baji reader spring 2011

BAJI Reader 1

Promoting Social and Economic Justice for All

Table of Contents

Introduction................................................................................3 The African Diaspora Speaks Out on Immigration

Black Voices Call for a New Approach to Immigration Reform.........................................................................................4 Gerald Lenoir and Leah Wise

Faith Without Borders................................................................8 A Sacred Co-journeying Towards Just Immigration Rev. Kelvin Sauls

Immigration Reform We Can Believe In.................................12Ending Criminalization and Enforcement in our Communities Marlon Peterson and Janis Rosheuvel

Do Not Tamper with the Constitution......................................16 Eric Ward

Statement of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration on the Attacks on Birthright Citizenship and the Fourteenth Amendment...............................................................................17

From Poverty to Prosperity......................................................18The Roots Causes of Poverty and Migration in Haiti Francesca Menes

We Stand with Haiti...................................................................22A Statement from the Black Alliance for Just Immigration

The Liberian Story—A Search for Stability and Security......24 Oni Richards Waritay

2 www.blackalliance.org

Black Alliance for Just Immigration

The Black Alliance for Just Immigration was founded in April 2006 to engage African Americans and other communities in a dialogue that leads to actions that challenge U.S. immigration policy and the underlying issues of race, racism and economic inequity that frame it.

BAJI is an education and advocacy group comprised of African Americans and black immigrants from Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. BAJI provides a progressive analysis and framework on immigration that links the interests of African Americans with those of immigrants of color. The analysis emphasizes the impact of racism and economic globalization on African American and immigrant communities as a basis for forging alliances across these communities.

BAJI’s goals are:

1) to develop a core group of African Americans who are prepared to actively support immigrant rights;;

2) to facilitate the building of relationships and alliances between African American and immigrant communities to further the mutual cause of economic and social justice for all.

StaffGerald Lenoir, Executive DirectorPhil Hutchings, Senior OrganizerOpal Tometi, National Organizer and Communications DirectorAja Minor, Program Associate

BAJI Reader Editorial BoardJean DamuAmarha Hicks, PhDWilson Riles, Jr.Gerald Lenoir

BAJI Steering CommitteeAlona CliftonRonald ColthirstDenise GumsAmarha Hicks, PhDNunu KidaneRev. Phillip LawsonLeonard McNeilSteven Pitts, PhDWilson Riles, Jr.Angela RomeroRev. Kelvin SaulsSharron Williams Gelobter, Esq.

Design and Layout: J. Lenoir www.frontline-multimedia.com

Proofreader: Karen Dalton

The collected work © 2011 BAJI

Articles and photos © authors and photographers or as indicated

Black Alliance for Just Immigration1212 Broadway, Suite 812Oakland, CA 94612(510) 663-2254 (voice)(510) 663-2257 (fax)[email protected]

The BAJI reader is available online at www.blackalliance.org.

Follow us on Twitter @ www.twitter.com/bajitweet Join us on Facebook @ www.facebook.com/BAJIpage

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Introduction

Introduction: The African Diaspora Speaks Out on Immigration

While immigration reform legislation is stalled in Congress and the Dream Act was defeated last year, fair and

just immigration reform is still an urgent need for the millions of undocumented immigrants who are demonized and marginalized. In this edition of the BAJI Reader, “!e African Di-aspora Speaks Out on Immigration,” a number of African American, African, Afro-Latino and Afro-Caribbean leaders write about various as-pects of immigration reform from the perspec-tive of their communities.

In the lead article, “Black Call for New Ap-proaches to Immigration Reform, U.S.-born leaders Gerald Lenoir of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration and Leah Wise of the South-east Regional Economic Justice Network posit a framework for looking at the issue of immigra-tion “from a black perspective”, i.e., as African American allies in the struggle for racial justice, economic justice and immigrant rights.

In his article, “Faith Without Borders: A Sacred Co-journeying Towards Just Immigration”, Rev. Kelvin Sauls, an immigrant from South Africa, brings a faith perspective to bear on the subject, asserting that “human dignity, not political ex-pediency” should be at the center of the discus-sion on immigration reform. He cites Christian and Islamic scriptures in making the case for “a faith not limited by, nor de"ned by borders.”

In “Do Not Tamper with the Constitution,” African American Eric Ward maintains that to revoke the Fourteenth Amendment so that the children of undocumented immigrants born in the United States are noncitizens amounts to a thinly disguised racist attack on the fundamen-tal right of birthright citizenship.

!e “Statement of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration on the Attacks on Birthright Citi-zenship and the Fourteenth Amendment” which follows complements Eric Ward’s perspective.

Marlon Peterson and Janis Rosheuvel of Fami-lies For Freedom in New York City take up the cause of immigrants with criminal conviction in “Immigration Reform We Can Believe In: Ending Criminalization and Enforcement in our Communities.” !e authors argue that this group is wrongly marginalized in the current immigration reform debate.

“From Poverty to Prosperity: !e Root Causes of Poverty and Migration” is an article writ-ten by Haitian activist Francesca Menes of the Florida Immigrant Coalition. She puts the cur-rent U.S. foreign and immigration policy toward Haiti in its historical context.

“We Stand with Haiti: !e Statement of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration” calls for support for the reconstruction of Haiti con-trolled by the Haitian people, the restoration of democracy in Haiti, the granting of humanitar-ian parole and family visas to Haitians, and the end to deportations of Haitians.

Oni Richards writes about the struggle of Libe-rians for a renewal of Deferred Enforced Depar-ture status in the United States in “!e Liberian Story—A Search for Stability and Security.” She argues that the U.S. government owes Liberia a debt as an ally and as an object of exploitation by U.S. corporations.

It is crucial that the immigrant rights movement consider the perspectives and issues of African Americans and black immigrants on the various matters related to immigration reform in order to build stronger, more cohesive social move-ment capable of winning fair and just reform. !e activists/authors represented here make valuable contributions toward that end.

Gerald LenoirBAJI Executive Director


Black Voices Call for New Approaches to Immigration Reformby Leah Wise and Gerald Lenoir

This article o#ers the perspectives of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration (BAJI) and the Southeast Regional Eco-

nomic Justice Network (REJN) on the struggle for fair and just immigration reform and the issues that the immigrant rights movement and the social justice movement as a whole must tackle to achieve it.

It’s A New Day

Neoliberal globalization has changed the politi-cal and economic landscape –domestically and internationally—and is forcing us to think and work in new ways. !e bankruptcy of unfet-tered capitalism has been exposed and people in every class are getting a taste of the insecurity and lost wealth, if not hunger and homelessness, experienced by the droves of people of color, ex-treme poor, workers and others who have been the primary casualties of the corporate driven neoliberal agenda over the past 2$ decades. !ere is now a broader base of people wanting reform. Not enough, however, are addressing the system of policies and institutions that are

the cause of our miseries and are still locked into piecemeal strategies. Immigration is an urgent issue precisely because 200 million people across the globe have been propelled into migration by these policies, by the wars, collapsed econo-mies, destabilization, ruined environments, and genocide they have engendered. Only 2% have come to the US, yet their presence is transform-ing local communities and base organizing, in rural and urban areas alike. Rather than create a Marshall plan to help these survivors [at home and abroad] cope, nations, particularly in the West, have criminalized many of them.

Social justice movements are challenged to:% !ink macro and micro [global/national/state/local] and long and short-term simulta-neously, taking into account speci"c on-the-ground circumstances and histories.% Learn to appreciate, respect and “negotiate vast diversities and tremendous complexities that inclusivity requires.% Focus on causes –structural impediments, policies & practices –and overlapping impacts, rather than isolated disparities, which implies intersectional analysis, or locating targets at the intersections of the overlaps, to maximize im-pact and building the broadest base of support.% Grapple with racism and wedge issues, in rec-ognition of their historic role in defeating every

BAJI members gather at the U.S.-Mexico border wall near Tucson in 2007 as part of delegation that investigated the human rights violations perpetrated by Border Patrol agents against migrants and Mexican citizens. Photo courtesy: Black Alliance for Just Immigration

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social movement, blatantly, as in the 1898 Wilm-ington (NC) coup d’état and massacre, or more subtly, as in the more recent use of demeaning racially coded language and images (Willie Horton, welfare queens) in political campaigns or “immigrants are taking jobs nobody wants” to thwart union campaigns. % Forge a new model of work that marries the shaping and content of policy reforms with base building practice that can galvanize communi-ties across the nation into a powerful move-ment. To us this means building an inclusive peoples movement of scale, encompassing the widespread and various sectors that have been casualties of neoliberal policies, AND cra&ing and linking policy reforms in ways that bene"t everyone. % Walk our talk. We must model the society we say we are trying to build --be the justice we want to live and exemplify accountability—if we are to have any authenticity and credibility to of-fer real change. To the immigrant rights move-ment, for example, black immigrants—Africans, Afro Latinos/as, Caribbeans—have been largely invisible and excluded, both in participation, leadership and issue priorities. Racism in the immigrant rights movement is its Achilles’ heel. If the movement is to forge and lead a disparate and diverse base, then it must include the voices, perspectives and leadership of the marginalized, including the young, African descent immi-grants and native born, as well as poor women.% Recognize that national policies must address regional speci"city if they are to have national impact. National policy cannot rely on state implementation when “states rights”—which governs political will—and inadequate infra-structure eclipses impact in the South and other localities across the nation. !e failure to ad-dress the structural conditions in the South has rendered the region the nation’s sinkhole, which has dragged down wages, jobs, conditions and the social safety net, pulling the nation towards the South’s level of underdevelopment

How we respond as a progressive movement, particularly in these times of economic crisis, has everything to do with whether we can maxi-

mize a progressive movement that can win real change that will bring us economic prosperity, full political participation, social justice, ac-countable democracy and peace –for everyone, or whether we become more fractured and weak and lose the opportunity that the Obama victory has promised us for the next 7$ years. People of color, particularly younger generations, are the strategic center –and mass base—of progressive change in America. We have power collectively, but none of us have power by ourselves. All for one and one for all is not a new idea, but the era of globalization and internet technology has de"nitely given it new meaning and new pos-sibility.

Race is at the Center of Immigrant Justice and Reform

Race, racism, and the struggle for racial jus-tice are central to the immigrant experience and character of the movement for three main reasons:1) Globalization policies have been an engine of racism, negatively impacting peoples of color disproportionately.2) Di#erent understandings of race, identity, and racism, ill equip most immigrants to enter the racialized context of US society and politics, especially in the South. Most immigrants lack the savvy and organizing skills needed to ad-dress systemic racism, particularly in ways that enable them to build upon the successes of the struggles for civil and human rights and Native American sovereignty and to link with black folk. Many come to the US with negative ste-reotypes about African Americans and think Dr. M.L. King, Jr. corrected discrimination once and for all. We are seen as weak and powerless, in short, as unworthy allies. We are not regarded as the revolutionary change-makers who, along with our allies, were the creative force behind social transformation in this country. !ey don’t know our sacri"ces and struggles succeed-ed in dismantling U.S. apartheid and ignited a successful anti-war movement along with other social struggles that extended U.S. democracy, civil rights and economic opportunity to many


more than us – to women, immigrants, work-ers, environmentalists, LGBT, the poor, and the di#erently-abled, —most of whom are white. !ey also don’t appreciate that our victories were incomplete and have been unraveled by administrations over the past 25 years. !ese views prevail even now that we have a black president.

3) U.S. Immigration policies, structures and the way they are implemented (e.g. racial pro"ling) themselves are discriminatory and exclusionary, fraught with preferences and bias according to race, class, gender and sexual orientation. !ey perpetuate white supremacy and racial dispari-ties. !ey allow employers, lenders, landlords, politicians, bureaucrats, and the organized right to exploit, abuse, and manipulate native and foreign born people of color, driving a wedge that poses the most urgent threat to progressive politics in America. Just immigration cannot be accomplished without addressing systemic policies as well as individual, institutional and structural racism.

Today, the struggle for immigrant rights is at the cutting edge of the struggles for racial and worker justice and to mounting a campaign to scrap neoliberal policies across the board. !is recognition alone should be a uniting factor of labor, civil rights and immigrant rights move-ments. Addressing black exclusion from the formal economy, the super exploitation of im-migrants, and the structural impediments that have perpetuated race/wealth/gender dispari-

ties in the U.S., most notably in the South, is at the heart of linking just immigration policy to sustainable economic recovery, one that installs a new set of just economic relations and can win broad support.

It will take native born blacks and immigrants joining together to shape policies for mutual bene"t, which means recognizing how our struggles are intertwined and our successes are dependent upon one another.

Towards this end the African American com-munity must come to grips with the new reali-ties of race in the U.S.--the black-white para-digm has given way to a much more complex picture, marked not only with rising Latino and Asian populations that have brought people of color majorities to several states, but with ethnic constructs, such as Latino, that defy race as we understand it. !us, the political landscape for organizing is new to everyone and to have impact, we will have to learn together how to organize and collaborate e#ectively in mutual solidarity and equality.

A Human Rights Approach to Immigration

A holistic and comprehensive approach to just immigration policy must: % Encompass values and principles that uphold the dignity, rights, justice and prosperity (not just opportunity) for everyone; % Be linked to economic recovery policy that al-lows for the participation, decision-making, and

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bene"t to everyone, particularly li&ing those on the bottom;% Address all who are a#ected, including African-descent immigrants and poor women. Because migration is a global phenomenon, just immigration cannot be achieved by domestic policy alone. !e global nature of migration and suggests that fair and just policies must ad-dress: 1) !e development needs in countries and communities from which people were com-pelled to depart;2) Respect for and protection of human rights of migrants in the countries where they arrive;3) !e infrastructure and development needs of communities to which migrants come.

!e right of people to stay in their own coun-tries and to be productive, prosperous and safe is a fundamental part of the UN Human Rights Convention, which also requires that we chal-lenge racial and religious pro"ling, immigrant raids, detentions and deportations without due process; and the militarization of the US border. !e Far Right has championed these actions in the name of national security, but they have undermined the fundamental rights and politi-cal space of us all.

!e Need for A Southern Strategy

Interestingly, immigration from the Global South and from other regions of the United States has made the South an even more strate-gic region for winning a progressive agenda in America. Overwhelmingly black and white his-torically, this still largely rural region has and is undergoing stark transformation to one of vast diversity where over 100 languages are spoken. !is new reality has brought both promise and serious challenges.

!e South has the fastest growing Latino popu-lation in the nation AND the majority of Afri-can Americans, many of whom reside in ma-jority black districts. As evidenced in Obama’s election, the bastion of the conservative right is

undergoing political shi&s, due in large part to the increase in majority minority counties and voting patterns of young white voters. Yet, the legacy of slavery--an economy of pollution, ex-ploitation by outsiders and exclusion, primarily through institutionalized perpetuation of white supremacy--lingers. Barriers to black voting still exist. And 287g, for example, has been imple-mented aggressively and abusively in the South, bringing local law enforcement into cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. But serious tensions between African Americans and immigrants have burst forth like geysers. Instead of seeing the South as critical to national transformation, many organizations and funders regard it as peripheral.

Movement Building

If the immigrant rights movement is to over-come its internal divisions and to build lasting cross-racial and cross-community alliances that wield power, it must broaden its strategic outlook and willingly grapple with tough, com-plicated problematics that defy quick "xes and sound bites. Here are a few of the many ques-tions progressive movements must solve:

How do we take to scale educational strategies that address the causes of global migration and bridge multiple understandings of race, racism, and identity?

How do we balance the deep and longer-term work we all have to do to become authentic al-lies with the urgency of immediate campaigns?

How is comprehensive, just immigration reform linked to economic recovery that brings margin-alized African Americans back into the formal economy, bene"ts everyone, and sustains the planet?

Gerald Lenoir is the Executive Director of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration. Leah Wise is the former Executive Director and current Direc-tor of Research and Popular Education of the Southeast Regional Economic Justice Network.


Faith Without Borders: A Sacred Co-journeying Towards Just Immigrationby Rev. Kelvin Sauls

Human dignity, not political expedi-ency must be the heart beat of the anticipated immigration reform in

the United States. A human rights framework must be foundational to the development of immigration policy globally. Given the injus-tice and discrimination experienced by im-migrants in the United States, France, Russia, Italy, China, etc, it is no longer acceptable to talk about immigrant rights as separate from human rights. Moreover, the “othering” of immigrants devalues their sacredness, instead of extending extravagant hospitality to new neighbors in our homes, communities, and places of work and worship. In a world where migration – willing and unwilling – has be-come an integral part of life, welcoming, lov-ing, relating to, being with and co-journeying with migrants, are opportunities to receive and experience God’s grace.

Diverse faith traditions invite us on an ex-

traordinary sacred adventure towards both a just legislation, and human destination. In the Hebrew Scriptures, we witness God’s care and concern for the immigrant. !e Old Testament reminds us we are to love and care for the im-migrant in the same way we love and care for ourselves (Exodus 22:21-22). !us, oppression of, discrimination towards, and exploitation of immigrants are blasphemous! (Leviticus 19:33).

Instruction to secure the human rights of immigrants is integral to God’s support for the dignity and humanity of immigrants. !is common humanity requires respect whether documented or not, citizen or immigrant (Numbers 15:15b). Islam’s support is found in these words from the Qur’an, “do good…to those in need. Neighbors who are near, neigh-bors who are strangers, the companion by your side, the wayfarer that you meet” (4:36). Our brothers and sisters in the Hindu faith are charged with these words from the Taitiriya Unpanishad, “!e guest is a representative of God” (1.11.2). Such religious alliances un-derscore the sacred task of just treatment of immigrants.

For Christians, the New Testament continues

African American ministers in Oakland, Calif. held a press conference in March 2010 in support of just immigration reform. Photo credit; Gerald Lenoir

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this divine discourse. !us, for Christians, God chose to become 'esh as a migrant in Je-sus. Born homeless, dressed in strips of cloth, and laid in a manger with hay as a blanket, Jesus became a refugee to Africa. Political oppression, economic instability, and unsafe conditions forced Joseph to migrate to Egypt with his family. Later in his life, Jesus engages in countless border-crossing activities of heal-ing and wholeness, restoration and reconcilia-tion. Challenging religious complicity with the discrimination and exploitation of immigrants, Jesus introduces a faith without borders. !is border-crossing faith "nds its incarnation in, among other things, the transformation of unjust laws and the transcendence of unfair borders.

Enveloped in vulnerability and uncertainty, the relocation of Joseph and Mary, plunged Jesus into the middle of the immigrant and refu-gee experience! Hence, as one who identi"es himself with the immigrant in our midst, he calls on His followers to provide extravagant hospitality to the “least of these” (Matthew 25:38-40). Fellowship of Jesus Christ manifests itself in acts of advocacy for the rights of, and serving the needs of “the least of these.” A(rming the dignity and sacred worth of im-migrants a#ord us the blessing to hear and see

the gospel made visible in the stories and lives of immigrants. Discipleship in Jesus Christ is inextricably linked with providing extravagant hospitality and audacious hope to the least, the last and the le& out. Such can be the Christian’s faithfulness to an immigrant-Savior. Such can be the connectedness of biblically grounded people of faith to our immigrant brothers and sisters, a kinship that cannot be limited or regulated by borders.

!e vulnerability and insecurity, fragility and fear that accompanied Joseph, Mary and Jesus, are daily companions of immigrants locally and globally. From discrimination and de-privation to detention and deportation, our immigrant brothers and sisters su#er greatly. Intentional violation of worker rights, result-ing in exploitation, and indiscriminate federal raids, threatens family unity and stability. !ese realities force immigrants into invisibil-ity, criminal tendency, and thus, in the shad-ows of society. Invisibility is sometimes used to encourage and justify inhumane treatment.

Whether invisible or not, God loves the whole world equally (John 3:16a). Moreover, “God is love. Whoever lives in love lives in God, and God in (them). If anyone says, “I love God,” yet hates his brother/sister, he/she is a liar. For any-

Civil Rights Leader Rev. Joseph Lowery speaks at an event in Jackson, Mississippi sponsored by the Mississippi Immigrant Rights Alliance (MIRA). Photo courtesy of the Mississippi Immigrant Rights Alliance


one who does not love his brother/sister, whom he/she has seen, cannot love God, whom he/she has not seen. And he/she has given us this command: Whoever loves God must also love his brother/sister (1 John 4:7, 16b-21(NIV).Just immigration reform starts with an analysis of the impact of economic globalization and corporate-backed foreign policies of the global North towards the global South. Such analy-sis will reveal the root causes of why so many immigrants are forced to leave their homes – whether from rural to cities internally or country to country internationally. Central to just immigration reform is the transformation of unjust global economic and trade policies. Research, through statistics and stories, reveal that debt, trade, environmental and develop-ment policies of the West towards former colonies and developing countries cause the unwilling departure of immigrants from their communities. Just reform must include debt cancellation, worker-centered labor policies, and sustainable development.

Additionally, the growing militarization of borders and proliferation of privatized deten-tion centers further increase the su#ering and inhumane treatment of immigrants and border communities. Securing borders through con-structing walls, disrespecting sacred lands, and

disregarding the human rights of immigrants, without addressing the root causes of global migration, are short-sighted and morally de-"cient. In response to this biblical mandate to treat all as neighbors, we welcome and work with migrants. Moreover, we live with and learn from migrants as sacred incarnations of God! Our calling as followers of Jesus the Christ is to stand in solidarity with our immigrant neighbors and to advocate for justice on their behalf. As an ordained clergy in covenant with a global community of faith consisting of, and founded by immigrants, advocacy for just immigration is multi-faceted. !e United Methodist Church a(rms the inherent dignity, value, and human rights of all immigrants regardless of their legal status.

According to the denomination’s policy on global migration, “Attitudes toward migrants are usually conditioned today…by nation-state con-siderations expressed in the language of ‘us’ and ‘them’—or ‘we’ the home folks and ‘they’ the intruder/alien. A bene"cent attitude sometimes prevails: ‘We’ will allow x number of ‘them’ to come among ‘us’ provided they acknowledge our generosity and become like us; so long, of course, as they do not threaten our comfort. In

Rev. Kelvin Sauls makes his point at a BAJI gathering in Los Angeles, December 2010. Photo credit; Eric Van Dyke

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the biblical understanding, it is not about us and them, but about one people of God, called to seek justice and share equitably…Christians do not approach the issue of migration from the perspective of tribe or nation, but from within a faith community of love and welcome…” !ough nations have the right to secure their borders, the primary concern for Christians is the welfare and dignity of immigrants, as well as the vitality and wellness of communities. !e Apostle Paul reminds us that when one member su#ers, all members su#er as well (1 Corinthians 12:26).

!e solidarity we share through Christ elimi-nates the boundaries and barriers that exclude and isolate. !e sojourners we are called to love are our brothers and sisters, our mothers and fathers, our sons and daughters; indeed, they are us. God did not create illegal human beings, nor anchor babies!

Black immigrants in the United States con-tinue to be rendered invisible, voiceless and disempowered. !e consequences of such strategies are discrimination through pro"l-ing, and deprivation from social services. Detention and deportation follow soon and swi&ly. Divide-and-conquer, mis-education, and misunderstanding continue to be tools of disempowerment within the African Diaspora in the United States. !e opportunity before us is to view the struggle for just immigration as a common struggle for a more equal and fair society.

!e struggle for equal treatment under the

law for immigrants of African, Caribbean and Latino descent and African Americans are inextricably linked. We must refuse the temp-tation of allowing ourselves to be pitted against each other. It is no longer acceptable to discuss immigrants rights separate from civil and hu-man rights. !e immigrant rights movement must urgently join forces with the un"nished agenda of the civil rights movement, to forge a new global human rights movement! Such a movement will possess the power to propel the integrity and possibility of the Mahatma-Martin-Mandela-message beyond the borders of any one nation.

We must organize and mobilize to take out the complex three-headed monster of global mi-gration, immigration and emigration. Mobiliz-ing and strategizing economically, spiritually and politically are critical leveraging building blocks. None of us can a#ord the arrogance of our ignorance, nor the ignorance of our arrogance. !e situation is too dire for such weapons of mass distraction. !e ostrich–syn-drome, burying our heads in the sand, is not an option any longer! !is is the time to sound the alarm, not hit the snooze button.

In the words of Dr. Martin Luther, Jr., “it is possible in history to be too late with the right answers.” Jesus’ broadly inclusive vision of God’s Kin-dom invites us to attain and ac-tualize a faith not limited by, nor de"ned by borders. Our future depends on it. Our faith demands it!

“We must organize...to take out the complex three-headed

monster of global migration, immigration and emigration.

Mobilizing and strategizing economically, spiritually and

politically are critical leveraging building blocks.”

Rev. Kelvin Sauls is a co-founder of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration. He works as the -

ist Church.


by Marlon Peterson and Janis Rosheuvel

In a news conference in June 2009, Presi-dent Obama speaking on comprehensive immigration reform, with Senator John

McCain sitting to his le&, said in a conciliatory tone, “!is is a nation of immigrants... We’re going to create a stronger nation for our chil-dren and grandchildren.” As he exited stage le&, millions of children who had their mother or father deported, or whose parents were fac-ing deportation, likely wondered, “Is he think-ing about me when he talks about making this nation stronger?” !e concept of comprehensive immigration reform has in recent memory conveniently neglected people with criminal convictions who have been severely impacted by the draconian immigration policies initiated with the sweeping overhaul of immigration laws in 1996. People who have had interactions with the criminal justice system are o&en only mentioned in this debate as scapegoats to fuel anti-immigrant sentiment. Speaking up for people with criminal convictions is a no-no in politics, if you want a career in that arena so steeped in “tough on crime” mantras.

Many national immigration advocacy groups also mute their voices when it comes to im-migrants with convictions, o&en resigned that this group will be the "rst marginalized in the conversation on reform and the last to get relief from these harsh laws. Some say on one hand that the undocumented farm worker whose labor and humanity is exploited at below minimum wage in the scathing sun

of Arizona is more worthy of staying with her children in this country than the person convicted of a crime. Others argue that people with permanent residency status who have criminal convictions are more worthy of relief. Who is more deserving of the chance to keep their family together?

Ask that question to the nine-year-old girl whose father was taken away from her in a home raid in the middle of the night. Speak-ing of her experience with deportation, she said, “!e INS (Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE) took my dad away from me when I was in kindergarten. !ey came to my house early in the morning and took him while I was sleeping. My mother told me they took him in his bathrobe. !ey should at least consider the children before breaking up any

Immigration Reform We Can Believe In:Ending Criminalization and Enforcement in our Communities

Families for Freedom and other organizations in New York orga-nized and stopped the deportation of Jean Montrevils, a father of four from Haiti.

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families.” Do you think she feels any child or family should have to face the absurd question of who is more deserving of a family life?

For families at risk of deportation, asking this kind of question is an exercise in folly. In-deed, the real questions to be asking are: How has increasing policing and enforcement of criminal and immigration laws torn millions of families apart? How are the lives of people of color criminalized in our society? Who bene"ts from the mass incarceration of people of color? In fact, we should also pay attention to the communities that are overwhelmingly a#ected by this type of family separation.

People of color who are disproportionately overrepresented in prisons and jails in the U.S. are also the face of deportation. In New York State, approximately 63% of the foreign-born incarcerated population is either from Colum-bia, Cuba, Guyana, Jamaica, or Mexico with one-quarter born in the Dominican Repub-lic. If we dig a little deeper, we discover that about 75% of the people in New York State prisons come from New York City. With so many people coming from a highly concen-trated area (and these are only New York State statistics!) and over 50,000 people deported to the Caribbean within the past 10 years, we get a picture of the human rights crisis of deportation happening in our midst. As fathers and increasingly mothers are sent back to their native countries, how are we creating the stronger nation to which President Obama alluded if we are leaving multitudes of children without parents? Current immigration policy and practice also exempli"es why real reform is so desperately needed. Policies like the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program (SCAAP), which allows the federal government to reimburse states for costs they incur for incarcerating ‘criminal

aliens’ (under which NY State received $492 million between 1995-2004); the Anti-terror-ism and E#ective Death Penalty Act, the Illegal Immigration and Immigrant Responsibility Act (which, among other things, eliminated the ability of most immigration defendants to be released on bond even if they are not considered a 'ight risk) subject immigrants to second-class status whether documented or not.

Further, the now infamous 287g program deputizes local law enforcement o(cers and makes them immigration agents. With no mandate and little requisite knowledge, train-ing, or experience in dealing with the enforce-ment of immigration laws, they routinely turn non-citizens into victims of racial pro"ling, resulting in increased stop and frisks, arrests, lock downs and deportations. Reform needs to comprehensively undermine this expanding constellation of terror on our communities, a system that writer Roberto Lavato has dubbed, ‘Juan Crow’.

!is term comprehensive, according to Web-ster’s International Edition, means “all inclu-sive” needs to be taken literally. Comprehen-sive reform needs to include reliefs that take into account the stories of all families that are impacted by the current brutality of immigra-tion laws. It needs to recognize the rights of all American children from immigrant families. Today’s immigration system tears U.S. citizen children from their parents, destroying the family. Many times families are subsequently forced to endure harsh economic and psycho-logical hardship. America’s children deserve better for their future. !e government can-not continue to deny them the right to family unity. To be sure, the issues of family unity, mass incarceration, criminalization, felony disen-


franchisement, racial pro"ling and hyper-policing/enforcement are at the heart of what Families for Freedom (FFF) and our allies across the country believe immigration reform must urgently address. Founded in September 2002, FFF is a New York City-based immigrant advocacy organization of families a#ected by deportation. It is a multi-ethnic defense net-work by and for immigrants facing and "ght-ing deportation. We are immigrant prisoners (detainees), former immigrant prisoners, their loved ones, or individuals at risk of depor-tation. We come from dozens of countries, across continents.

FFF seeks to repeal the laws that are tearing apart homes and neighborhoods, to build the power of immigrant communities as commu-nities of color, and to provide a guiding voice in the growing movement for immigrant rights as human rights. Because this is who we are, we believe we must "ght for our loved ones--people with criminal convictions as well as those we are undocumented--who are most o&en marginalized in the debate on immigra-tion reform. As part of a growing movement for real com-prehensive immigration reform, FFF has joined forces with the NY-based New Agenda for Broad Immigration Reform (NABIR-pro-nounced neighbor) a diverse coalition of grass-roots, advocacy, and faith-based organizations uniting behind the principle that all -- not just some -- immigrants must have the opportunity to live lawfully in the United States, free from fears and threats of deportation.

!is movement rejects the notion that crimi-nal convictions and other statutory bars should determine whether immigrants can remain here to work and to be with their families. And it insists on an end to the aggressive enforce-ment measures and unjust deportations that continue to devastate our communities. We call for the elimination of mandatory deten-tion and demand that the hallmarks of Ameri-can justice, including fundamental notions

of fairness and due process, be restored to all immigration processes and proceedings.

Consistent with these principles, we seek to educate, empower, and mobilize immigrants, faith leaders, civil rights advocates, business and labor organizations, and others to "ght for true immigration reform. !rough practical solutions grounded in community knowledge, we work to transform our immigration system and to ensure basic human rights and protec-tions for all immigrant families. As the immigrant rights movement looks toward new opportunities for reform, it is striking that deportations under President Obama are higher than under his predecessor. If we are to address the mounting devastation wrought by deportation on our families and communities, we must organize to demand of our President real change for all families. Mass movement induces mass change. !e mass of people, including the politically unattractive, the policy makers, social justice advocates and community members can bring about reforms we can all believe in.

Marlon Peterson is an advocate for social justice that utilizes his talents as a writer, speaker, and organizer. His unique experiences as a son of immigrants, a formerly incarcerated person, and youth mentor, motivate him. He cur-rently volunteers at Families for Freedom. To learn more about Marlon check out his blog at pensfromthepen1.blogspot.com. Janis Rosheuvel was born in Georgetown, Guy-ana and is the Executive Director of Families for Freedom, a NY-based multiethnic network of immigrant families facing and !ghting deporta-tion through community support, education and organizing. Find more information on Families for Freedom at: www.familiesforfreedom.org.

BAJI Reader 15


Do not tamper with the ConstitutionBy Eric Ward

Rati"ed in 1868 a&er a long bloody civil war over slavery, the 14th Amendment granted citi-zenship to any person born in the United States, compelled states to adhere to due process and ensured equal protection under the law. !is last clause confers on all people — not

just citizens — the right to such protection.At the start of this year, some of our nation’s top state legislators joined hands in Washington, D.C., with the legal institute of the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) to un-dercut the 14th Amendment. (FAIR has been listed as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.)Altering the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause would amount to rede"ning what it means to be an American by modifying the terms of citizenship on barely concealed racial grounds. !ese state elected o(cials argue that trashing the 14th Amendment is crucial to controlling our nation’s borders. But immigration reform cannot be achieved by undermining the individual liberties of American citizens. Attempts by state-level politicians to do so in the past have been disastrous to American democracy.For instance, state anti-immigrant laws that require proof of citizenship have had a signi"cant negative impact on the African-American community. Professor Tim Vercellotti of Rutgers University has found that the African-American vote was suppressed by 5.7 percent in states that demand voter identi"cation.While people of good conscience may reasonably disagree over the nation’s immigration policies, e#orts to tamper with the 14th Amendment must be rejected. Anyone born here deserves to be a citizen. !is approach has worked well for 143 years. Millions of American families of every color have bene"ted from the generosity of spirit that the citizenship clause o#ers. !ere is no good reason to revoke it now.

Eric Ward, the national "eld director for the Center for New Community, writes for the website Imagine 2050 (imagine2050.newcomm.org). He can be reached at [email protected]. !is article was originally published in !e Progressive Magazine.

was originally published in The Progressive Magazine.

BAJI Reader 17

Statement of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration on the Attacks on Birthright Citizenship and the Fourteenth Amendment

As state legislators throughout the United States begin to attack birthright citizenship and undermine the integrity of the Fourteenth Amendment the Black Alliance for Just Immi-gration o#ers the following statement:

!e Black Alliance for Just Immigration condemns any attempts to reinterpret the Fourteenth Amendment by denying birthright citizenship to anyone born in the United States despite their parents’ citizenship status. As an organization and movement comprised of African Americans, African immigrants, Caribbean immigrants and Afro-Latinos residing in the United States we know that this kind of denial of basic citizenship rights to children will further disenfranchise communities of color and create a class of stateless youth.

!ese attempts to undermine the Fourteenth Amendment are unconstitutional and are part of the tradition of racism and xenophobia that our ancestors have fought hard to dismantle. Further-more, the attack on the Fourteenth Amendment marks an unfortunate shi& in our political dis-course and only signi"es that we are moving further from real solutions to our complex national and global concerns. Moreover, this type of xenophobic discourse does not begin to address the root causes of migration and is not congruent with the realties of the disastrous e#ects of global-ization, which is the principle cause of modern day migratory patterns.

!e Black Alliance for Just Immigration will stand with immigrant communities in Arizona and across the country in opposing the reinterpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment and in assert-ing the birthright citizenship rights of children of undocumented immigrants.

Veterans of the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer meet with immigrant rights activists in Phoenix in 2010. Photo credit: Gerald Lenoir


From Poverty to Prosperity: The Roots Causes of Poverty and Migration in Haitiby Francesca Menes

Introduction

On January 1, 1804, a revolution led by slaves against colonialism and slavery was the very "rst successful Black movement in the world resulting in an independent state. On Janu-ary 1, 2010, the Republic of Haiti celebrated its 206th year of Independence. Tragically, on

January 12, 2010 at 4:53 pm, this beautiful, mountainous “Pearl of the Antilles” was brought to its knees by a major natural disaster--this time by a 7.0 earthquake.

In the wake of the recent earthquake, the international community has come to the immediate aid of Haiti. Cuba and Venezuela were some of the "rst-responder nations to the catastrophe, sending doctors and medical equipment to assist with the wounded. Not too far behind was the United States. !e U.S. sent aid, governmental organizations, and the military. Of course this is not the "rst time there has been such a massive military presence in Haiti by the U.S. government. Unfortunately, this is a well-designed strategy for U.S.-Haiti relations. Anytime conditions in Haiti have been unstable, the American government has sent the military in to “protect democ-racy” and “protect American and foreign interests.”

U.S. Occupations of Haiti

On July 28, 1915, three hundred and thirty United States Marines, led by Admiral Wil-liam B. Caperton entered Port-au-Prince, Haiti. !is was the "rst U.S. occupation of Haiti which consequently lasted 19 years. During the occupation, the U.S. government led by then-President Woodrow Wilson, initiated several administrative changes. !e most signi"cant change was the redra&ing of the Republic of Haiti’s Constitution. !e U.S. (through its puppet-president Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave) amended the constitu-tion repealing the article that was set forth by Jean-Jacque Dessalines in 1804, forbidding land ownership by foreigners. Additionally, the U.S. created the Army of Haiti (Forces Armées d’Ayiti) whose primary purpose was to main-tain stability in the Republic. Ultimately, on August 7, 1933, Haiti and the U.S. signed an agreement on the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the country, which eventually ended the "rst U.S. occupation of Haiti.

On December 16, 1990, Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide became the "rst democratically elected President of Haiti. On February 7, 1991, Aristide was sworn in as President and subsequently on September 30, 1991 President Aristide was overthrown by a coup d’état led by Haiti’s military chief, Lt. Gen. Raoul Cedras. In September 1994 as of result of the coup, some twenty thousand U.S. troops entered Haiti to assist with the return of the overthrown Presi-dent Aristide. !is came to be known as U.S. Operation Uphold Democracy that o(cially ended on March 31, 1995.

In addition to Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994, the United Nations has continued to have a presence in Haiti since the ousting of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. MI-NUSTAH (French: Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haïti; English: United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) is led by the Brazilian Army. !e current UN mis-sion is authorized until October 15, 2010. !is “peacekeeping” mission has been criticized since its inception. MINUSTAH has conduct-

BAJI Reader 19

ed raids in the many slums of the capital and have killed many innocent civilians in the pro-cess. On July 6, 2005, MINUSTAH carried out a raid in the slum of Cité Soleil, which resulted in the death of about 23 people. In addition to Cité Soleil, there have been reports of a cam-paign of “political cleansing” in the slum of Bel Air. Reports from pro-Lavalas sources, as well as journalists such as Kevin Pina, contend that the raid targeted civilians and was an attempt to destroy the popular support for Haiti’s exiled former leader, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, before scheduled upcoming elections.

Haiti is known to the world as the “poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.” It’s a nation full of political instability and corrup-tion. Many observers believe there is no way that Haiti can ever be salvaged or developed. Nations that enter declare they enter Haiti to strengthen democratic institutions and to promote peace and prosperity. Yet brutal dicta-tors such as Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, the former dictator of Haiti, who succeeded his father “Papa Doc”, remains free and un-prosecuted for the criminal acts he committed while in power.

Additionally, the country’s infrastructure was in shambles and now as a result of the hur-ricanes of 2000 and 2004 and the earthquakes of January 2010, the infrastructure in Haiti has completely collapsed. Meanwhile, the U.S. continues to occupy Haiti in the wake of the earthquake and remains completely oblivious to the needs of the people of Haiti. !e U.S. is much more concerned with stopping a poten-tial migration of Haitians into the U.S.

Economic Globalization and Migration Trends

When attempting to understand migration trends of Haitians, it is pertinent to understand

the root causes of migration. Many Haitians who risk their lives to get on a boat and make the conscious decision to leave Haiti do not do it by choice, but rather out of necessity. John Maxwell in his article, “Racism and Poverty” states: “When large numbers of people are reduced to eating dirt..., it is impossible to imagine poverty any more absolute, any more desperate, any more inhuman and degrading.”

About 80% of Haiti’s population is unem-ployed and living on less than a dollar a day. In a population of about 9 million people, 6.2 million lives in poverty. Additionally, as a result of the policies of the International Mon-etary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB), Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) were instituted. !rough conditionalities, SAPs commonly implement internal changes such as privatization and deregulation (which gener-ally leads to less accountability and oversight). !is leads to the privatization of health care (we have all seen how well it’s going in the U.S.), the privatization of education, and all other social programs. All in all, SAP pro-


grams do not provide oversight and mecha-nisms of accountability. Everything is trans-ferred from public to private hands, where the interests is not in serving the population, but in personal gain.

Economic globalization is another factor that has a tremendous e#ect on increasing poverty rates in Haiti. !e biggest problems that eco-nomic globalization creates is: 1) Brain Drain -- this is in response to the opportunities in richer countries such as the U.S., Canada, and France. Because of this, many Haitians leave and never come back and 2) Sweatshops -- foreign businesses invest in Haiti to take advantage of lower wage rates and to exploit workers.

A measure backed by the U.S. is the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partner-ship Encouragement (HOPE) Act of 2006. Ultimately, this act created an avenue for in-crease economic development in Haiti, as well as, exploitation of Haitian workers. In 2008, HOPE II was passed which required Haiti “to establish an independent labor ombudsman’s o(ce and a program operated by the Interna-tional Labor Organization to assess compli-ance with core labor rights and Haiti’s labor laws in the country’s apparel factories.” Now with the additions made to HOPE II, the U.S. created some form of accountability to worker exploitation. One of the signi"cant changes that was made was the increase of Haiti’s mini-mum wage from 70 gourdes to 200 gourdes (1.75 USD to 5.50 USD), which was strongly opposed by Haitian Industrialists.

!e State of Haiti: Natural Disaster

Before the earthquakes on January 12, 2010, the masses of Haiti were homeless, su#ering from malnutrition and hunger, which was

due,in part, to the hurricanes, 'oods, mud-slides and food crises. Although many of the problems stem from the natural disasters that have damaged the island, they can also be traced to the racism and classism that exist in the nation. Haiti’s most serious social problem is the economic gap between the impover-ished Creole-speaking black majority and the French-speaking mulattos, 1% of whom own nearly half the country’s wealth.

In August 2008, four major storms ravaged Haiti (Tropical Storm Fay and Hanna and Hur-ricane Gustav and Ike) killing hundreds and displacing hundreds of thousands. !e storms caused 'ooding in all ten of the departments in Haiti. !e storms destroyed approximately one-third of the country’s rice crop, where in many parts farming is the only means of survival. !e livelihoods of many were de-stroyed and the food crisis in Haiti was exac-erbated. Regrettably the circumstances have not changed one bit in regards to the 2010 earthquakes in Haiti. In spite of the massive in'ux of aid into Haiti, many are still hungry, not receiving the proper medical care and are living in sheet-covered tents.

Some community leaders in Miami have stated that the classism is evident in Haiti. Some have come back with reports that many of the mass-es are su#ering from starvation and shockingly others are actually overeating.

To be fair, not all of the response to the earth-quake has been poor. !ere have been a couple of huge things that came out in re-sponse to the disaster. !e "rst was the grant-ing of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to undocumented Haitians by the Obama Ad-ministration shortly a&er the earthquake. TPS campaigns have been organized by many

“Economic globalization is another factor that has a

tremendous effect on increasing poverty rates in Haiti.”

BAJI Reader 21

organizations nationally and a few internation-ally since the storms of 2000 and 2004.

!e second positive that has come out of the catastrophe has been that Haiti’s debt to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund totaling over $300 million was cancelled. In the U.S. this e#ort has been led for years by many organizations, one of which is very invested in the campaign for debt cancella-tion, Jubilee USA Network. !is organization has worked closely with Congress, speci"cally, Rep. Maxine Waters to introduce the Jubilee Act for Responsible Lending and Expanded Debt Cancellation Act. Now that Haiti’s debt has been cancelled, we must look to the future for the development and sustainability of Haiti.

Upward Bound: What’s in Haiti’s Future?

To say that we can predict what the future holds for Haiti would be a massive stretch. However, I do not believe it’s a stretch to think about what we would like to see for the future of Haiti. Ayiti Cheri’m translates into “My Darling Haiti,” Haiti is a beautiful island with an equally rich and beautiful history. Haiti was once a prosperous country and I truly believe with the right attention, it will have its day. Speci"cally, I am suggesting the follow-ing policy considerations to address critical concerns for sustainability in Haiti:

1) Poverty Alleviation: We, the international community, need to recognize that Haiti is poor. We cannot only say it, but we must acknowledge it and "gure out the root causes to its poverty. With the knowledge gained, we must then "nd applicable solutions. We must "nd solutions to address the issues of defores-tation, clean water, and reliable electricity.

2) Political Instability: Acknowledge the politi-cal instability in Haiti, which in turn should lead to the formulation of policies to deal with Haitian migrants as we have done with other groups. !e denial rate for Haitian political

asylum is about 85-90%. Yet almost every day a Haitian is killed for political reasons or takes a life-threatening journey to the U.S. to escape political persecution.

3) Economic Reform: !ere is a need for a massive overhauling of Haiti’s political and economic structure. Instead of the U.S. and the United Nations sending in troops to “protect democracy,” how about the U.S. and the rest of the international community sending in developers to assist with the reformation of the economic system in Haiti? One of the biggest things Haiti lacks is a system of taxes. !is has been the primary attraction for many who come to Haiti to make a “quick buck.” It is imperative for a country to have a system of taxes to assist with the economic stability of the country.

4) Sovereignty: Haiti is an independent na-tion, yet with the continuous occupation of the nation and the never-ending parade of troops, many would believe otherwise. Haitians must be allowed to run their own country without interference from other nations. !e interna-tional community needs to take a step back instead of “kidnapping” presidents and install-ing puppet presidents.

Although at the present moment, Haiti is suf-fering, it is not in vain. Haiti will one day get o# its knees and stand up on its two feet. It will have righted all of its wrong and be a prosper-ous nation. !e day will come when the people will not 'ee their home, but will rejoice in the beauty that is Haiti. !e day will come where the doctors, engineers, and entrepreneurs will come home and the brain drain will end. With this renewed spirit, a new dawn of economic prosperity and political stability is on the hori-zon.

Francesca Menes is a Cum Laude graduate of Florida International University and a former Ronald E. McNair Scholar. She is currently a community organizer living in Miami, FL working for the Florida Immigrant Coalition.


We Stand with HaitiA Statement from the Black Alliance for Just Immigration

The earthquake that hit Haiti in January 2010 was a devastating blow to a coun-try that has weathered many natural

and manmade disasters since it gained its independence in 1804. Like Katrina in New Orleans in 2005, the disaster in Haiti uncov-ered the underlying racism and economic exploitation that the people of Haiti have been su#ering under for centuries.

!e reason 80% of the Haitian people were living in poverty before the earthquake is that their democracy and their economy have been subverted time and time again by the actions of the United States, France and other Western nations. As a result, millions of unemployed and impoverished Haitians resided in and around the capital city of Port-au-Prince in substandard, earthquake-prone housing.

And like New Orleans, black people are being demonized, criminalized and marginalized by the U.S. government, U.N. authorities, right wing pundits and the U.S. media. !ey have been called devil worshippers, rioters and loot-ers. !ere is much talk in the media about the endemic corruption in Haiti with not a peep about the U.S. complicity in condoning and supporting dictator a&er dictator and in back-ing the 2004 overthrow and kidnapping of Jean Bertrand Aristide, the democratically elected president of Haiti. Nothing is said about the long history of U.S. corporations exploiting Haitian workers in the foreign-owned sweat-shops and factories.

Show Your Solidarity

As U.S. citizens and residents, we cannot allow

our government to continue its misuse and abuse of Haiti. We must stand for justice for the Haitian people.

Towards that end, BAJI calls on the people in the United States to support these measures:

1. !e U.S. government and U.S. relief agen-cies should expedite development aid to Haiti to alleviate the health, housing and employ-ment crises that grip the country;

2. !e people of Haiti must be directly in-volved in planning and carry out the relief and rebuilding e#ort. !e rebuilding e#ort should vigorously seek the development of a sustainable economy not a sweatshop-based manufacturing platform for the bene"t of for-eign, multinational corporations. !e Haitian

BAJI Reader 23

poor must also bene"t from the employment that will be generated and must be paid liv-able wages;

3. Now and in the future, the U.S. government should expedite the applications of Haitians in the U.S. who have applied for family visas to bring their family members fro Haiti to the United States.

4. !e U.S. government should grant at least 60,000 Humanitarian Parole visas to Haitians who have su#ered because of the earthquake, especially those in need of intensive medical care. No Haitians should be treated as crimi-nals and should not be put in detention centers at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba or in the United States for attempting to migrate to the United States.

5. !ose Haitians in the United States with Temporary Protected Status should have the ability to apply for permanent residency.

6. !e United States should immediately halt the deportation of Haitians who are deemed to be “criminal.”

7. !e United States government should sup-port the restoration of democracy in Haiti and the return of the democratically elected presi-dent of Haiti, Jean Bertrand Aristide, who was deposed in 2004 with U.S. assistance.

“The United States government should support the

restoration of democracy in Haiti and the return of

the democratically elected president of Haiti, Jean

Bertrand Aristide.”


The Liberian Story: A Search for Stability and Securityby Oni Richards Waritay

For many immigrants, insecurity, humili-ation and unpredictability is a way of life. !e human desire to establish roots and

gain stability seems impossible as our lives continue to be interrupted and placed in disar-ray, keeping us in a constant state of starting over. Human migration by choice is a natural course of life that has happened since humans inhabited this planet. Forced migration how-ever, is unnatural and o&en the result of insuf-ferable consequences. Despite this, immigrants in the latter category are o&en looked upon unfavorably and their stories never fully told or understood. Understanding their escape from hardships and yearning for security and peace is shunned in favor of seeing them solely as nuisances that society needs to rid itself of.

!ere are many stories, but I would like to fo-cus on the story of a group of immigrants from a tiny country on the West Coast of Africa: Liberia. !is story of immigration is particu-larly unique due to Liberia’s history, which is inextricably linked to that of the United States. Liberia, Africa’s "rst republic, was founded and colonized by freed American slaves and the American Colonization Society who arrived in 1822.

During World War II, Liberia’s invaluable natural resources and strategically placed ter-ritory was sought out and utilized by the U.S. government to store war supplies, construct military bases and transport American soldiers. When the price of rubber became a threat to the U.S. automobile industry, America and the Firestone Corporation turned to Liberia where they received an incredulous deal of a 99-year lease on one million acres of prime rubber producing land for "ve cents an acre. !e United States has consistently bene"ted from its relationship with Liberia and continues to be deeply involved in the a#airs of this nation.

To ensure Liberia’s allegiance, the U.S. govern-ment provided millions of dollars in high inter-est loans to the country, even when these loans were clearly not being used for the growth

and development of the nation and its people. Instead of funding healthcare and education, these loans were o&en utilized by the ruling parties to further oppress their citizens and en-hance their defense capabilities. !ese factors are important in understanding how inten-tional underdevelopment of a nation and its people and the exploitation of resources with help from outside players contribute, in part, to poverty, violence and subsequently, migration.

It is comprehensible that people would prefer to remain in their homes, where they are sur-rounded by the familiar, including their lan-guage, culture and family. When this is made impossible, the push and pull factors of mi-gration need to be examined and addressed. Instead of creating policies that punish and humiliate immigrants, it would be more bene"cial to create policies that support their ability to survive in their place of origin or place of current domain. Liberian immigrants were pushed out of their homes and country when a long brewing civil war erupted.

In 1989, Charles Taylor escaped from a U.S.

BAJI Executive Director Gerald Lenoir met the Liberian Ambas-sador to the U.S. Milton Nathaniel Barnes at an event sponsored by the Citizens and Friends of Liberia. Photo by Alona Cli"on

BAJI Reader 25

prison and began a brutal civil war in Liberia where 200,000 people were killed and another 800,000 displaced from their homes. Despite Liberia’s unique history and alliance with the United States in the past, the U.S. failed to intervene and help prevent or stop this civil war. As many as 700,000 Liberians became refugees around the world and many of these refugees landed in the United States. Some of the Liberians who arrived were "rst given Tem-porary Protected Status (TPS) in 1991. Liberian TPS was then extended each year until 2007. In 2007, President Bush granted an 18-month extension, DED (Deferred Enforced Depar-ture) and in 2009, President Obama granted another 12-month extension. !en in March 2010, President Obama granted an additional 18-month extension until September 2011.

!is title of Deferred Enforced Departure attached to anyone would cause anxiety and distress. Liberians live with this daily as they await their fate every 12-18 months. !is constant game of wait and see if DED will be renewed and extended takes an immense toll on the mental, physical and emotional health of a people who have already su#ered tremendous pain and su#ering. It would be inhumane for the U.S. government to enforce a mass deporta-tion to a country that is slowly trying to recover from a 13 year long civil war where unemploy-ment, recurring violence, continuing human rights violations, lack of adequate health and educational facilities and high levels of illit-eracy prevail.

A&er escaping a brutal civil war, Liberians have tried to pick up the broken pieces of their lives and put them back together by starting families, opening businesses, going to school, buying homes and a host of other successes. Liberians, like many immigrants and many U.S. citizens, are hard working, law-abiding, tax-paying people who have individually and col-lectively become an integral part of this society. Additionally, the Liberian economy and people depend largely on remittances from those liv-ing and working here. Liberia is unprepared to absorb thousands of its citizens and this mass in'ux could overburden its 'edgling facilities and possibly lead to more chaos and con'ict.

If the United States is sincere in supporting

development and peace e#orts in Liberia, it would be counter-productive to deport thou-sands of people at such a fragile time in the country’s revitalization. Deporting already traumatized people to this situation is unjust. !is expulsion will negatively impact the U.S. economy as millions of dollars will be spent to enforce it.

Providing permanent status to the Liberians living in the U.S. would be a political, economic and moral victory for the U.S. Until this can be achieved, the President should renew Deferred Enforced Departure to Liberians for an addi-tional two years when it expires in 2012.

Liberia has served the interests of the U.S. for many years, and now the U.S. should work in the interest of Liberia and its people. !is story of immigration is one of many. Next time you meet an immigrant, do not assume that you know their story or why they are here. Learn the facts and maybe then you, too, will be inspired to join the "ght for a just immigration policy that will focus on the person rather than the interests of corporations and governments. Let’s work to ensure free movement and fair treatment for all people.

Oni Richards Waritay is a Liberian citizen living in United States. She has been doing advocacy work on the issues of the status of Liberian refugees through the Hebrew Immigrant Aids Society and the Migra-tion Council in Philadelphia.

baji reader spring 2011

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