders of Bangladeshi origin are B.J. International and N.K. International. N.KInternational7 exports used cars to about 50 countries in the world. In addition,Bangladeshi migrants export used tires and car parts. Some trade used cars in thelocal market, especially to professionals and students. However, the increasinginvolvement of small migrant entrepreneurs in this business has led to highercompetition, and profit margins have fallen sharply in recent years, resulting indiversification such as selling Japanese used tires in the international market. Thesale of used tires is now more profitable than used cars.

Despite the substantial presence of Bangladeshi entrepreneurs in the used cartrade, it is mostly dominated by Pakistanis. It is widely believed that it is thePakistanis who first started the used car business among immigrant groups inJapan. Some Bangladeshi used car traders even learnt the technical know-howfrom the early Pakistani used car traders. However, the leading Bangladeshi usedcar traders who migrated mostly in the late 1980s had their own stories relatingto taking up the business and gaining success over time. Both Bangladeshi andPakistani used car traders compete with each other in used car auctions andmarket penetration. In addition to these South Asian communities, some Iranianimmigrants are also involved in the used car trade, but their presence is minimal.

Ethnic Restaurants

Unlike halal food and calling cards mainly required by the ethnic and migrantpopulations, ethnic restaurants have emerged to meet the demand for South Asianfood in general and Indian food in particular among the local population. The tastefor South Asian food among the Japanese has created a lucrative market for exoticgoods. Selling ethnic food offers a fruitful opportunity to migrants to invest andexpand a business. Immigration policy allows the employment of foreign cooks,necessary to the success of ethnic restaurants. Since the owners hire mostly ethnicpersonnel to run the business, they can offer their services at relatively low prices.These restaurants serve mainly Indian dishes, at least by name as it is not easy todistinguish South Asian dishes from each other. The restaurants are decorated inIndian style, screen Bollywood movies and play Hindi music, and showcase culturalproducts and pictures of South Asian (Indian) political and cultural personalities topresent a truly Indian ambience. All these suggest that migrants make every effort toconvert both the content and the symbols of ethnicity into profit-makingcommodities.

7 http://www.nkusedcars.com/about.html



http://www.nkusedcars.com/about.html

Other Businesses

In addition to the various types of main businesses discussed, we also identifiedvarious migrant businesses that serve both migrants and locals, such as travelagency, jewelry shops, budget hotels, IT services, used electronic products,entertainment products, apparel shops, and ethnic magazines. One key travel agencythat serves mainly the Bangladeshi and other South Asian communities is located atAkihabara in Tokyo, the largest electronics market in Japan. This travel agency notonly sells cheap air tickets but also provides various immigration services andrelevant information to the local immigrant community. This travel agency doublesas a multipurpose shop offering their own international calling cards, phone andsoftware services. A 30-year-old migrant entrepreneur is the owner of this travelagency. He also has a halal food outlet next door. Close to the travel agency andhalal food, there are other Bangladeshi shops selling gold jewelry, apparel, andentertainment products (music CDs and DVDs of Bollywood films). A few hundredmeters from these mini-ethnic markets, there is a well-known used electronic shoprun by a Bangladeshi who came to Japan in the late 1980s. His shop is next to theAkihabara railway line, and it markets computers and computer accessories.Products like computer software, cameras, DVD players, and handy cams are muchsought after, and tourists are the main customer base for this shop.

Two unusual types of businesses deserve mention: budget hotels and ethnicmagazines. One migrant entrepreneur (case no. 9), who came to Japan in 1986, madehis fortune in the stock exchange. He later invested his earnings in two budgethotels, equipped with natural hot spring, sauna, and Indian restaurant. As budgethotels, they target both local and foreigner travelers. We also identified severalethnic magazines in Japan such as the Shaptahik Isehara, the Bibekbarta, thedoshdick, and the Porobash. They are all available online and are important sourcesof both Bangladeshi and Japanese news for the Bangladeshi migrant community. Inaddition to these magazines, there are also some online sites that link the communityto the homeland, for example Bangladesh Tigers Portal and Deshbideshweb. Thesemagazines and websites are owned and run by Bangladeshi migrants. Advertise-ments and donations are the main sources of earnings for these communitymagazines and websites.

Pathways to Entrepreneurship

Business opportunities do not necessarily lead to the development of immigrantbusinesses. The road to immigrant entrepreneurship particularly in setting up smallbusinesses in the course of temporary migration should be understood in relation tothe immigration policy of the host country as well as the motivation for migrationand the strategies embedded in the migration process. As discussed earlier, Japandoes not have any temporary arrangements for allowing unskilled migrants in.Unlike many Asian countries, such as Singapore and Malaysia, there was hardly anylegal route for Bangladeshi migrants keen to work in Japan in the late 1980s, asituation that encouraged overstaying and irregular immigration. A migrant withirregular status cannot open a business unless he has a business visa or other long-



term stay permits (permanent residency), for which they are ineligible on account oftheir status. This is because legal procedures involved in the business operationsrequire operators or owners of businesses to have legal status and failure to complyresults in confiscation and mandatory deportation. Hence, most irregular oroverstaying migrants typically seek paid jobs in three “D” (dirty, dangerous, anddemeaning) occupations. This was the major obstacle for Bangladeshi migrantworkers who aspired to be entrepreneurs.

Nevertheless, although Japan is a culturally conservative society, it does offerwork and residence permits to foreigners who are married to Japanese women onhumanitarian grounds, a practice usually unavailable in most almost all labor-receiving countries in Asia except South Korea. Out of the 25 cases in this study, 20migrants were first married to Japanese women. This high occurrence of mixedmarriages suggests that migrants made use of the only option open to them toregularize their status and realize their business aspirations in Japan. Two migrantentrepreneurs were single and were students before becoming entrepreneurs.Students are eligible for residence status and according to the Immigration ControlReport of 2005, 265 Bangladeshi students took advantage of this between 2000 and2004.8 However, this option is a recent development. Most of the migrantentrepreneurs who came in 1980s and early 1990s changed their status throughmarriage.

Why do some migrants who qualify for long-term residence or permanentresidence engage in businesses while others take up paid employment? We are not ina position to elaborate on this issue in detail as we did not interview those who arenot involved in business activity. However, we had an opportunity to talk to somemigrants, who were engaged in businesses at first before turning to paid employmentin the course of migration. These former migrant businesspersons attributed theirfailures to a limited market (small ethnic population), higher start-up capital,excessive competition, and meager profits. Since most migrants can converse inJapanese and are familiar with Japanese culture, they had no difficulty in findingjobs in Japan. These conversations with unsuccessful migrant businesspersons gaveus an insight to why the successful entrepreneurs adopted innovative or break outstrategies in order to survive.

Availability of credit is a key to business development. Initially, most respondentslacked resources to start new businesses. They had little access to banks, and theirstatus as foreigners as well as beginners was the main obstacle to build businessrelationships with banks. Hence, the bulk of the credit for business derived fromother sources like personal savings and contributions of Japanese wives. Apart fromthese, loans from friends and Japanese colleagues also served some entrepreneurs’initial credit need.

With regard to the question why a transient migrant wants to change hisimmigration status from a worker to an entrepreneur, we advance three argumentshere. First, migration to Japan is a risky venture due to the lack of transparency inimmigration policy and its strict regulatory regime. Japan has no transient migrantworker schemes. Although Bangladeshis enter the country legally as tourists,

8 http://www.moj.go.jp/NYUKAN/nyukan46-2.pdf



http://www.moj.go.jp/NYUKAN/nyukan46-2.pdf

students, or trainees, they become illegal once they overstay their visas. If theseoverstayers voluntarily or involuntarily leave, they are banned from reentering thecountry because of their past immigration record. Whatever opportunities they mayhave contemplated in Japan are lost.

Secondly, Bangladeshi migrants generally are motivated to break out of the “cycleof remigration” embedded in the transient migrant worker programs. They arefamiliar with the experiences of fellow migrants working in countries in East andSoutheast Asia and the Middle East as temporary workers. Temporary labormigration is a form of circular migration in which a potential worker migrates for alimited period to work abroad, but such migration has no certainty of success andoften costly. Hence, many migrants attempt to break this “cycle of remigration” bybecoming overstayers or irregular migrants. One might well ask why migrate if it islikely to result in economic difficulties. We have suggested elsewhere thatinternational migration for work is increasingly viewed as long term, anoccupational choice between working abroad and working at home. Refusal tointernational migration in Bangladeshi society is regarded as shameful andthreatens the masculinity of Bangladeshi males, while termination in the middleof migration is often financially and socially costly for their families (Lian andRahman 2006, forthcoming).

Thirdly, regularizing one’s immigration status is embedded in migration strategy—the very reason for migration is not only to start a migration career for oneself but also toimprove the position of the family and kin (bari—collection of households relatedthrough kinship and spatial proximity) in a society where socioeconomic mobility isrestricted to the very few. Thus, the primary reason for migration is tied to the desire touplift the family and bari from socioeconomic stagnation. As migrants from traditionalsocieties are obligated to meet the cultural expectations of family and kinship networksand demonstrate reciprocity, this puts pressure on migrants to seek avenues for long-term stay and material success overseas.

Innovative Practices

Following Schumpeter, we do not regard innovation as a separate activity fromentrepreneurship. Migrant entrepreneurs are driven to adopt various innovativepractices in their businesses. Innovation is the attempt to make one’s business asdissimilar as possible from one’s competitors (Engelen 2001). Different groups ofmigrant entrepreneurs employ different innovative strategies to access a widermarket, both nationally and internationally. Broadly, innovation occurs in productdevelopment, in sales, and in distribution.

Product Innovation

Migrant entrepreneurs engage in product innovation in at least three ways: bybringing in regional products, by trading in local products, and by hiring skilledethnic personnel such as cooks.

Migrant retailers sell and distribute the products supplied by migrant wholesalers,but it is the latter who provide entrepreneurial leadership. Although ethnic products



are the mainstay for ethnic groceries, it is the entrepreneurial wholesalers whosupply the ethnic products. However, the origin of ethnic products varies. Mostethnic products were sourced from Bangladesh, but this has changed over time, andthey are now imported from different South and Southeast Asian countries. Thereason behind this regionalization lies in the demand for such products in the market.Most people in South and Southeast Asian countries share many culinarypreferences and products. Wholesalers supply these to retailers who sell to widerclienteles of immigrants from South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East. Onthe dining table of most of the migrants from these regions, one can easily identifyproducts from different countries such as fish from Thailand, parata (Indian bread)from Malaysia, curry powder from India and Pakistan, rice from India, and meatfrom Australia. Generally, customers prefer to choose from a wide range of productsmade in different countries. Thus, ethnic groceries in Japan are indeed multiethnic inboth products and clienteles.

Migrant entrepreneurs usually deal only in ethnic products. The Japanese casereveals a new dimension of migrant businesses. These entrepreneurs are involvedin a wide range of non-ethnic products such as calling cards, used cars and tires,Japanese silk, and electronics. The migrant entrepreneurs’ experiences andemotional attachments are associated with their choices of businesses.Bangladeshi-owned companies distribute calling cards all over Japan. They offerthe cheapest cards for the African, Middle Eastern, South Asian, and SoutheastAsian migrant markets. Used car is another non-ethnic product that manymigrant entrepreneurs are involved. Some also trade in Japanese used tiresmainly to South Korea. One migrant entrepreneur on a trip to South Koreadiscovered that there is a huge market for Japanese used tires. Upon return, hebegan exporting them to South Korea.

Japanese silk are used to make sarees and women’s apparel. One migrantentrepreneur came to know this on a visit to Dhaka’s New Market and returned toexport Japanese silk to Bangladesh. Japanese electronics items are popularworldwide. Some Bangladeshi entrepreneurs considered exporting used electronicsoverseas. However, electronic products in Japan are designed for the domesticmarket, and all information are in the Japanese language; they are not marketableoverseas. A few Bangladeshi entrepreneurs came up with a brilliant idea. Theyidentified which electronic items and their Japanese software is replaceable with theEnglish version of the software; for example, the software in laptops can be easilyreplaced with the English version of Windows. They started buying used laptopslocally at a cheap price and then downloaded the English software for overseasmarkets. Some are sold in the local market, especially to foreign tourists.

Indian food is increasingly popular among the Japanese, and more Indianrestaurants are opening throughout Japan. Many are owned and run byBangladeshi migrants, although by name and decore, it is difficult to recognizethat they are in fact operated by Bangladeshis. These entrepreneurs realized thatthere was a demand for Indian cuisine, but they were not cooks and had nopractical experience about Indian dishes. So they hired cooks from India andopened restaurants with Indian names such as “Indian Curry,” “South Asianrestaurants,” and “Taj Mahal Restaurant.” Indian restaurants are also operated byPakistani and Nepalese migrants.



Sales and Distribution

Migrant entrepreneurs employ several strategies for sales and distribution:spatial, temporal, and modality. Spatial strategies involve attempts to “relocatefirms to more rewarding markets” (Engelen 2001), and these can be applied torestaurant businesses in the case of internal markets and used car, calling cards,tire, car parts, Japanese silk, and herbal products in the case of internationalmarkets. Bangladeshi-owned Indian restaurants are located in convenient locations,especially next to the subway stations of business districts. The use of the word“Indian” is common to all these restaurants. Since Indian food is more expensivethan local food and restaurant owners rely on non-ethnic customers, they advertisetheir locations with menus and prices in various ways including distributingleaflets, posters, handouts at subways, and displaying prominent signboards inJapanese and English. Unlike traditional ethnic niches where ethnic businesses areusually located to ethnic markets as a spatial strategy, the Japanese case suggeststhat migrant entrepreneurs have developed a new ethnic identity for their businessin predominantly non-ethnic locations. This has been possible by cultivating non-ethnic clienteles for their business.

The targeting of international markets by migrant entrepreneurs is a radicaldeparture from the conventional understanding of traditional immigrant business. Asreferred to earlier entrepreneurs have been able to identify opportunities formarketing Japanese products outside of Japan. In the same way as Japanesemultinational companies have promoted and distributed their products in the globalmarket, Bangladeshi entrepreneurs have sought alternative routes to sell used carsinternationally. Used car entrepreneurs have targeted countries where the demand isstable and returns are high. For instance, they chose to open used car showrooms inseveral African countries because they know that new Japanese cars are out of thereach of even the higher middle class people, thereby developing a market foraffordable second-hand cars. New automobiles manufactured in India have a goodmarket in these countries. However, Japanese cars are known for their quality even ifthey are 4 or 5 years old and together with their affordability are highly sought afterin African markets. Such astute assessment of overseas markets has transformedBangladesh migrant business into thriving entrepreneurship.

This is also true for Japanese herbal products marketed by one leading callingcard entrepreneur. On a trip to the USA and Europe, he explored what he couldimport from Japan. When he discovered that Chinese herbals were available inWestern markets but not Japanese herbals, he immediately decided to trade in thelatter. He identified some well-known Japanese herbals including beauty productsand began marketing them overseas. The success of his venture led him even to buya well-known Japanese herbal product company. Similarly, the sale of internationalcalling cards online outside Japan and the expansion of the calling card business inMalaysia and Singapore suggest that Bangladesh migrants are entrepreneurial inseeking out overseas markets.

Temporal strategies refer to modifying selling or production hours. Retailentrepreneurs employ various temporal strategies for sale and distribution. Halalfood outlets and other ethnic groceries usually open in the late morning and closelate at night. However, due to changes in the modality of sales and distribution,



temporal strategies have a minimal impact in the retail business. Bangladeshi retailentrepreneurs have developed online shopping, telesales, and pay-upon-delivery toexpand their business. Retailers operate online shopping facilities for customers wholive in Tokyo and other parts of Japan, complete with catalogs of prices and picturesof products.

Upon ordering online, the goods are delivered by post within 24 h in any part ofJapan. Customers pay cash upon delivery of goods. Few customers now visitphysically the retail stores for shopping. Online shopping has made the lives ofimmigrant wives comfortable, a practice that few South Asian wives enjoyed backhome. Customers who do not have internet at home can order by telephone, and thegoods will be delivered within 24 h. Online shopping has made it possible to accessmarkets all over Japan. As one leading retailer from Tokyo said, “my 90% orderscome online.” However, there is also competition as most retailers have onlinepresence. To compete with one another, some retailers offer special promotions andgift vouchers to customers, such as free DVDs of newly released Bollywood films,Bengali dramas, ethnic magazines, and television programs. Online shopping forgroceries and daily necessities have changed the traditional notion of ethnic/immigrant businesses.

Conclusion

Theoretical developments in migrant entrepreneurship have largely been developedin the North American context: notably that migrant entrepreneurship thrives inethnic enclaves but is spatially restricted and that ultimately they are assimilated intothe host economy by becoming mainstream firms. The classic ethnic business patternfound in North America and indeed many European societies are immigrantentrepreneurs owning small and often vulnerable enterprises in neighborhoods withstrong immigrant populations and relying overwhelmingly on co-ethnic networks(Light and Gold 2000, cited in Fresnoza-Flot and Pecoud 2007). We have argued(Lian and Rahman forthcoming) that Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurship, thoughsharing some similar characteristics, has largely taken a different trajectory underconditions of temporary labor migration in East Asia. Because of the uncertainty andcostliness of temporary migration, Bangladeshi migrants seek ways and means toregularize their status to gain entry into paid employment or engage in businessactivity.

Those who become entrepreneurs are forced to innovate and seek overseasmarkets in order to survive. The incentive to do so can be traced to the beginning ofthe migrant career of a Bangladeshi when he makes the decision to migrate overseas.Once he migrates, there is no turning back, and he will continue to tread in what wecalled the “cycle of re-migration,” until he can demonstrate some measure of successacceptable to his bari. Migration is the only option for social and economic mobilityfor Bangladeshis. Furthermore, in Japan, Bangladeshi migrants have had to marrylocal women and regularize their status before they can go on to develop theirbusiness.

Unlike traditional ethnic businesses that are greatly dependent on co-ethnics forsupport at least in the initial phase and rarely move beyond the domestic market,



Bangladeshi entrepreneurs in Japan are driven to adopt innovative strategies early onin both product development and market expansion. Hence, innovation occurs indeveloping regional sources of supply for food products required by South Asians,adapting electronic equipment, exporting used cars and tires, exporting Japaneseherbals to overseas markets, and introducing online shopping facilities to cater toeducated and mobile clienteles. Along with product innovation, these entrepreneurshave cultivated ethnic and non-ethnic customers in the domestic market and targetedforeign markets. Product and market innovation feed on each other. What drivesinnovation, which is largely absent in traditional ethnic enterprise.

Technological revolutions in communication (international calling cards, mobilephones, and internet) and transport (budget airlines) accompanied by theglobalization of markets have opened up opportunities unavailable to migrantbusinesses in the past. Such developments have also led to hypercompetitiveconditions. Potential Bangladeshi migrant entrepreneurs can no longer rely on ethnicniche markets; because of size limitations they are quickly saturated withcompetitors. A culture of travel, networking, and information gathering createsawareness of opportunities and markets in different parts of the world. Consequently,migrant entrepreneurship has transcended national territory. This study highlights thedevelopment of migrant entrepreneurship among recent Bangladeshi emigrants inJapan, which is transnational and/or multinational in dimension. It is transnational inthe transactions of halal food, ethnic restaurants and apparel, and used tires; andmultinational in the transactions of used cars, electronic accessories, calling cards,and Japanese herbal products.

Acknowledgement This research was funded by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, NationalUniversity of Singapore. The authors would like to thank Rahman Moni from Porobas (Japan), HisayaOda from Ritsumeikan University, Mayumi Murayama from IDE-JETRO, Iguchi Yasushi from KwanseiGakuin University, and Emiko Ochiai from Kyoto University for their support. Special thanks go toKosuke Mizuno, CSEAS, Kyoto University, for invitation and local support during the fieldwork. Theauthors wish to thank the anonymous reviewers of JIMI for their insightful comments on the draft versionof this article.

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Md Mizanur Rahman is a Research Fellow at the Department of Sociology, National University ofSingapore. His research is located at the intersection of sociology of emigration and immigration, coveringtopics like social development, gender and migration, gendered remittances, gender relations, migrantfamily, informal remittances, return migration, transnational migration, immigrant integration andcommunity formation. He has published in International Migration, Population, Space and Place, Journal



of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Asian Population Studies, Asian and Pacific Migration Journal. Address:Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore, Singapore 117570, Singapore [[email protected] or [email protected]].

Lian Kwen Fee is Associate Professor of Sociology at the National University of Singapore. His researchinterests are in race and ethnicity, migration, and multiculturalism. Adress: Department of Sociology,National University of Singapore, Singapore 117570, Email: [email protected].



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