Rewriting Sufi Identity in the 20th Century: The Biographical Approaches of Maulānā Ashraf'Alī T̲h̲ānvī and Khwājah Ḥasan NiẓāmīAuthor(s): MARCIA HERMANSENReviewed work(s):Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Spring 2007), pp. 15-39Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, IslamabadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20839053 .Accessed: 23/07/2012 17:37

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Islamic Studies 46:1 (2007) pp. 15-39

Rewriting Sufi Identity in the 20th Century: The

Biographical Approaches of Maul?n? Ashraf 'A Th?nv? and Khwljah Hasan Nizam?

MARCIA HERMANSEN

This article will treat some aspects of transformations in the writing of Muslim hagiography in South Asia during the early twentieth century. Maul?n? Ashraf 4Ali Th?nv? (d. 1362/1943) and Khw?jah Hasan Nizam?

(d. 1374/1955) were two prominent religious leaders whose writings expanded the genre of Sufi [Sufi] biography in particular ways. As contemporaries, their

respective approaches may be compared and contrasted in the light of

developments such as the dissemination of printing, the impact of the colonial

experience in South Asia, and the demarcation of various approaches to

Islamic knowledge. The two share in being prominent South Asian Muslim

religious leaders and spokespersons of their time, as well as in being adherents of the Chishti Sufi Order. The Chishtiyyah is one of the major orders of Islamic mystics and has historically been concentrated in South Asia. The Sufis of this order are especially well known for their composition of various sorts

of biographical materials over the last seven centuries, including collections of the recorded audience sessions of the early saints of the Order such as the

malfuz?t of Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?' (d. 728/1328).1 Maul?n? Ashraf 'Ah Th?nv? was a well-known scholar and interpreter of

the Islamic tradition who attempted to rework various elements of Islamic

mystical tradition into expressions and interpretations consistent with Islamic

legalism. For example, besides the work defending the biographical notices of

1 On Sufi biography and malf?z?t of the Chishtis see, Bruce B. Lawrence, Notes from a Distant FluteiThe Extant literature of Pre-Mughal Indian Sufism (Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications,

1979); Carl Ernst, "Oral Teachings in the Early Chishti Order" in his Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center (Albany, NY: State University of New York,

1992), chapter 4, 62-84; Bruce B. Lawrence and Carl Ernst, Sufi Martyrs of Love: Chishti Sufism in South Asia and Beyond (New York: Palgrave, 2002); Nith?r Ahmad F?r?qi, Naqd-i Mal?z?t (New Delhi: Maktabah-'i J?mi'ah, 1989).

16 MARCIA HERMANSEN

the Chisht?s that forms the subject of this study, Th?nv? defended positions of the famous Sufi, Muhy? 1-D?n ibn al-?Arabi (d. 638/1240) in the latter's work Fus?s al-Hikam in his commentary entitled, Khus?s alKalim fi Hall Fus?s al Hikam.2 In each case Islamic legal theory and rulings (ahk?m) are deployed so as to explain and defend Sufi actions and utterances that had provoked criticism in the past. Over 1000 works are credited to Th?nv?,3 a certain number of which have to do with Sufi practice and doctrine. Significantly, he was most closely associated with the S?biri branch4 of the Chishtiyyah Sufi order. This study will focus on one work of Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah fi Chishtiyyah al-'Aliyyah (The Clear Sunnah among the Exalted Chisht?s) in which he defends and interprets accounts from a range of Chisht? biographical writings. The issues treated are primarily those that might be considered

problematic from the aspect of Islamic legal norms, and Th?nv? will be shown to primarily employ sharVah categories of legal and moral reasoning in order to explain these accounts in a more palatable manner.

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, on the other hand, grew up in the circle of the custodians of one of the major Chisht? institution in India, the Niz?m al-D?n shrine in Delhi. Breaking with the hereditary role of being a pilgrim guide and

professional prayer-sayer (du'? g?), Niz?m? became one of the more successful Urdu journalists and writers of the early 20th century, writing principally on Islamic themes and on the past glory of the Mughal empire. He is credited with a vast number of works,5 often pamphlets or articles, as well as novels and a biographical treatment of Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?', entitled Niz?m? Bansr?

(The Niz?m? Flute).6 In literary circles, he was especially recognized for his

popular semi-autobiographical diaries called R?zn?mchah. Niz?m? also worked as a reformer of Sufi institutions in India and was himself recognized as a

prominent Sufi shaykh with many disciples, and, in fact, as a "renewer" of the Chisht? Order.

I will briefly review the respective careers of each of the two figures and then focus on their approach to Chisht? biography in order to demonstrate some of the intellectual currents to which each responded with his own very distinctive approach to Chisht? identity. This identity may be defined in the

light of concerns such as the observance of Islamic law, attitudes to religious

2 Islamic Book Foundation, Lahore, 1999. 3 A. S. Bazmee Ansari, "Ashraf 'Al?,w Encyclopaedia of Islam1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), I: 701. 4 A branch of Chishti Sufis in the line of 'Ala* al-D?n ibn Ahmad S?bir (d. 690/1291), a disciple of B?b? Far?d al-D?n Mas'?d Shakar Ganj (d. 633/1236), who was also the teacher of Niz?m al D?n Awliy?', founder and eponym of the Chishtiyyah-Niz?miyyah line of Chisht?s. 5 By some accounts, as many as five hundred. Mulla W?hid?, "Saw?nih 'Umr? Khw?jah Hasan

Niz?m?? Mun?di: Khw?jah Number pelhi: 1957), 130. 6 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansrt (New Delhi: Khw?jah Aul?d Kutub Ghar, 1990).

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY yj

pluralism, and the new media that became available for disseminating religious ideas with the advent of modernity.

Maul?n? Ashraf 'Ali Th?nvl

Maul?n? Ashraf 'All Th?nvl (1281-1362/1864-1943), was a well-known leader identified with the De?bandi reform movement that crystallized in north India in the late thirteenth/nineteenth century as well as a prolific author and

spiritual guide for thousands. He began with a madrasah education in his hometown, Than ah Bhavan,

and completed the Dars-i Niz?m? curriculum at Deoband by age 20.7 The De?bandi style of Islamic interpretation is often seen as a median position between the popular Sufism of the saint cults and reformist puritanism which would deny the role of the awliya* (saints) altogether.

In 1867 a group of 'ulama' founded a Dar al-'Ul?m at Deoband to propagate a

shari'a minded revivaUst/reformist Islam. The Deobandi reformist orientation

emphasized adherence of individuals to Islamic behavioral norms. . . In contrast

to the popular mec?ational Islam centered on practices around shrines and annual

shrine celebrations, Deobandis conceived of religious leaders as teachers of

Islamic religious duties and exemplars of the Prophetic sunna for the common

people.8

Th?nvf s attitude seems consistent with the following observation on

Deoband style made by Arthur Buehler, who states that, "Deobandi 'ulama

thought of themselves primarily as legal consultants (muft?s) while also acting as sufi shaykhs to their students. Each religious scholar at Deoband functioned as a directing shaykh, training and shaping morals and outward behavior of

disciples in accordance with the shari'a and the Prophetic ideal."9 Th?nvl completed the course at Deoband in 1883 and started a job as a

teacher at Cawnpore. The same year he performed the Hajj and became a

disciple of the scholar and Chisht? S?biri Sufi, H?jj? Imd?d Allah Muh?jir Makk? (d. 1317/1899).10 H?jj? Imd?d All?h was a religious reformer and activist who is known for going into voluntary exile in the Holy Cities in order to

7 The Dars-i Niz?m? was introduced at the Farang? Mahall in Lucknow by Maul?n? Niz?m al

D?n Sih?law? (d. 1161/1748). It included both Had?th studies and the rational sciences (ma'q?l?t). 8 Arthur Buehler, Sufi Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating

Sufi Shaykh (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1998), 180.

9Ibid.

10H?jj? Imd?d Allah also lists his connections to the Niz?miyyah Order through 'Abd al

Qudd?s Gang?h? (d. 944/1537) in his Diy?' al-Qul?b (Delhi: Maktabah^i Mujtab?'?, 1927), 103 104.

18 MARCIA HERMANSEN

avoid living under British rule, and Th?nv? had already been in

correspondence with him.11

In 1306-1307/1889-90 Th?nv? again went to Makkah and spent several months with his teacher. "In his mid-thirties (in 1316/1898), he retired to his home in a small country town called Th?nah Bhavan, in the Upper Doab

region of the United Provinces. There he wrote voluminously, taught, answered letters, and counseled many visitors that newcomers were asked to

fill out a form upon arrival."12

Hundreds of works were attributed to Th?nv?, although some were

probably compiled by his followers. Among them is an Urdu Qur'?n commentary in twelve volumes, Bay?n al-Qur'?nP The extensive nature of

this production is due to the fact that many of his books repeat large sections or consist of compiled answers that he provided as responses to issues in fatw? like form. Barbara Metcalf, who studied his manual of advice to women, Behishti Z?var, characterizes Th?nv? as a scripturalist and a neo-Sufi.14

His most famous book on Sufism is al-Takashshuf (an Muhimm?t al

Tasawwuf15 (Disclosure of Important Points in Sufism) which is a collection of treatises on various points of Sufi belief and practice. A further work along this line is Tabwtb Tarbiyat al-S?lik (Topics in the Training of the Spiritual Seeker) which consists of some 1,272 pages in two large volumes.

Th?nv?'s biography was composed by one of his followers, al-Hasan Ghaur? "Majdh?b," in Ashraf al-Saw?nih following an expository model of the Sufi path of purification.16 In political terms, Th?nv? supported the Muslim

League and independent statehood for Muslims.17

In order to illustrate aspects of Th?nv?'s approach to Sufi biography I will focus on one of his works, aUSunnah al-Jaliyyah fi 'l-Chishtiyyah al-'Aliyyah1* (The Clear Sunnah among the Exalted Chisht?s). This is a work of 184 pages composed in order to refute the charges that the Chisht?s did not follow the sharVah and the Sunnah or that they followed it in a lax way. It was completed in 1351/1932. This work is quite rare today and I was able to acquire a

11 A. S. Bazmee Ansari, "Ashraf ," 701 12 Barbara Daly Metcalf, Perfecting Women: Maul?n? Ashraf t? Thanaw?'s Bihisht? Zewar: A

Partial Translation with Commentary (Berkeley: University of California, 1990), 4. 13Maul?n? Ashraf 'Ali Th?nv?, Tafsir Bay?n al-Qur'?n (Lahore: Maktabat al-Hasan, 1978). 14 Metcalf, Perfecting Women, 5. 15 Peshawar: University Book Agency, n.d. 16 al-Hasan Ghauri "Majdh?b" in Ashraf al-Saw?nih (Th?nah Bhavan: Maktabah-'i T?l?f?t-i

Ashrafiyyah, 1984), ch. 13,163-310. 17 Ahmad Ali Khwaja, Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi: His Views on Religious and Moral Philosophy and Tasawwuf (Islamabad: Pakistan Hijra Council, 1989), 7. 18 Delhi: Kutubkh?nah-'i Ashrafiyyah, 1932.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 19

photocopy of it through the auspices of the Islamic Research Institute in Islamabad.

Th?nv?'s approach to Chisht? biography is not historical criticism. He refrains from trying to cast doubt on the authenticity of any particular collection, even the highly suspect Anis al-Arw?h, purportedly the malf?z?t of the early Sufi, 'Uthm?n H?r?ni (d. 617/1220).19 Th?nv? rather uses the technical categories and arguments of fiqh and the methodology of hadith criticism to defend and explain the tradition of Chisht? writings about the saints. For example, methods resonant with hadith criticism are deployed in order to explain how controversial reports found in the hagiographie material can either be considered suspect or spurious. More inventively, examples will be given below of how Th?nv? uses the interpretive system and categories of

permissibility according to the sharVah to reconcile material that otherwise

might verge on the heretical. Using the principle of "husn-i zann" i. e., trying to think the best about something, Th?nv? never utterly rejects even the most

egregious accounts. He rather cites problematic facts concerning these reports in the discourse of technical hadith criticism such as their transmitter being an

unknown person (majh?l) or that a report is found transmitted by only one

chain of narrators (khabar w?hid). The result is that these sayings are not

technically considered to be at the rank of being "firmly established" (thiqah). Even in cases of dubious authenticity, Th?nv? will find other ways to make certain accounts somehow plausible, at times within the evaluative categories of the sharVah or in some cases through invoking Sufi claims to privileged knowledge or insights.

The sources that Th?nv? addresses are a range of Chisht? malf?z?t, mainly the early ones, but also some later ones in the S?bir? line such as Mir'at aUAsr?r

(The Mirror of Secrets)20 and Iqtib?s al-Anw?r (Obtaining the Lights),21 Malf?z?t literature is known as a distinctive literary genre of the South Asian Sufis. Malf?z?t record the meetings of a Sufi master with his disciples in a diary form and often feature question and answer sessions interspersed with details

of biography and daily routine. When he invokes Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) Th?nv? cites quite a number of classical sources, for example Muhammad b.

19 H?run? was the teacher of Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? and hence a very early figure whose malfuz?t are considered spurious by contemporary researchers. Scholars such as Bruce Lawrence, on the

other hand, have characterized works such as Arils al-Arwah, Dalli al-'?Hfin, and R?hat al-Qul?b as "patently frauds" with "incidental value for estimating the mood of popular piety in 14th

century Delhi." Bruce Lawrence, Notes from a Distant Flute, 36.

?'Abd al-Rahm?n Chisht? (1004-1093/1596-1682), Mir'at al-Asr?r, Urdu trans. W?hid Bakhsh

Siy?l (Lahore: Sufi Foundation, 1982). 21 Muhammad Anwar Qudd?s?, Iqtib?s al-Anwar, Urdu trans. Wahid Bakhsh Siy?l (Lahore: Bazm-i Ittih?d al-Muslim?n, 1988).

20 MARCIA HERMANSEN

Muhammad al-Ghazz?l? (d. 505/1111), Jal?l al-D?n 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Ab? Bakr al-S?y?t? (d. 911/1505), the legal compendium, Hid?yah of 4Ah b. Ab? Bakr al-Margh?n?n? (d. 593/1197), Ahmad b. 'Al? ibn Hajar al-'Asqal?n? (d. 852/1448), etc.

His language and methodology of proof, especially in the third section of the book, are highly technical in terms of the discussions of the qualifications for truth, the degrees and forms of analogical reasoning (qiy?s), etc. Such discussions would likely be beyond the scope of the general reader, but rather address an audience that is madrasah educated at the graduate level in fiqh. Th?nv? also invokes "Sufi" or "kashfi" proofs such as the evidence of dreams, the insight possessed by spiritually endowed persons, and the fact that Sufi

shaykhs are credited with the ability to perform their own independent legal judgments (ijtih?d).22 Resorting to diverse sources of ijtih?d is not an innovation on the part of Islamic scholars and continues an interest in

combining kashf and fiqh as sources of knowledge honed by scholars such as

4Abd al-Wahh?b al-Sha'r?n? (d. 973/1565) in the Mizan al-Kubr?, and Ahmad b.

' Abd al-Rah?m Shah Wall Allah of Delhi (d. 1176/1762).

Th?nv? begins the work with a preface stating that he wishes to disprove the common perception that the Chisht? shaykhs did not enforce adherence to the sharVah or were careless about it.23 According to Th?nv?, holding such

opinions has two harmful consequences, affecting both those who believe in the sanctity of the Sufi masters and those who do not. In the former case, it

may make the believers in the Sufi saints become lax in their practice also; and Th?nv? says this is tantamount to kufr (unbelief). Alternatively, those who doubt the role of the Sufi masters will be insulting the saints by holding such

opinions. Th?nv? asserts that this position is on the level of a despicable innovation (bid'ah shan?ah) and is definitely sinful.

On the other hand he contends that, "If you treat the matter honestly you will see that the Chisht?s gave a special distinction to following the Sunnah. The proof of this is that there is not to be found in their practice anything which is not found in the Sunnah "1A

Th?nv? divides his book into three sections:

(1) Sayings of the Chisht? saints in which they emphasize following the sha?'ah

(pp. 7-57). (2) Actions that demonstrate that the Chisht?s followed the sha?'ah (pp. 57-83).

22 The ability and qualifications to derive their own legal interpretations. 23 Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyahy 1.

24 Ibid., 2.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 21

(3) Reconcilation of the problematic accounts that seem to contravene the

sha?'ah from the Chishti biographies with Islamic norms of practice

(pp. 83-172).

The first section of the book features citations from major Chisht?

malfuz?t collections that are associated with the theme of following the sharVah. The first incident involves Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r Kaki (569 633/1173-1235) encouraging his disciple, B?b? Fand, to complete his "external" studies in sharVah before embarking on the Sufi path. Next, Th?nv? cites an anecdote from Anis alArw?h (Intimate of the Spirits), in which the

early Sufi Khaw?jah Qutb al-D?n Mawd?d Chisht? (d. 527/1133), says that

villages in Khwarazm will be destroyed because their inhabitants like music and singing too much. This, according to Th?nv?, proves the saint's dislike of these things.25

Other cases illustrating firm adherence to the Sunnab include the

following. In an anecdote taken from the malf?z?t of Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht?

(d. 633/1236), the saint omits to rub the gaps between his fingers while

performing ablution (wud?) and is then reprimanded by a voice coming from the Unseen. Th?nv?'s comment is, "See, at leaving out the khil?l (rubbing the

gaps in between the fingers) while perfoming ablution and even that

unintentionally, and not even a necessary Sunnah (sunnah mu'akkadah) but

only an action at the status of being recommended (mustahabb) ? how upset

the saint was! How could such people ever abandon the sharVah}"26

According to a further account echoing this theme, another saint in the

Chisht? lineage, Fudayl ibn 'Iy?d (d. 187/803), forgot to repeat washing his hands while performing the ablution (wud?). In a dream that night he saw the

Prophet (peace be on him) reprimanding him. In compensation for this sin he made the performance of 500 daily extra cycles of prayer (rak'at) compulsory on himself for one year.27

The second section of Th?nv?'s book is entitled, "The mention of deeds that prove the punctilious following of sharVah in the lives of the Chisht? Saints." Among the representative acts cited here are the following:

In the hagiographie account of Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? it is reported that the ShVah governor of Herat during his era reviled the Companions of the

25 See, ibid., 7-8 citing Anis al-Arw?h 3rd session, saying #2. The issue of audition of music on

the part of the Chisht?s is complex and sharVah proofs justifying how it is allowable are given on

pp. 85-86 of Th?nv?'s work.

26Th?nv?, al'Sunnah aljaliyyah, 11. He quotes this reference from Dalli al-'?rifin First session

(majlis) Saying #13, with no pagination. 27Ibid., 11.

22 MARCIA HERMANSEN

Prophet (peace be on him), and had people executed who named their children after Ab? Bakr (d. 13/634), 'Umar (d. 23/643), or 'Uthm?n (d. 35/656).

Khw?jah Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? went to the palace garden and sat by the water tank. The governor came to the garden, saw him, and was angered. He

wanted to punish the Khw?jah when the saint's powerful spiritual gaze fell on

him the governor fell down unconscious. When Khw?jah saw his condition he took some water from the tank and sprinkled it on him. When the official

regained consciousnesss, he changed his attitude and fell at the feet of the saint.

Subsequently he together with his entire retinue became the murids of the

Khw?jah. He became the saint's disciple and wanted to give him wealth and treasure. Khw?jah told him, "This wealth belongs to those you have harmed ?

return his share to each one." The governor did so and also freed his slaves. He served the saint for fifteen days and received the inner and outer

deputyship (khildfat).2* Case number two concerns a famous event in the life of the Chisht? Sufi,

Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r K?k?. During a session of listening to music the

qaww?ls sang the verse, "We who are slain by the dagger of submission, receive at each instant a new existence from the Unseen World." Hearing this,

Qutb al-D?n went into spiritual ecstasy (hai) and jumped ten yards. For three

days he remained in this state [and thereafter expired]; he would only return to his senses in order to pray. Once he had performed the prayer he returned to

the ecstatic state (wajd).29 The third example is a report about Far?d al-D?n Shakar Ganj. His

daughter, B?b? Sharifah became a widow at an early age and had no children. Until her dying breath she remained steady in the remembrance of God and was a great perfected saint. Her father, B?b? Far?d, used to say, "If khildfat and

sajj?dah (deputyship and successorship) could be given to a woman, then

undoubtedly she was worthy of getting the khildfat,"30 Many other reports follow, including one featuring the story of Mu'?n al

D?n Chisht? having a cow slaughtered and making the Hindus who had converted to Islam consume its meat.31 Th?nv? observes: See how he didn't

28 See, ibid., 57-58. Th?nv?'s note: See how much importance was given to people's ri^ts,

which today is not given by those who claim knowledge and action. Ibid. 29

See, ibid., 58. Th?nv?'s note: How important the performance of prayer was to Khw?jah Qutb al-D?n, so that even when overcome with ecstasy he did not omit it. Ibid. 30

See, ibid., 58-59. Th?nv?'s note: See how prescisely this saint followed sharVah. Even without a direct proof text being present, the heritage of the followers of the Sunnab has been given so

much importance (i.e., that a woman can not be given succession in the Sufi Order?khil?fat and

sajj?dah). Ibid., Khwajah Hasan Niz?m?, however, allowed khil?fat to be given to females and had himself done so. Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Rozn?mchah, 8 January 1933, 8. 31 Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 70. He returns to this issue later in the text concerning a report

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 23

mind the disapproval of the non-believers (kuffar).02 Then our author remarks,

"Right now some ignorant people think that slaughtering and eating cows is

opposed to Sufi principles."33 The theme of the third section of the work is the explanation, using

legalistic categories, of sayings and actions in Sufi biographies that (on the

surface) appear to contravene the sharVah.

Th?nv?'s strategy in this section follows several principles:

(1) to interpret elements metaphorically;

(2) to show how certain incidents could be rated less strictly in terms of the

sharVah categories of actions, for example, by being at the level of

something reprehensible (makr?h) rather than something forbidden or by

having a legal status which is a matter of dispute;

(3) to demonstrate that the saints are permitted to use their own independent

legal interpretations (i. e. that they are mujtahids); and

(4) to expand the details of the story, offering inner insights as to its meaning. This is along the model of the Qur'anic story of Moses and Khidr where some inner details into which only the saint has insight are disclosed later.

At this point in the text Th?nv? inserts a short section entitled "Bina' al

Qubbah 'ala Naba' al-Jubbahn (Building the dome on the report of the robe).34 This treatise was inspired by the display of a cloak of the Prophet (peace be on

him) near Th?nv?'s village and supports the permissibility of venerating such relics. For example, in order to justify the veneration of beard hairs of the

Prophet (peace be on him), Th?nv? cites a number of ahddith about their

sanctity.35 Th?nv?'s text then returns to the discussion of issues more directly related

to Sufi biography. These are arranged numerically together with his responses and have both chronology and topic as organizing principles.

that in the company of Khw?jah Nas?r al-Din Mahm?d ?harigh, a person said that it is written in 'Uthm?n H?r?ni's malfuz that it is the saying of Darvtshs that killing cows was like

murdering people. Whereupon Khw?jah said it is not H?r?nl but Har?n?, and it is not his [i.e. H?r?ni's] malfuz. In this case Th?nv? questions its authenticity since "Harun" is spelled incorrectly in the report. Th?nv? further questions the authenticity of the report on the grounds that (i) the malfuz contains matters inconsistent with Khw?jah Nas?r al-D?n's knowledge and

teachings, and (ii) that he [H?r?n?] scrupulously followed the short'ah and so could not have said

something so clearly opposed to sharVah. Ibid., 136.

32Ibid.,70. 33 This would be referring to opinions such as those of Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? that Indian

Muslims should refrain from cow slaughter. See his Tark-i G?'? Kush? (Delhi: Thakur Das and

Sons, 1920). 34 Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 89 ff.

35 Ibid., 91.

24 MARCIA HERMANSEN

As an example, the fourth item considers whether maintaining continuous fasting as has been reported about some of the Sufis is allowable. Th?nvI states that this is a matter about which there is juristic disagreement (amr mukhtalaffihi). Thus it cannot be rejected absolutely in juridical terms.36

The fifth item concerns the performance of a spiritual retreat while

hanging upside down (chillah ma'k?s), as featured in reports about the Chisht?

saint, B?b? Fand. Th?nv?'s conclusion is that if such an action is performed as a practice stipulated for the purpose of drawing a person closer to God then it is not allowable, but if it is done in order to cure some moral defect

(mu 'alajah) ? then it may be allowed.37

A number of other reports concern topics such as the permissibility of

prostrating before the spiritual guide (performing sajdah to the pir)?* Logical problems with accepting some accounts, as well as sharVah issues, may arise, for example, in the story of the Ka'bah leaving its place to salute the female

saint, R?bi'ah of Basrah (d. 185/801). Th?nv? counters that in the case of this

report it was not the physical building but rather its spiritual manifestations

(tajalliydt) that appeared to R?bi'ah.39

Moving to a separate issue, several reports are cited that convey concerns

over the concept of the saints on occasion not praying because they might go into an ecstatic state a ) and die. For Th?nv?, this omission of prayer would be allowable in such a case since the Sufis involved have the shar% excuse of

fearing that they will perish because of the performance of some religious duty. Because, in terms of the sharVah goal (maqsad) of "preserving life" they could be excused from prayer at that critical time.40

Another question raised is whether a disciple can interrupt his

supererogatory (na?) prayers if he hears the Pir (Sufi master) calling. This is

allowed, according to Th?nv?, since the status of the Pir is equal to that of a

parent.41

More dramatic is the report that Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? asked a potential disciple (mur?d) to recite "/? Haha illa 'Allah, Chisht? ras?l All?h." "There is no God but God, Chisht? is the Prophet of God."

36 See, ibid., 105.

37Here he cites 'Abd al-Rahm?n al-Suy?ti, Jam* al-Jaw?mi\ known as al-J?m? al-Kab?r (Cairo: Majma* al-Buh?th al-Isl?miyyah, 1970), a work on hadith. 38 Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 106-112. This was a controversial issue among South Asian

Sufis. In fact, Khaw?jah Hasan Niz?m? composed a work Murshid k Sajdah-'i Ta'z?m (Delhi: Khw?jah Aul?d Kit?b Ghar, 1390) on this topic. 39

See, Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 113, issue no. 10. 40 See, ibid., 115-116, instances nos. 15 and 16.

41 See, ibid., 122-3, instance no. 29. Therefore the Pir, like the parent, may be obeyed in this

case.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 25

Th?nv? interprets this report by stating that the term "ras?l" (messenger) is used here in the linguistic sense of the general logical mode ( ?mm), therefore meaning "someone who brings a message," L e. it does not mean

"Prophet." He therefore rules that this statement is not on the same level as an alternative profession of faith (fcalimah-'i kufr) which would render one an infidel. Th?nv? further notes that this incident occurred within a gathering of the elite. It could also be ruled permissible since it entailed the benefit

(maslahah) of testing the disciple (mur?d).42 Another story concerns how the Chisht? saints, Qutb al-D?n Bakhtiy?r

K?k? and Hamid N?g?ri (d. 672/1274) were once performing the prayer behind Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? who was acting as Im?m. Mu'?n al-D?n was in the midst of a spiritual retreat (chillah) and therefore the power of his glance would turn stones to dust. The disciples hid behind a wall and then joined him

only as he began the prayer. They quickly performed their final prayer movements (tashahhud and sal?m) so that they could run away before Mu'?n al-D?n Chisht? could complete his final prayer movement (sal?m) and turn

around.

The legal problem here involves whether this breaking out of the prayer before the Imam's final salutation would be allowable? Th?nv?'s answer is that the disciples in this case had a good rationale for their action ?the fear of

being destroyed by the Im?m's glance.43 The text is interrupted at this point by the insertion of another brief

treatise, "Ris?lah Sarah al-Sharabn (Treatise on the Mirage of Intoxicating Substances).44 In this section Th?nv? collects a cluster of reports about the Sufi saints' drinking or allowing the use of intoxicating substances.

Chisht? Sufis mentioned in this regard include G?s? Dar?z (d. 825/1422), Jal?l al-D?n P?n?pat? (d. 765/1364), Shaykh Ahmad eAbd al-Haqq (d. 837/1434), 'Abd al-Quddus Gang?h? (d. 656/1537), 'Abd al-Ghaf?r

A'zamp?r? (d. 986/1578), and Jal?l al-D?n Th?neswar? (d. 989/ 1582). The problem raised in each of these cases is how could these shaykhs

sanction, buy, or consume intoxicating things? Th?nv? offers the following solutions:

(1) The sources of these reports are unknown; there is no definitive proof, so

that there is strong doubt about their authenticity.

(2) Perhaps the intoxicating things were ones over which the jurists disagree i.e., in the Hid?yah it says that there are four kinds of intoxicating drinks

42 See, ibid., 124-125, instance no. 30.

43 Ibid., 141-142, instance no. 47.

44 Ibid., 144-161.

26 MARCIA HERMANSEN

which are forbidden (har?m), and all others are allowable. Those doubtful ones may have an intoxicating element in them that is yet insufficient to

cause drunkenness.

(3) The shaykhs were mujtahids (interpreters of the law) and we are muqallids (followers)45 and thus we are not able to question their verdicts. For

example, a very ill person may use a forbidden (har?m) thing as a medicine, likewise a person with a sick soul (nafs) may need to use one of these

intoxicating things as a cure.

(4) Other ways of reconciling various reports of this type are that sometimes a

forbidden (har?m) or a disapproved (makruh) substance may be

miraculously transformed.

(5) In some cases a disciple (mur?d) was saved from the sin by following an inner sign from his Fir making the forbidden (har?m) thing into a

disapproved (makmh) one.46

(6) Some Sufis, such as majdh?bs (those who are in special states of being drawn to God), are beyond legal categories due to their loss of normal rationality as in the story of the majdh?b, Mir Sayyid Qutb, "from whom the pen is raised."47

A further inquiry along these lines examines the case of the antin?mi?n

Sufis, the Qalandars.48 How can Qalandars not perform the religious obligations? Th?nvi responds that God bestowed on them special spiritual bodies in addition to their physical ones. Due to this situation, if you see

Qalandars in one place not performing the prayers, it may be that somewhere else they are in the state of rationality ((aqt) which is the essential feature

(man?t) of their being liable to having the religious obligations imposed on

them (takl?j). Since there is some defect (Jzhalal) in their physical form, there is no religious obligation (fakltj) on them. This would be parallel to the case of a

lunatic (ma'tiih) who is excused, as is every insane person. In such cases only if someone has the spiritual power to see both of the

bodies (material and spiritual) can he object to the Qalandar not carrying out his religious duties.49

A further section of Th?nv?'s book features an extended discussion of Sufi

practices such as 'Urs (commemorating a saint's death anniversary) and sama'

(audition of music). In the discussion of the permissibility of these rituals,

45 Persons who follow the rulings of one of the four legal schools (madh?hib). ^Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 158. Thus it would fall into a lesser category of sin. 47

Ibid., In sharVah terms such an "intoxicated" Sufi is not accountable since, "The pen is raised from three ? the child, the unconscious person and the insane person," according to a hadith. 48 On the religious and cultural symbolism of the Qalandar, see, Katherine P. Ewing, Arguing Sainthood; Modernity, Psychoanalysis, and Islam (Durham NC, Duke University Press, 1997). 49 See, Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-]aliyyah, 163-166.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 27

Th?nv? quotes various ah?d?th as to their status, and complains at the decadence of the 'Urs commemorations in his time.50 The conclusion of the book notes its completion in 1351 AH on the author's 71st birthday.

There is a postscript as well, a treatise entitled Ris?lah Tamiz al-lshq min

al-Fisq (Treatise on Distinguishing (True Spiritual) Love from Moral

Depravity). This treatise is stated to have been completed several days after al Sunnah al-Jaliyyah. In addition to whatever errors the latter treatise had intended to reform, according to Th?nv?, there is one which has affected a

large group of those who claim to be Sufis. This is love of beauty (husn parasti) or love for a human being (cishq-i maj?z?). Th?nv?'s discussion of this problem and its cure is beyond the scope of our present topic.

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?

Niz?m? was born on 2 Muharram 1296, 26/7 September, 1878 in the Niz?mudd?n district in Delhi. At first he was called Q?sim eAl? but his uncle started calling him ?A Hasan and this name was used until he was twenty. Some of his first articles were published under the name Sayyid Muhammad 'Ah Hasan Niz?m?, but a newspaper editor in Amristar published one of his

pieces under the name Hasan Niz?m? and later Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1357/1938) started to call him Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?.51

His parents and two sisters died before he was twelve. Following this loss he was brought up by his older brother. Niz?m?'s ancestors were said to have come to India long before from Bukh?r?. One of them, Badr al-D?n Ish?q (d. 690/1291),52 had been a khallfah of the Chisht?, Bab? Far?d, and friend of

Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?', so that after his death his two sons were raised by Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?', who brought the family to Delhi.

Niz?m? was given a traditional education in the Niz?mudd?n shrine

compound and later studied at Rash?d Ahmad's madrasah in Gang?h for one and a half years.53 When he was eleven his father had made him a murid of Sh?h All?h Bakhsh Taunsaw? (d. 1901),54 then later at age 16 his brother made him a murid of Khw?jah Ghul?m Far?d (1260-1319/1844-1901).55 At the age

50 See, ibid., 166-172.

51 Khw?jah Mahdi Niz?m?, "Saw?nih? Kh?kah-'i Hadrat Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?," in Khw?jah

Hasan Niz?m?, Shakhsiyat awr Adabl Khidm?t, ed. Nith?r Ahmad F?r?qi, special number Kit?bnum? (Delhi: May 1994), 11. Iqbal was to carry on a long correspondence with the

Khw?jah. 52Mulla W?hid?, ?Saw?nih 'Umn....,* 18. 53 Ibid., 13; Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, ?p Biti (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1919), 14.

This edition has 145 pages whereas subsequent ones contain only 140 pages. 54 Ibid., 6.

55 Ibid.

28 MARCIA HERMANSEN

of 24 out of his own volition and following a spiritual sign from Bab? Fand, he became a murid of Mihr 'Ali Sh?h (d. 1356/1937) and eventually was

appointed his deputy (khatifah). He describes finding this spiritual guide through a dream visitation by Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?' which convinced him to undertake self-reform as well as a trip on foot (partially) to Pakpattan in emulation of the saint's trip to find his spiritual guide (murshid).56

In 1908 Niz?m? formed a group consisting of young shrine custodians and a few famous patrons such as Maul?n? Ab? -Kal?m ?z?d (d. 1378/1958) and Shibl? Nu'm?n? (d. 1332/1914), into an organization the "Circle of Great

Shaykhs" (Halqah-'i Niz?m al-Mash?'ikh). Goals of this organization included

reforming kh?nqahs and darg?hs in India and proffering the authentic

teachings of Sufism. The four principles of the organization are listed as:

(1) To spread and preserve Sufism;

(2) to unite the Sufi shaykhs within one body;

(3) to reform customs at annual festivals ?urses) and kh?nqahs so as to eliminate

practices contrary to Islamic law and the Sufi path (shar?'ah and ta?qah);m?

(4) to protect the political rights of Sufi shaykhs.57

Due to this Niz?m? faced criticism and opposition by those who feared his reforms of unnecessary customs and corrupt practices at the shrines. Some

declared him an enemy of Islam and Sufism. At one point in 1928 an enemy shot at him, killing one of his relatives instead.58

The founding of this organization marked a turning point in his career. As his biographer, Mulla W?hidi observed:

The "Circle of Shaykhs Organization" was not only for the reform of the shrine

of Niz?m al-D?n Awliya' but for the reform of all darg?hs. The p?rz?dahs from

the Niz?m al-D?n Darg?h went from shrine to shrine spreading the rumour that

Hasan Niz?m? had studied at Gang?h and become a Wahh?b?, and that by supporting him all of us would be destroyed.

But while on the one hand opposition was arising from the darg?hs, at the

same time interest in Khw?jah S?hib was increasing in the colleges. Those Muslims who supported English education were not ignoring the

religious scholars and Sufi shaykhs, and were searching for such scholars and

shaykhs who could cooperate with them. In Khw?jah Sahib they found someone

worthy and capable. Newspapers also turned their attention to Khw?jah S?hib

56 Ibid., 7.

57Ibid.,21. M Niz?m? mentions this incident, and the fact that bullet holes can still be seen in the wall, in

his, Niz?m? Bansri, 515.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 29

and gave their prominent support to the objectives of the Halqah-'i Niz?m al

Masha'ikh.59

In 1911 Niz?m? travelled to Egypt, Syria and Palestine and the Hij?z under the auspices of the Halqah-'i Niz?m al-Mash?'ikh.60 He seems to have contacted various Sufis and activists at this time, including a khalifah of

Shaykh San?sL61 In fact, he took a great interest in the teachings and activities of San?s? and wrote about him in a number of contexts as well as translated some of his teachings and other Sh?dhil? practices.62

Along with Sufis, Niz?m? met with Pan-Islamic activist circles and thus he became the subject of intense surveillance and harassment on the part of the British authorities. Meetings of the Halqah became impossible and it was only in 1917 that the Commissioner of Delhi, Wiliam Hailey, lifted this surveillance. One of Niz?m?'s writings, a guidebook to Delhi,63 is dedicated to

Hailey and seems to be designed to assuage British suspicions as to his

loyalty.64 A contemporary critic of Urdu literature, Ali Jawad Zaidi, gives this

summary of Niz?m?'s literary activities:

He was a prolific writer, who wrote in a simple, colloquial style with an

intimacy, mystic perception, and light-heartedness that enlivened any subject he

touched. He has written over a hundred books and pamphlets including the

moving story of the Great rebellion of 1857 in twelve parts in the form of a romance.. . He also edited a weekly, Munadi> which contained his personal diary and other writings. . . . His works are replete with outspoken autobiographical references which add to their charm.65

59W?hid?, "Saw?nih...," 44. 60 He writes about this trip in diary form in his R?zn?mchah b? Tasvir: Safar-i Misr va Sh?m va

Hij?z (Meerut: H?shim? Press, 1913). 61Shaykh Sayyid Ahmad al-San?si (1290-1352/1873-1933). Third Grand Master of the Libyan San?siyyah Order of dervishes who sided with the Ottomans and Germany during the First

World War.

62Khwaj?h Hasan Niz?m?, Shaykh San?s? (Delhi: Muhammad S?diq, 1915); Idem, Ris?lah Shaykh San?s? (Meerut: H?shim? Press, 1914); Idem, Fayd?n-i Shaykh San?s?, Pt. 3 (Meerut: H?shim?

Press, 1914). In one work he translated some prophecies of San?s? regarding a "German Khil?fat" which were all seized by the British Police. Idem, ?p Biti, 81; W?hid?, "Saw?nih...," 112-3. 63 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? Rahnuma-'i Sayr-i Delhi (Delhi: 1917).

64 Niz?m?, ?p Biti, 85. William Malcolm Hailey (1872-1969) went on to become "the most

distinguished member of the Indian Civil Service in the twentieth century and one of the few raised to the peerage." On his career see John W. Cell, Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism (1872-1969) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 65 Ali Jawad Zaidi, A History of Urdu Literature (Delhi: Sahitya Academy, 1993), 262.

30 MARCIA HERMANSEN

Muhammad Sadiq, another critic of Urdu literature, is less enthusiastic about the skills of Khw?jah Hasan. He ranks him with R?shid al-Khayr? (1285-1355/1868-1936) as one of those rare Urdu writers who has been able to live off the income from his writings.66 Sadiq claims that Niz?m? rose from

being an itinerant bookseller to being a millionaire:

With his long loose cloak and an outlandish conical cap, his beard and long

flowing hair, he looked like a patriarch of old, despite his short stature. . .67

Hasan Niz?m? wrote more than a hundred books and pamphlets, besides editing a number of newspapers, mostly written by himself. Consult the catalogue of

any well-equipped library and you will be surprised by his versatility and

amazing output. Here was a man who could write on any conceivable subject under the sun. They range from metaphysics, religion, history, philosophy to

such items as confectionery. The fact is that he did not write all these books

himself. Some of them, no doubt, are his own; others were written by hacks

employed for the purpose. These he corrected and improved and gave out as his

own.68

It is noteworthy that Niz?m? entered the field of journalism just at the time when print culture in South Asia was expanding. As Francis Robinson observes:

When the Ottoman Empire entered its terminal stages from 1911 onwards, the

Press boomed as never before. Great newspapers flourished ? Abu-1 Kalam

Azad's al-Hilal [alHildt], Muhammad Ali's Comrade, Zafar Ali Khan's Zamindar

[Zamtnddrf9

Niz?m? was given the honorific title, "musawwir-i fitraf (the depictor of

nature), probably because of his talent for bringing out human nature and for

writing in a more natural and accessible style. A theme of his activities is both modernizing and popularizing, not

simply Sufism, but general attitudes to knowledge. A study of Niz?m?'s numerous writings illustrates that his political position modified during the

years of his major literary production, approximately 1915-1940. Some of the

political themes are Pan-Islamism,70 khilafat,71 home rule,72 opposition to the

66 Muhammad Sadiq, A History of Urdu Literature (Delhi: Oxford, 1984), 512. 67 Niz?m?'s height was considered above average by his contemporaries and in his autobiography he characterizes himself as "tall," ?p Biti, 4. 68 Muhammad Sadiq, A History of Urdu Literature, 514-15. 69 Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print,"

Modern Asian Studies, XXVII: 1 (1993), 243. 70 There are many examples of such sentiments. For example, in his memoirs of a journey to the

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 31

brothers/3 and accommodation to other reEgious communities.74 His initial support for Gandhi75 changed to some disappointment with the latter, and support of Nehru.

Mr. Gandhi's ambition is more to become a Mahatma ? a big religious leader ?

than a political leader of the Hindus. But his genius is on the ebb, his popularity is on the wane, and his political leadership has failed. Mr. Gandhi has no

sympathy with the aspirations of the Indian Musulmans and he is definitely hostile to their Urdu language and culture because he wants to make an end of

their political power by destroying the last shreds of their national solidarity.76

Although he claimed not to have known English, Nizam? took a strong interest in the West and supported "English" education for boys and girls.77

His earliest patron was a British General, Dixon, who seems to have become one of his first murlds.7* Shortly after the abdication of King Edward, Niz?m? not only composed an imaginary diary portraying the Prince's inner struggle as a Sufi fable, A Modern Gulistan for Modern Man: Ex-King Edward's Diary "The Sufi's Secret of Real Happiness"79 but also critiquing British

understandings of the Indian situation. Another early work, "The French Dervish" (Fr?ns?s? Darv?sh) excerpts anecdotes from a life of Napoleon Bonaparte which had been translated into Urdu, treating them as Sufi malf?z?t and proof of Napoleon's spiritual wisdom and insights.80

Middle East in 1911 Niz?m? is quoted as observing, "The nation of Christ not only demands to

rule but they have also seized civilization, good manners, and virtues from us." W?hid?, "Saw?nih...," 108. 71 In his work Government awr Khil?fat (B?tala: Niz?miyyah Book Depot, 1920), Niz?m? takes the rather odd strategy of inviting the Prince and the British generally to accept Islam and establish their own Caliphate. "I am quite certain that if Britain becomes Muslim, then in a

short while the Muslims will accept its Caliphate and the centre of the Caliphate will be transferred from Constantinople to London." Ibid., 12. 72 There is some discussion of this in, Im?m Murtad? Naqv?, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Fann awr

Shakhsiyat (Karachi: Urdu Academy Sindh, 1991), 139-141. This work is a reprint of Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Hay?t awr Adab? Khidm?t (Lukhnow: Nas?m Book Depot, 1978). 73 For example he compiled a lengthy work, Nam?nah hi Jang-i Siffin> mainly comprising documentation regarding his conflict of opinion with Muhammad 'Ali (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1927). 74 For example, works on Hinduism, Sikhism and the Baha'is, as well as a life of Jesus, T?r?kh-i

Masti? (Delhi: Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1927). 75For this see W?hid?, "Saw?nih...," 162-187, passim. 76

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Ex-King Edward's Diary, English translation by M. Fazl al-Haqq (Delhi: Munadi, 1937), 92-93. 77

Idem, Bivi kt TaTtm (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1924), 16-19. 78 Niz?m?, ?pB?t?, 15-16. 79 Set, Mun?d? (Delhi: 1937). 80 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Fr?ns?s? Darv?sh k?Malfuz?t (Delhi: Muhammad S?diq, 1915).

32 MARCIA HERMANSEN

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? took an interest in other religions, studying Hinduism and visiting the Hindu holy places as a young man to study with

Sadhus,81 and publishing a biography of Krishna.82 He wrote favourably about the Sikhs83 and Bah?'ull?h, founder of the Baha'? faith.84

In the 1920s he conducted a campaign against the Arya Samaj, "Shuddh?"

(purification) movement, which was attempting to get Indian Muslims and Christians to convert back to Hinduism.85 As part of this he published a

number of pamphlets86 on basic Islamic teachings and sponsored activities such as the tour from Delhi to Lahore of a Musulman M?h?r?n?.87 Another major project was the upliftment of the Muslim community. As part of this project Niz?m? addressed themes such as the reform of harmful social customs and the need for gainful employment and a "work" ethic, especially in trades.

In the latter years of life "Khw?jah S?hib," as he was affectionately known, was afflicted with weakening health and loss of eyesight. He lived

through the difficult times of partition and in his old age seems to have felt embattled by the political and ideological conflicts raging around him. For

example, a small statement entitled, "A Message from My Last Days" is attached to his work on the permissibility of performing prostration before one's spiritual guide.88

This text was written in 1951 when he was seventy-five years old. He addresses his "lakhs of disciples (mur?ds)" and "hundreds of deputies (khal?fahs)" stating that:

The time of the Last Day (qiy?mat) is approaching, fighting and wars are on the

increase all over the world. After the division of Hindustan, in both India and

Pakistan, the believers in the saints appear to have lost out to the Maulvls due to

the political influence of the latter. Therefore I feel that it is necessary to write this ? that those who have the love of Sufism should not become frightened and should remain firm in their belief. The Maulvls, since the beginnings of Islam,

81 Mull? W?hidi, "Saw?nih..,'' 39. 82 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?mi, Kirshin Biti (B?tala: Niz?miyyah Book Depot, 1917). Later this was

published in illustrated versions and with the title changed to Kirshin Kath?. 83See for example, a concluding section about "The Sikhs", in his Bivi k? Ta'tim, 172-188, as well as his Sikh Qaum (B?tala: Khw?jah Press, n.d.). 84 His work, Irani Darvish features a translation of Baha'ull?h's, "Kit?b al-Asr?r" and is advertised in Fransisi Darvish, 33. This work is also mentioned in ?p Biti, 79. He met with 4Abd al-Baha* while in Egypt. W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,* 90. 85 On his activities in this regard see Ibid., 148-159. On the "Shuddh?" movement see R. K.

Ghai, The Shuddhi Movement in India (New Delhi: Commonwealth Press, 1990). 86 Advertised as "Insid?d-i Irtid?d k? Rit?ben" or "books designed to block the flow of apostasy." 87 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?mi, Tadhkirah-'i Musulman M?h?r?n? (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh, 1927). 88 Idem, Murshid k Sajdah- *i Ta 'zim, 64.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 33

have been opponents of the dervishes since they find the dignity of the dervishes to be a threat.89

Niz?m? composed an autobiography when he was only forty-one that includes a wealth of his personal experiences. His travelogues in diary form are also autobiographical, as is his daily diary, R?zn?mchah,90 a form of Urdu

prose which he, in particular, cultivated. In terms of Sufi biography Niz?m? composed numerous works including:

Char Darv?sh?n ka Tadhkirah91 (The Biography of Four Dervishes), a brief

biography featuring Indian, Spanish, Yemeni and Egyptian exemplars. Niz?m? Bansr?y a biography of Niz?m al-D?n Awliy?' based on published

and unpublished malf?z?t and historical sources. Niz?m? rendered these into

highly readable Urdu prose. The tone is edifying and entertaining. Occasionally there arises a break in the translated narration in order for Niz?m? to enter a note, clearly indicated and usually of a historical or architectural nature. Quite a lot of attention is given to historical material that is relevant to the Niz?m al-D?n shrine and its traditional system of attendant

(muj?wir) families. Niz?mFs family is a so-called, "Nab?rag?n" one of the four traditional custodial families descended from the children of a p?r-brother of the saint and his wife, who was a daughter of B?b? Far?d.92 There are also occasional critiques of current Chisht? shaykhs in India, for example, their lack of attention in preserving the literary heritage,93 and the fact that those in the Niz?m? line do not all attend the annual anniversary festivals (Vrs) whereas the S?bir? Chisht? shaykhs all attend the Vrs in Kalior in the company of their

disciples.94 In the following sections I will briefly characterize some of Niz?mTs

forays into Sufi biography.

Autobiography (?p Biti) While still relatively young Niz?m? composed an autobiography. Interestingly, the work is introduced by three prefaces. The first preface was

composed by his wife, Lail? (Khw?jah B?n?). She characterizes the work as

89 Ibid. 90 Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, R?zn?mch?h Hasan Niz?m? (Delhi : Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book

Depot, 1925). Shams al-Rahm?n F?r?qi has written an article on the literary qualities and historical importance of this diary, "Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? k? R?zn?mchah,,> Shabkh?n

(Allahabad) (March 1997), 51-54. 91 Idem, Ch?r Darv?sh?n k? Tadhkirah (Delhi: Halqah-'i Mash?'ikh Book Depot, 1926).

92Mull? W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,* 18, note. 93 Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansr?, 508-509. 94Ibid.

34 MARCIA HERMANSEN

one containing edifying advice (nas?hat n?mah). His close associate, "Mulla"

W?hid?,95 who authored the second preface, finds in Niz?mFs life an example of a child of poverty making good through education and sound upbringing. The work is termed on several occasions to be one that illustrates self

improvement (isl?h).% The third preface by a literary figure, Shaykh Muhammad Ihs?n al

Haqq,97 claims that the work is the first independent autobiography of its kind in Urdu and epitomizes the story of "a self made man."98

In his own introduction Niz?m? states that the work is written for his

disciples whom he terms, "ptr brothers" (plr bh?l) since they are on the same

level as him in being seekers (murids) of Allah. Later he mentions that many of his disciples have never met him and have only had the opportunity to

pledge their allegiance by post.99 By 1919 he is said to have 60,000 disciples.100 The first portion of the work gives a brief account of Niz?m?'s childhood

and youth, followed by the recounting of small incidents of everyday life and the lessons that can be derived from them. Interestingly, a long section discusses his various writings in chronological order, why he composed them, how well they have sold, and their current prices and availability. For the

record, his best-sellers as of 1919 were Mil?d N?mah (Celebrating the Birthday of the Prophet), Bivi k? Ta'l?m (Education of the Wife), Ghadar-i Delhi k?

Afs?ne (Stories about the Delhi Rebellion), Muharram N?mah

(Commemorating the month of Muharram), and Hizb al-Bahr, a Sufi litany.101 Sufi aspects of the autobiography include Niz?m?'s mention of some of

his visions and a section, concerning a sort of "spiritual autobiography," or

"L?h?ti ?p B?t?."102 This segment aims to explain the physical/human (n?s?it?) and spiritual/divine (l?h?ti) aspects of the human condition. Following R?mi's verses about the progression of existence through the mineral, vegetal, human,

and angelic realms, Niz?m? portrays his identification with successive spheres of existence, concluding with the experiences of various prophets, as well as

identifications with contemporary figures such as Kaiser Wilhelm,

Hindenberg, King George, and Lloyd George. For example, "I witnessed the

95 Niz?m? writes about his closest disciple, Mull? W?hid?, in the text of ?p Biti, 66-68. W?hid? also composed a biography, "Saw?nih 'Umri Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?." 96 Niz?m?, ?p Biti, 7, 9. 97 Editor of Uswah al-Husn? Magazine, Delhi. On his connections to Niz?m?, see, ?pBiti, 73-76. 98 Ibid., 8.

"Ibid. 100

Ibid., 24. By 1951 it is hundreds of thousands (l?khs) of disciples. 101

Ibid., 84. 102

Ibid., 135-144. Also published separately as L?hut? ?p Biti (Gurd?sp?r: A'zamiyyah Book

Depot, 1922).

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 35

murder of the Russian Czar," and it is said, It is I who was killed.' It can be

said, "Mister Gandhi is none other than me." "This month I can be seen and heard in the voices of Sir Hamilton Grant and General 'All Ahmad Khan."103

Conclusions

In conclusion, each of these fourteenth/twentieth century Chisht?s took a reformist attitude to contemporary Sufism. Th?nv? couched his reformist discourse in the idiom of legalism, Niz?m? in that of general education and

public morality. Niz?m?, writing within the' context of India, urged accommodation to

diversity, i.e., the perspectives of non-Muslims. For example, he is the author of a tract against cow slaughter104 while Th?nv? advocated this as being a

practice of the Chisht?s.105 Still, Niz?m? opposed the assimilation or apostasy of Indian Muslims and more than once articulated his purpose as being the

propagation of Islam.106

Niz?m? presented the broader Muslim world to Indian Muslims through some of his travel accounts and through translations that he made from Arabic into Urdu. Even his biography of the four dervishes has a certain Pan-Islamic thrust to it. In his writings he also cites Western sources such as the

Encyclopedia of Islam107 and he speaks approvingly about the Sufi mission of Hazrat Inayat Khan to the West in his Niz?m? Bansr?.m

The increasing importance of print is evidenced in Niz?m?'s writings. An

example would be Niz?m?'s giving permission "ij?zat" in print109 to whomever reads the book in order to perform Sufi practices such as the recitation of the

litany, Hizb al-Bahr. Many of his disciples apparently never actually met him but corresponded with him by post.110 He therefore felt that composing and

publishing his own autobiography was one way for them to have contact with him.

The commercial aspects of writing emerge on occasion. In addition to advertisements for his publications at the back of books, there are references to his other works within the text, and there is the aforementioned discussion in Niz?m?'s autobiography of which of his works sold well and why.

103 Ibid., 141.

104Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, Tark-? G?'o Kush? (Delhi: Thakur Das and Sons, 1920). 105Th?nvI, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 70.

106W?hid?, "Saw?nih...,'' 175. 107 Niz?m?, Niz?m? Bansr?, 526.

108 Ibid., 505-507. Niz?m? presented the land for In?yat Khan's tomb in the Niz?mudd?n

quarter. Ibid., 506. 109

Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?, A 'mal-i Hizb al-Babr (Delhi: Khw?jah Kutub Ghar, 1952), last page.

110Idem,^/7 5???,8.

36 MARCIA HERMANSEN

Each of the two figures responded to the context of the fourteenth/twentieth century by incorporating the individual and individual

experience into the Sufi framework. Th?nv?, through his psychological healing methods, which although grounded in Islamic and Sufi tradition, directly speak to problems of individuals; Niz?m? through his application and analysis of the lessons drawn from events experienced in his own life.

Both writers demonstrate their primary role as being "educator shaykhs" rather than making charismatic claims for themselves. The distinction between Th?nvFs "De?band?" interpretation and Niz?mFs more shrine-based or

"Bar?lv?-oriented" approach may be illustrated by the latter's frequent citations (in Niz?m? Bansr?, for example) of the prayers and invocations (du'?s) which he composes before the tombs of departed saints and Prophets (peace be on them). He reports on speaking to them directly as if they are alive in the

tomb, illustrating the practice of disclosure from the graves "kashf alqub?r"111 Th?nv? certainly upholds the idea that the Sufi saints were great teachers and he encourages his followers to recite certain litanies that he believes to be

spiritually and materially efficacious. He focuses, however, on the living practice of the Sufis rather than on their influence after death. In alSunnah al

Jaliyyah, Th?nv?'s glosses on the Chisht? malf?z?t often seem to be doing a rhetorical violence or disservice to the intent of the original accounts which celebrate the charismatic powers of the saints. Th?nv?, however, is not interested in this meaning, and rather seeks to show how the reports can be

made to fall within Islamic legal norms. As for the issue of Chisht? identity, in Th?nv? this is most directly

displayed in the fact that he has gone through the Chisht? malf?z?t in detail and has a comprehensive grasp of the silsilah and its links. He is defending the

Chisht?s, as a specific Sufi movement.112 One may also characterize his

response to "uncongenial and un-Islamic intrusions and innovations"113 as

reflecting shifts in the Chisht? S?bir? line towards a more activist and even

"quasi-Naqshband? stance," as some scholars have categorized it.114

111 Literally, "the disclosure of the graves" in which a pilgrim experiences the buried saints as

living personages and converses with them. 112 Comparing the Chisht?s to other Sufi orders, Th?nv? mentions that the Naqshband? Sufis

perform some practices such as visualization of the spiritual master (tasawwur) holding them to be short (a necessary condition). He holds that although this is a dangerous practice which may lead to excesses, still it is mentioned in major Naqshband? texts such as Kanz alHidayah, and the

Makt?b?t of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindu Th?nv?, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, 4. On the other hand, if this

practice is done by Chisht?s it is at the level of shughl, not skart (a necessary condition). Ibid., 5. 113 Avril A. Powell, Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India (London: Curzon, 1993), 68. 114

See, for example, Farhan A. Nizami, "Madrasahs, Scholars, and Saints: Muslim Responses to the British Presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab 1803-1857," D. Phil. Thesis (Oxford

University, 1983), 85-9.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY 37

As a reviver of the Chistiyyah-Niz?miyyah line, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? seems to have focused primarily on the biography of Niz?m al-Din Awliy?', but not to have exclusively promoted the Chishtiyyah Order, as is evidenced

by his interest in other groups such as the Sh?dhil?s.

At one point in his autobiography, Niz?m? states that all of the trials and difficulties that he faced early in life enabled him to realize his aim of

"presenting Islamic Sufism in a new way and a fresh manner."115 Perhaps his "new" style in Sufism could be characterized as being more egalitarian

? for

example, the egalitarian "p?r bh?T idea, stressing his equality with his

followers, and his allowing more inclusion of women.116

Both authors were writing in the early fourteenth/twentieth century as Urdu came into its own as a prose language. Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?

participated in this development as an innovative stylist, particularly in the field of biography, autobiography, and diary writing. It is said that his oratorical style and eloquence were shaped by the fact that he went to school with Mughal princes and he certainly associated with the great contemporary figures of Urdu, Shibl? Nu'm?n?, Abu -Kal?m ?z?d, Akbar Il?h?b?d?

(d. 1921),117 and Iqb?l.118 Niz?m? also went beyond the book as a form by becoming involved in all kinds of journalistic activities, writing articles for Muslim newspapers as well as starting a number of his own magazines such as Fir Bba% Darvtshy and Munadi. Printing and publishing were not centralized activities at that time, and in fact many vernacular language books in India and Pakistan are still self-published in small runs of 500-1000 copies. Thus both Th?nv? and Niz?m?, due to the volume of their publications, eventually came to constitute publishing centres in their own right.

Th?nv? performed an important service to Urdu in transferring part of the classical religious heritage into Urdu prose, and in making Urdu a religious language for Islam. His works feature more extensive use of Persian and

Arabic than those of Niz?m? and stylistically follow more closely the rhetorical patterns and modes of argument of traditional madrasah or legalistic discourse.119 Niz?m?, on the other hand, could be seen as a pioneer in "the

production of Islamic' books [which] set aside the long tradition of authoritative discourse by religious scholars in favour of a direct

115Niz?m?, ?p Biti, 21. 116 For example, the voice of his wife, Khw?jah B?n?, encourages literate women to read the

biography to illiterate women and to involve them in Sufism. See, ibid., 4-5. 117 W?hidi, "Saw?nih...," 136-145.

118 Iqbal and Niz?m? met and exchanged letters on a number of topics, occasionally disagreeing. 119 In fact, the work al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah quotes long sections in Persian from the Sufi

biographies, often without translating them.

38 MARCIA HERMANSEN

understanding of texts."120 He also was a transmitter of central Islamic sources

including a translation of the Qur'?n entitled '"?mm fahm" ? accessible to

general understanding.

Overall, Nizam?'s role, including his approach to Sufi biography, could be categorized as popularizing and humanizing Islamic/Sufi teachings,121 while Th?nv?'s mission could more readily be seen as one of Islamicizing popular Muslim belief and practice, including Chisht? biographical accounts. On the

whole, Th?nv? would be the better known figure today, although his audience, like Niz?mFs remains largely restricted to Urdu speakers.122 Both appealed to the new reading public of the early fourteenth/twentieth century although

mass literacy was not yet achieved in South Asia. However, the spread of

English education and an increased use of polemic and tract materials on the

part of South Asian Muslim religious factions, created a new audience for

writings on Islamic topics. Francis Robinson, reflecting on the impact of print on the authority structures and transmission of Islamic knowledge observed:

By breaking the stranglehold of 1200 years of oral transmission, by breaking the

stranglehold of the madrasa-trained ulema on the interpretation of Islamic

knowledge, print helped make possible an era of vigorous religious

experimentation. Print came to be the main forum in which religious debate was

conducted; it was an era of pamphlet wars and of religiously partisan newspapers and magazines. Scholars, some madrasa-trained, some not, delved with increasing vigour into the resources of both the Islamic tradition and Western civilization, now made so freely available by print, to find answers to contemporary

challenges.123

As a final note, one of the few writings of Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m? being reprinted in Pakistan today is the Niz?m? Bansr?. Th?nv?'s work on Chisht?

biography, al-Sunnah al-Jaliyyah, on the other hand, is not well known and was not reprinted, while his works in other fields of moral and spiritual

120 Dale F. Eickelman and Jon W. Anderson, "Print, Islam, and the Prospects for Civil Pluralism: New Religious Writings and Their Audiences," Journal of Islamic Studies, 8:1 (1997), 49. 121 Imam Murtad? Naqv? evaluates Niz?mFs popularization of Sufi teachings in accessible and

appealing prose as one of his major contributions. See his, Khw?jah Hasan Niz?m?: Fann awr

Sbakhsiyat, 338-9. 122 Th?nv?'s influence is also magnified by the fact that the network of spiritual descendants of his murshid, Imd?d Allah, included other prominent Muslim reformers and activists such as the De?band? connections of Rashid Ahmad Gang?hi, and the Tabl?gh? Jam?'at movement of Muhammad Ily?s K?ndhalv? (d. 1363/1944) and Muhammad Zakariyy? (d. 1402/1982). His own Une included Sayyid Sulaym?n Nadv? (d. 1373/1953) a well-known Muslim scholar and writer. 123 Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change," 246.

REWRITING SUFI IDENTITY IN THE 20TH CENTURY jC;

development, such as Bihishtl Z?war and al-Takashshuf 'an Muhimmat al

Tasawwuf24 have gone through many editions.

124 Maular?a Ashraf *Al? Th?nvi, al-Takashshuf'an Muhimm?t al-Tasawwuf (Peshawar: University Book Agency, n.d.).