[architecture ebook] future forms and design for sustainable cities.pdf

Future Forms and Design forSustainable Cities

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Future Forms and Design for SustainableCities

Mike Jenks and Nicola Dempsey

AMSTERDAM BOSTON HEIDELBERG LONDON NEW YORK OXFORD

PARIS SAN DIEGO SAN FRANCISCO SINGAPORE SYDNEY TOKYO

Architectural Press is an imprint of Elsevier

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Architectural PressAn imprint of ElsevierLinacre House, Jordan Hill, Oxford OX2 8DP30 Corporate Drive, Burlington, MA 01803

First published 2005Editorial matter and selection Copyright 2005, Mike Jenks andNicola Dempsey. All rights reserved Individual contributions Copyright 2005, the Contributors. All rights reserved

No parts of this publication may be reproduced in any materialform (including photocopying or storing in any medium byelectronic means and whether or not transiently or incidentally tosome other use of this publication) without the written permissionof the copyright holder except in accordance with the provisions ofthe Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 or under the terms of alicence issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, 90 TottenhamCourt Road, London, England W1T 4LP. Applications for thecopyright holders written permission to reproduce any part of thispublication should be addressed to the publisher.

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Contents

Contributors xi

Acknowledgements xiii

Introduction 1


Section One The Big Picture: Cities and Regions 11

1. Back to the City: A Route to Urban Sustainability 13Bob Giddings, Bill Hopwood, Mary Mellor and Geoff OBrien

2. The Intelligent City: Ubiquitous Network or Humane Environment? 31Guy Briggs

3. Towards the Spatial Sustainability of City-regions: A ComparativeStudy of Tokyo and Randstad 55Akiko Okabe

4. The Multi-modal Urban Region: A Concept to CombineEnvironmental and Economic Goals 73Luca Bertolini

5. Creating a Sustainable City Region 95Raymond Green

6. Forecasting the Sustainability of Alternative Plans: The CambridgeFutures Experience 113Marcial Echenique

v

F U T U R E F O R M S

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Section Two Designing for Sustainable Urban Form at High and Lower Densities 135

7. The City and the Megastructure 137Justyna Karakiewicz

8. High-density, High-rise and Multiple and Intensive Land Use inHong Kong: A Future City Form for the New Millennium 153Stephen Lau, Jun Wang, R. Giridharan and S. Ganesan

9. From Central Business District to New Downtown: DesigningFuture Sustainable Urban Forms in Singapore 167Perry Pei-Ju Yang

10. Towards a Sustainable City: Rebuilding Lower Manhattan 185Beverly Willis

11. Upper City Transformations: A New Strategy for High-density Development 207Ineke Hulshof

12. Sustainable Cells of Urbanism: Regenerative Theory and Practice 221Tom J. Bartuska and Bashir A. Kazimee

13. Sustainable Urbanity in a Powerful but Fragile Landscape 245Ferdinand S. Johns

14. Envisioning the Future: Sustainable Models for Rural Communities 263Helena Webster and Peter Williams

Section Three Aspects of Design for Sustainable Urban Forms 285

15. The Language and Meaning of Density 287Mike Jenks and Nicola Dempsey

16. Urban Densities, Quality of Life and Local Facility Accessibility inPrincipal Japanese Cities 311Kiyonobu Kaido

17. Emerging Work Patterns and Their Implication on the Strategy andPlanning of Work Environments 339Nicola Gillen

18. Solar Cities: The Oxford Solar Initiative 355Susan Roaf, Manuel Fuentes and Rajat Gupta

19. Quantification of Urban Solar Access 371John Mardaljevic

Contents

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Contents

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20. A Comparative Sustainability Assessment and Indication of FutureHousing Trends in Hong Kong 393Alex Amato, Richard Frewer and Steven Humphrey

Conclusion: Future Forms for City Living? 413

Nicola Dempsey and Mike Jenks

Index 439

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Alex AmatoAssistant ProfessorDepartment of ArchitectureThe University of Hong Kong Hong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Tom J. BartuskaProfessor of ArchitectureSchool of Architecture Washington State UniversityWashington DC, USA

Luca BertoliniLecturerAmsterdam Study Centre for theMetropolitan EnvironmentUniversity of AmsterdamAmsterdam, The Netherlands

Guy BriggsAssociate DirectorEDAWLondon, UK

Nicola DempseyPhD ResearcherOxford Institute for SustainableDevelopment School of the Built EnvironmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

Marcial EcheniqueProfessor of Land Use and TransportStudiesThe Martin Centre for Architecturaland Urban StudiesUniversity of CambridgeCambridge, UK

Richard FrewerChair ProfessorDepartment of Architecture The University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Manuel FuentesResearch AssociateOxford Institute for SustainableDevelopmentSchool of the Built EnvironmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

S. GanesanProfessorDepartment of Architecture The University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Bob GiddingsPrincipal LecturerSchool of the Built EnvironmentNorthumbria University Newcastle-on-Tyne, UK

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Contributors

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Contributors

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Nicola GillenWorkplace Consultant and ArchitectDEGW London, UK

R. GiridharanPhD ResearcherDepartment of Architecture The University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Raymond Joseph GreenVice-PresidentTown and Country Planning AssociationLondon, UK

Rajat GuptaPostdoctoral Research FellowOxford Institute for SustainableDevelopmentSchool of the Built EnvironmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

Bill HopwoodResearcherSustainable Cities Research InstituteNorthumbria University Newcastle-on-Tyne, UK

Ineke HulshofArchitectStichting BovenstadUppercity FoundationHulshof ArchitectenRotterdam, The Netherlands

Steven HumphreyAssistant DirectorDavis Langdon and Seah ManagementLtd. (Hong Kong Office)Hong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Mike JenksProfessor Emeritus and Co-Director of theOxford Institute for SustainableDevelopmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

Ferdinand S. JohnsProfessor of ArchitectureSchool of ArchitectureMontana State UniversityMontana, USA

Kiyonobu KaidoProfessorFaculty of Urban ScienceMeijo UniversityJapan

Justyna KarakiewiczAssociate ProfessorDepartment of ArchitectureThe University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Bashir A. KazimeeProfessor of ArchitectureSchool of ArchitectureWashington State UniversityWashington DC, USA

Stephen Siu Yu LauAssociate Professor, Hon. DirectorCenter for Architecture and Urban Design for China and Hong KongDepartment of ArchitectureThe University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

John MardaljevicSenior Research FellowInstitute of Energy and SustainableDevelopment De Montfort UniversityLeicester, UK

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Contributors

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Mary MellorProfessor and LecturerSustainable Cities Research InstituteNorthumbria UniversityNewcastle-on-Tyne, UK

Geoff OBrienSenior Lecturer in EnvironmentalManagement and PlanningSchool of Applied and Molecular SciencesNorthumbria UniversityNewcastle-on-Tyne, UK

Akiko OkabeArchitectAssistant ProfessorChiba UniversityChiba, Japan

Perry Pei-Ju YangAssistant ProfessorDepartment of ArchitectureSchool of Design and EnvironmentNational University of SingaporeSingapore

Susan RoafProfessorOxford Institute for SustainableDevelopmentSchool of the Built EnvironmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

Jun WangMPhil ResearcherDepartment of ArchitectureThe University of Hong KongHong Kong SARPeoples Republic of China

Helena WebsterReader in ArchitectureDepartment of ArchitectureSchool of the Built EnvironmentOxford Brookes UniversityOxford, UK

Peter WilliamsArchitectural AssistantPRP ArchitectsSurrey, UK

Beverly WillisArchitectPresident, Beverly Willis ArchitectureFoundationPresident, Architecture ResearchInstitute, Inc.New York, NY, USA

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Captions for photos on reverse of section inter-leafs

Figure Section 1: Urban networks, the Randstadt, Netherlands (Source: Ministry ofHousing, Spatial Planning and the Environment (2001) Summary: Making Space:Sharing Space, Fifth National policy Document on Spatial Planning 20002020, TheHague, Netherlands, p32.)

Figure Section 2: Innovative housing design, Java Island, Amsterdam (Source: MikeJenks)

Figure Section 3: High density cycle park! (Source: Mike Jenks)

Figure Conclusion: Mass Rapid transit the Skytrain, Bangkok (Source: Mike Jenks)

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Acknowledgements

Our thanks go to all those involved in the writing and production of this book. We owea debt of gratitude to all the contributors for their chapters and for their forbearance inthe long time it has taken to be finally published. Our thanks go to Dan Saunders whoproduced the cover image and to Shibu Raman for producing the drawings for Chapter 5.We thank the Dutch Ministry of Housing, Physical Planning and Environment forsupporting the preparation of this book, in particular Japp van Staalduine. Ourappreciation goes to IUPEA colleagues and our colleagues at the Oxford Institute forSustainable Development. And finally, we would like to give our warmest thanks toMargaret Jenks and Dan Saunders for all their support and patience over the weekendslost to editorial tasks.

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1F U T U R E F O R M S

The future for our cities is dependent on the actions of today. Inparticular, achieving cities that are sustainable is an imperative in our rapidly urbanizing world. In 1950 30% of the worldspopulation lived in urban areas. By 2003 that proportion hadrisen to 48%, and it is very likely that the watershed of over halfwill be reached when this book is published. The predictions arethat by 2030, 61% of the population will be urban (UnitedNations, 2004). Envisioning such a future is no easy matter. Oneof the conclusions reached by Williams et al. as to how asustainable urban form can be achieved was the need for thedevelopment of new ways of conceiving the future builtenvironment (2000, p. 354).

The aim of this book is to present the reader with examples of thelatest research into different urban forms and the ways in whichthey can be designed to be more sustainable. The pursuit ofsustainability has been placed on the agenda of governments andnon-governmental organizations after the 1972 UN Conferenceon the Human Environment, and more recently by the WorldCommission on Environment and Development (1987) and the1992 Earth Summit in Rio. It has been stated by these, and other,bodies that cities must be economically viable, socially equitableand contribute to environmental protection of all species:adhering to the concept of the Three Pillars of SustainableDevelopment (United Nations, 2002). In many countries, policyhas been adopted with long-term urban sustainability as its focus,

Introduction


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and there are many examples of this translated into practice(Edwards, 1999; Beatley, 2000; European Commission, 2001;Sorensen et al., 2004).

This book presents some of the diverse aspects that areinextricably bound up with, and strongly influence, the scope ofsustainable urban planning and design. A great deal has beenwritten about the influences that can be said to affect the urbanform, such as the technological, social, economic, institutional,geographical and physical (e.g. Norgaard, 1994; Jenks et al.,1996; Jenks and Burgess, 2000; Williams et al., 2000; Wheeler,2003). These aspects are inter-related and interdependent asthey all facilitate and influence sustainable urban planning anddesign in varying degrees. The chapters that follow add to thedebate, examining ideas drawn from research and practice atdifferent scales of the built environment from the urban regionto the neighbourhood level in a number of different countries.The different scales at which sustainable ideas are discussed arereflected in the three major sections of the book.1

Section One

The chapters in Section One of this book discuss different(spatial) urban concepts, with particular reference to the cityregion. The chapters draw on research to assess how emergingconceptual ideas work when put into practice through a rangeof policy and planning strategies, with the ultimate objective ofachieving urban sustainability.

The first chapter by Giddings et al. outlines the important rolethat the citys character and content have to play in establishingthat city as a viable, sustainable, urban form. While cities havealways experienced varying degrees of indiscriminate andunregulated change, it is suggested that a concerted effort shouldbe made to incorporate the citys distinctiveness and evolvingnature into a strategy of urban sustainability. They suggest thatestablishing the social, economic and environmental dimensionsof sustainability can contribute to the recovery of a citys urbanspirit and the re-emergence of a clear delineation between thecurrently blurred boundaries of the rural and the urban. One ofthe ways in which this is possible is by considering the city aspart of a wider urban region: a concept that is discussed inseveral chapters in this section.

The second chapter by Briggs also considers the intangiblenature of the city in his discussion of the concept of the


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intelligent city; that is, how the form of cities, the culture andhabits of its citizens may be affected by advances incommunication technology. He draws together the discussions of city intelligence and urban sustainability, illustrating how onecannot exist without the other. According to Briggs, theintelligent city has social equity as its focus, putting people backat the centre of the urban agenda, mirroring the Brundtlanddefinition of sustainability. He suggests that adaptability is key to the intelligent, sustainable city and highlights the need forindicators to measure and monitor change, in an effort to helpensure the citys long-term sustainability.

Okabe notes in the following chapter that the reality of currentliving spheres has already extended beyond the city limits.Recognizing that the sustainable city limits itself spatially, Okabelooks at the monocentric and polycentric configurations of twoestablished urban regions, Tokyo in Japan and the Randstad in the Netherlands. Like Giddings et al. she discusses theimportance of the spatial form of the city, in terms of thedistinction between the urban and the rural, which, it is argued,allows for a more inclusive analysis of the phenomena ofcounter-urbanization and re-urbanization. Okabe suggests thatthe polycentric urban system is a more sustainable form than themonocentric.

Bertolini also discusses the Randstad region, examining thetransport planning policy and design in relation to a keydimension of sustainability the integration of environmentaland economic goals. He concentrates on how to design forgood accessibility and efficient transportation with minimalenvironmental damage. The future policy plan alternatives forthe Randstad region that have been proposed by the DutchGovernment are evaluated to illustrate the scope for policydevelopment within a conceptual framework. Bertolini suggeststhat a scenario which radically improves the performance ofpublic transport, improves mobility and increases access toemployment whilst reducing carbon dioxide emissions, bestfulfils the goal of minimizing environmental damage andmaximizing accessibility.

Green considers the city region in the context of the UK. Hediscusses the unsustainable nature of city regions in their currentstate with specific reference to dispersal and urban sprawl, a need for meaningful urban regeneration and the growingenvironmental footprint of cities. By widening the planningcanvas from city to region, a more sustainable urbanenvironment might be achieved. Focussing on two UK cities,

Introduction

3



Sheffield and Bristol, Green presents a five-stage guide toimproving transport and accessibility in the city region. Heconcludes that achieving a successful, sustainable city region canonly be achieved with a shift of focus in policy from the compactcity to the wider regional scale.

The final chapter in this section addresses the measurement ofprediction of sustainability in alternative plans. Echeniquedemonstrates how is it possible to measure the three necessarypillars of sustainability environmental, social and economic with reference to the Cambridge Futures Project. Sevenalternative plans for the city and surroundings area are modelled,discussed and assessed predictively in relation to sustainabilityindicators. The discussion illustrates how the model is a powerful tool for decision-making and a means of engenderingmeaningful public debate and consultation.

The depth of discussion given to the urban region highlights thechanging spatial form of the urban environment and illustratesthat there is a range of strategies through which urbansustainability can be achieved.

Section Two

The issue of density is central to the design of the sustainableurban form. Where sustainable objectives include the efficientuse of land, good accessibility to employment, and key servicesand facilities through public transport use, walking and cycling,high density would seem to be a fundamental prerequisite ( Jenkset al., 1996). However, the design of the sustainable urban formcannot be restricted to high-density development alone. Lowerdensities are a reality in many places and it is suggested that theywill continue to be (Breheny, 1997). Sustainable design must thenbe adaptable to the specific requirements of a particular urbanform, be it high or low density.

The first five chapters in this section discuss, and give examplesof, design in high (or higher) density urban areas. Karakiewiczdiscusses Hong Kong and characterizes the high-densitydevelopments as megastructures. The megastructure is definedas any development that can exist as a self-contained communitywith all the necessary functions of the city available. Karakiewiczdiscusses how Hong Kongs megastructures are not the result ofurban theory, but rather have developed out of necessaryprovision for a growing population. In this way, they can adaptto the needs of residents and of the wider city to which they


4



must remain connected to be a significant sustainable urbanform.

Lau et al. examine high-rise and multiple intensive land use (MILU)in Hong Kong. MILU maximizes land resources in a compacturban form through the mixing of land uses, intensification andconnection to an efficient public transport system and pedestrianinfrastructure. Vertical intensification, illustrated by towers over200m high, and the sky city, exemplified by the multi-layering ofvehicular and pedestrian movement, are two design conceptsmaking use of the third and fourth dimensions (space above andbelow ground, and time, respectively). Lau et al. conclude thatthey are socially acceptable sustainable urban forms in HongKong which, as proponents of high-density lifestyle, correspondto cultural needs.

The concept of the 24-hour city is discussed in the next chapterby Yang. In Singapore, the central business district (CBD) shutsdown after working hours, rendering it unsustainable. Yangexplores design ideas for future downtown urban forms inresponse to the challenges of competitive urban revitalization.Three sustainable proposals are presented which comprisemixed uses, new homes, urban parks and university campuses,achieved through an urban design studio workshop process.Yang underlines the need for rethinking urbanism in relation tothe wider social and economic context as well as integratingthe needs of the user into the design solution.

The business district of Lower Manhattan, New York is the subjectof the chapter by Willis. The damage caused by the disaster ofSeptember 11 extended well beyond the destruction of the WorldTrade Centre. This chapter considers the surrounding area andprovides guiding principles for its rebuilding, prompted by thework of the coalition, Civic Alliance to Rebuild Downtown NewYork. It is suggested that this rebuilding requires consideration as to how Lower Manhattan should function physically,economically and socially in a 21st century context, and how itcould be rebuilt in a sustainable manner. Willis argues thatsustainable design must take into account the need for asupportive infrastructure for New Yorkers, their daily activitiesand the underlying character of the area, as well as the economicdimension in terms of the expansion of knowledge-basedindustries and tourism.

Hulshof concentrates on a sustainable design concept whichmakes use of existing urban roofspace to intensify developmentwithout creating a need for further space, helping to reduce

Introduction

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urban sprawl and preserve open space. This research was inspiredby the installation of a functional sculpture in Rotterdam, theBamboo Summit City. Hulshof outlines design proposals forhigh-density Dutch cities which have a considerable amount ofunused roof space. These proposals show how existing urbanroof-top areas can be transformed to incorporate workableuppercities.

The final three chapters consider how sustainable developmentcan be achieved within a low-density context. Bartuska andKazimee discuss how principles of sustainable planning anddesign have been applied to the small town of Pullman in theUSA. The study models the ecological (or biological) variablesincluding air, water, food, energy and human ecology as primaryindicators of sustainable community development. Strategieswere established at different spatial scales, corresponding to thediffering needs of the region, the city, the district andneighbourhood, down to the design of the dwelling unit. Theauthors suggest that as this regenerative proposal is based uponan holistic model of sustainability, the principles demonstrated inPullman can be applied to other larger urban areas.

The following chapter concentrates on sustainable developmentin the low-density town of Bozeman in the USA. Johns presentsstrategies and design prototypes, which, he suggests, illustratehow a low-density town within fragile environmentalsurroundings can be made more sustainable. Bozeman is locatedin the Gallatin valley where, because of the fragility of the naturalenvironment, the majority of future development will be limitedto existing settlement areas. Johns admits that the proposals putforward are quite modest, and correspond to Americanindividualism and the consumer-driven market-based system.Some of the proposals discussed by Johns include a pedestrian-oriented neighbourhood centre, commercial area infill and thedevelopment of low-density residential clusters.

The final chapter in this section, by Webster and Williams,reports on a design project undertaken by staff and students of Cambridge University and the Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology, called the Cambridge Futures Project. Through adesign case study process, issues raised by the creation ofsustainable rural communities in the Cambridge region wereclosely scrutinized. The aim of the project was to examinewhether innovative change in public policy and spatial designcould create sustainable environments. The authors examinesome of those changes including the establishment of acharitable trust as opposed to developer-led action. The result


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provides a clear vision for a future sustainable settlementaccording to Webster and Williams, who highlight how thedesign of the physical infrastructure can make an importantcontribution to long-term environmental sustainability as wellas providing a sense of place for residents.

Section Three

The previous sections offer some holistic arguments for achievingsustainable development, and illustrate how different urban formshave particular requirements that must be taken into account forsustainability to occur. There are, however, other aspects whichcan have an impact on the design of the sustainable urban form.This section considers some of these aspects which includechanging work patterns, renewable energy use and assessment ofthe sustainability of high-rise buildings.

Despite being a ubiquitous term often used in definitions of thecompact city, the term density is surprisingly little understood.The chapter by Jenks and Dempsey attempts to demystify themeaning of density by tracing some of the ideas behind housingdensity standards in the UK. The authors highlight the difficultiesin measuring density, due to the fact that there being nocommon methodology or definition. When analysed over time,the key government documentation provides density standards,especially for high densities, that have remarkable similarities,and yet the recommended urban forms associated with thestandards vary enormously. An explanation for this variety issuggested: density is a relative concept that is culturallydetermined, depending on the dominant contemporaneousideas of the time.

The next chapter by Kaido continues the discussion of density, with regard to research conducted into high-densityliving and the relationship it has with accessibility. One of the claimed advantages of compact, high-density development isthat facilities are more accessible, thus reducing the need totravel. This chapter draws on research from Japan whichcompares densely inhabited districts in 49 cities. The resultsshow that there is an inherent danger associated with relying onsimple theories when applied to the complexities of real urbanenvironments. It is not enough to make the assumption that highdensity will, by default, lead to high levels of accessibility. Kaidoargues that there are other variables that need to be taken intoaccount, such as planning policies and car ownership, as they

Introduction

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can also have a significant impact on the success of the compact,sustainable urban form.

The chapter by Gillen also examines accessibility in cities, inrelation to the workplace. Work patterns are changing and,with them, demands on good work environment. Gillen arguesthat the main requirement that workers have is for increasedcommunication connections to one another. This chapterexplores the impact of communications on the workplace andhow new technology can be extrapolated to guide the design ofthe city. Gillen suggests that virtual and physical space havedistinct yet complementary roles to play in the city; and as such,aspects including accessibility, public space and privacyencompass a further dimension for sustainable urban design.

Roaf et al. consider the application of strategies and technologiesfor the use of renewable energies in a community-wideframework in the UK. The scope for the building industry toreduce current levels of carbon dioxide emissions is considerableand the authors suggest that significant emission reductions areachievable with relative ease. The reported research involves twopilot studies in Oxford: equipping a small area of houses withphotovoltaics with a single connection to the grid, and plans fora solar suburb. The research also involves the testing of publicopinion towards the implementation of the two initiatives: part of the collaborative approach adopted by the Oxford SolarInitiative.

The next chapter by Mardaljevic also considers solar energy, interms of solar access and social sustainability. The quality of lifein dense urban areas can be affected by the amount of daylightand sunlight that one has access to, particularly in publicspaces. Mardaljevic suggests that solar access can influencepeoples perceptions of the city: gloomy and unattractive asopposed to well lit and bright. Traditional methods ofestimating solar access in urban areas are critically examined,and a new schema is proposed to quantify urban solar accesswith examples demonstrating the application. Solar accessprediction represents an important advance for sustainabledesign in a climate where policies are calling for higherdensities and public open space is at a premium.

The final chapter in this section discusses the sustainability ofbuildings. In the context of urban sustainability, having theability to assess the sustainability of buildings is imperative. This chapter uses the extreme case of high-density, high-rise housing in Hong Kong as a case study. Three housing


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blocks are compared: one private, one social and one at the conceptual design stage (the Integer Concept tower).Embodied and operational energy, construction waste andcosts, as well as recycling are modelled to give an analysis ofthe sustainability of the buildings full life cycle. Although in itsearly stages, Amato et al. suggest that this model has thepotential to help the construction industry and designers makesustainable decisions when building in urban areas.

The chapters in this section present different aspects that havea direct or indirect impact on the sustainability of the urbanform. Ensuring that similar aspects (such as changing travelpatterns or changes in policy) are adequately accounted for inurban design now and in the future is fundamental to theachievement of urban sustainability.

Conclusion: future forms for city living

The conclusion briefly draws together the research and practicediscussed in the book. Together with reference to additionalschemes and proposals, it adds to the research in the chapterswith examples of large-scale designs proposed and/orimplemented over the past decade or so. This offers someindication to planners and designers of sustainable urban formsthat might be achievable in the future.

Introduction

9


Note

1. The chapters in this book have been adapted from a selection of papers drawn from a majorinternational symposium held in September 2002 in Oxford, UK. This was the fifth symposium of theInternational Urban Planning and Environment Association, entitled Achieving Sustainable UrbanEnvironments: Future Forms for City Living. These chapters were selected from the futures theme,one of the six themes in the symposium.

References

Beatley, T. (2000) Green Urbanism: Learning from European Cities, Island Press, Washington D.C.

Breheny, M. (1997) Urban Compaction: Feasible and Acceptable? Cities 14(4): 209217.

Edwards, B. (1999) Sustainable Architecture: European Directives and Building Design, 2nd edition,Architectural Press, Oxford.

European Commission (2001) Environment 2010: Our Future, Our Choice: the Sixth EU EnvironmentalAction Programme 20012010, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities,Luxembourg.

Jenks, M. and Burgess, R. (2000) Compact Cities: Sustainable Urban Forms for Developing Countries, SponPress, London.



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Jenks, M., Burton, E. and Williams, K. (1996) The Compact City: A Sustainable Urban Form?, E & FNSpon, London.

Norgaard, RB. (1994) Development Betrayed: The End of Progress and a Coevolutionary Revisioning ofthe Future, Routledge, London.

Sorensen, A., Marcotullio, PJ. and Grant, J., eds. (2004) Towards Sustainable Cities: East Asian, NorthAmerican and European Perspectives on Managing Urban Regions, Ashgate, Aldershot.

United Nations (2002) Report of the World Summit on Sustainable Development: Johannesburg, SouthAfrica, 26 August4 September, United Nations, New York.

United Nations (2004) World Urbanization Prospects: The 2003 Revision, UN Department of Economicand Social Affairs, New York.

Wheeler, SM. (2003) The evolution of Urban Form in Portland and Toronto: Implications forSustainability Planning. Local Environment, 8(3): 317336.

Williams, K., Burton, E. and Jenks, M. (2000) Achieving Sustainable Urban Form: Conclusions. In:Achieving Sustainable Urban Form (eds. Williams, K., Burton, E. and Jenks, M.), E & FN Spon, London.

World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) (1987) Our Common Future, OxfordUniversity Press, Oxford.


Section One

The Big Picture: Cities andRegions

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Introduction

The character of the city has been changing for as long as peoplehave been urban dwellers. Its diverse functions have includedmarketplace, theatrical stage, place of execution and the city has been the setting for revolutions, uprisings, coronations,massacres, celebrations . . . the list is long. Whether or not onehas an over-romantic notion of the city, unquestionably the cityhas long been the backdrop for much human activity. In the pastfew decades, the environmental and social consequences of the concentrated patterns of human activity in the urbanenvironment have been highlighted and debated, with thesuggestion that present living arrangements in Western cities areunsustainable. This chapter offers some insight into the ways thatthe city and its form have changed over the years. It also outlineshow the power over, and responsibility for, the changes in thecity has shifted as the functions of the city also shift. The cityshould not be dismissed in the search for another moresustainable, alternative form. On the contrary, the characteristicsof the city should be recognized, capitalized and built upon.Cities convey something special about civilization itself thatshould not be spread too thinly and reduced to banal, lifeless,endless sprawl. This chapter suggests that it is important torecognize and support the character, content and distinctiveness

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Back to the City: A Route to Urban Sustainability

1Bob Giddings, Bill Hopwood, Mary Mellor and

Geoff OBrien

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of cities before modern economic and political trends destroytheir essence through commodification and standardization.

The changing character of the city

Cities and society have developed and flourished in an almostsymbiotic manner. The latin word for city is civitas, from whichthe words civilization and citizenship are derived. Take, forexample, British cities prior to the Industrial Revolution. Despitebeing home to the minority of the population, these cities oftenphysically dominated their surroundings and exerted immenseinfluence over all spheres of human endeavour. From theirbeginnings, cities were places of manufacture and commerce,often developing in locations suited to a particular economicactivity such as on trade routes or near useful resources such ascoal. There was a tension in the division of wealth and powerbetween the country landowners, and the city-based merchantsand rulers, but over time the latter prevailed, as cities grew physically larger and, thanks to additions to the workforce, alsoeconomically more powerful. The British Census of 1851showed that, for the first time, more people were living in urbanareas than rural, at 54% of the population (Best, 1979).

Today, globally about 2.6 billion people live in cities of up to 5 million inhabitants with an additional 400 million living in some40 large urban areas, often called mega-cities, of over 5 millioninhabitants (Angotti, 1993; Sassen, 2000). Two-thirds of thepopulation of Europe lives in cities and urban areas thatoccupy about 1% of the land area (Stanners and Bordeau,1995). With their concentrated population, diversity of skillsand growing demands, cities stimulated economic growth.Often this was led by the consumption patterns of a privilegedstratum, made up of the few new rich, who often lived in closeproximity to the many in abject poverty (Best, 1979). Somewould argue that this wide gulf between the rich and the poorhas never disappeared.

The social role of the city

As well as being the seats of power, wealth and knowledge, citieshave also been catalysts for social change and revolution. Theyhave been the source of most of the enduring changes thatunderpin human freedoms including the development of politics

Bob Giddings et al.

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(from the Greek word polis meaning city), the centre ofrevolutions that have helped to shape the modern world and the struggles for human rights. Arguably cities are the birthplaceof democracy which, we would argue, is a vital feature ofsustainability.

The essence of cities is that they have always contained a myriadof diverse and intense connections and activities; where peoplelive, work, shop and play, meeting the needs of economicproduction and social reproduction (Smith, 2002). They bringtogether people from many different backgrounds and cultures.This can be purely in terms of physical proximity but also in thecreation of space for fusing ideas, styles and activities. They arecentres for many cultural forms. Without romanticizing theirhistory, which has its grim share of oppression, hunger, crimeand pollution, cities have been the driving force for innovation,social improvement, cultural activity and diversity (Figure 1.1).

Urban space has always been a place for the community ratherthan the individual, and public buildings, such as those forgovernment, education, culture and commerce, play animportant role in providing a focus for citizens and communities.They provide emotional attraction for both citizens and visitors,embodying political and cultural activities, giving significanceand providing landmarks in time and space. They link the past,present and future, become reassuringly familiar to local peopleand stimulating for visitors. Lozano (1990) argues that the city isa realm with a high level of culture linked with the most civilizedexpression of social behaviour. Mumford (1970) described thecity as the most advanced work of art of human civilization.

The changing form of the city

Historically, cities have had complex spatial layouts reflecting themultiplicity of human exchanges. They have been alive with therichness of patterns and symbols that fulfil many psychologicaland spiritual needs. For example, the sense of enclosure andspatial definition provided by medieval walls satisfied more thanjust a need for defensive protection; they also providedpsychological stimulation and physical comfort (Lozano, 1990).The need to pattern human surroundings is as valid today as itwas in medieval times, and this is particularly recognized byAlexander and Lynch (Lynch, 1960; Alexander et al., 1977;Alexander, 1987). Their ideas about legibility are based on avivid and integrated physical setting that can provide the raw

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material for a symbolic and collective community memory. Thelayouts, landmarks and public spaces all contribute to each citysdistinctive sense of identity (Figures 1.2 and 1.3).

From cities to urban sprawl

The last two centuries have seen a transformation in cities frombeing relatively contained, to widespread urban sprawl. This has been a worldwide phenomenon. The strengthening ofinternational capital has led to the concentration of economicpower in a number of global centres of finance and highly

Figure 1.1The city as a myriad of diverse

and intense activities thedriving force for cultural activity:

Venice, 2002. (Source: Bob Giddings.)

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specialized services, such as London, Frankfurt and New York(Sassen, 2001; Smith, 2002). The decisions taken in these globalcities, as seats of government, international markets and thelocations of many corporate headquarters, are often of greatersignificance than decisions taken by governments at a regionalor even national level. At the same time some older industrialcities such as Detroit and Manchester have seen their influencedwindle as manufacturing becomes less important (Sassen, 2001;Smith, 2002). As production has moved location or closed down,there has been a trend of population migration away from thecities to the suburbs, smaller towns and semi-rural areas (Turok,1999).

The combined actions of economic power and planning haveundermined the importance of distinct spaces and landmarksthat originally contributed to the establishment of the characterand spaces of cities. Many urban patterns and traditionalconnections have been weakened or lost, slashed by megaredesigns that ignored centuries of evolution. Cities have beenscarred by major road networks, which occupy large areas ofland, fragment and blight neighbourhoods destroying local

Figure 1.2The city as a layout oflandmarks and public spaces the symbols of localgovernance, sustenance,spiritual fulfilment, justice andpermanence each withinterconnecting squares:Stuttgart, 1990. (Source: City of Stuttgart.)

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Figure 1.3The square as a place for

chance meetings, a focal pointin the city, a recognizable

landmark and a junction ofvarious routes: Verona, 1999.

(Source: Bob Giddings.)

social interchange and disconnecting travellers from theirsurroundings (Appleyard, 1981). Sprawl, car traffic, zoning andmajor redevelopments have destroyed the fabric of streets,buildings and spaces, often replacing diversity with large single-use structures which can have a hostile or imposing presence.In the process of modernization, urban communities have lost the richness of patterns and symbols that made each citydistinct. Lozanos concept of cities (1990), as the setting ofculture and civilized behaviour, is becoming increasingly fragile.

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Suburban sprawl has meant that the edge of cities is oftenblurred with miles of semi-suburban semi-rural hinterland ofshopping malls, office parks and housing developments thatconstitutes neither city nor countryside. In many cases hugeconurbations have obliterated any notion of the city (Bookchin,1995). People often live miles from where they work, shop or gofor leisure activities. The traditional connection of the exchangeof goods between cities and their neighbouring countryside isalso lost with resources being shipped from all parts of theworld to service the undifferentiated urbanized communities.

Commodifying cities

Todays modern landmarks reflect the values ofcommercialism, where offices and retail units have replaced thelibrary and the town hall, often in physical stature as well asimportance to the city (nowadays expressed in terms offinancial returns). These bland new buildings neither connectwith the citys public, social or physical fabric nor reflect itsidentity or individuality. Bookchin (1995) has argued that whenthere is a physical loss of city-ness in favour of huge, blandconurbations there is a parallel loss of citizenship. Activecitizenship is discouraged and replaced by the role ofconsumer or, at best, passive voter. Power is concentrated inthe hands of large companies, and government largely acts intheir favour.

Recent trends in global economics and telecommunicationshave led to the assertion that place no longer matters. With noapparent need for a physical focal point for activities, it wouldseem that cities could suffer dramatically. The possibilities ofteleworking and Internet-based consuming would appear tomake it possible to return to a more rural lifestyle. However, thisruns counter to the international trend of increased urban living.Urban areas continue to grow and there is strong evidence thatat least some cities are still as important as ever because theyprovide rich social connections, high densities of people andskills, as well as being centres of power, decisions andinfrastructure. Gillen, for example, discusses the significance ofcity as a necessary physical hub for people whose work patternsare becoming increasingly more oriented around technology-based networks.1

The last few years have seen a growing emphasis on theimportance of cities with policies, for example in the UK, to


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encourage city living through calls for improvements to thequality of urban design and support for public space (UrbanTask Force, 1999; DETR, 2000a, 2000b). However, many ofthese proposals do not tackle the deep-rooted trends thatundermine the socio-economic quality or environmentalsustainability of urban life. Much of the emphasis is on externalappearance with less consideration for the content and use ofbuildings and spaces. The pace and scope of development hasoften been driven by property developers, with no interestswithin the city, so that the urban scale and appearance is defined more by the needs of capital (Smith, 2002). Asgovernments have abandoned Keynesian or social-democraticpolicy in favour of neo-liberalism, the priority of policy hasmoved from meeting social needs to attracting and meeting theneeds of capital (ibid). Privatization and budget cuts havelimited the role for public planning and construction leaving theprivate sector as the main initiator and producer therebydetermining the character and priorities of developments. Therole of city authorities is mainly in support of the private sector,striving to attract investors, to support property developmentand increasingly to encourage the private provision of services.

Instead of concentrating on the needs of the existingpopulations of cities the emphasis has been on place marketingand gentrification (Borja and Castells, 1997). Almostuniversally, the policy aim of cities is to attract internationalcapital to invest, higher-paid executives and professionals to settle and tourists to visit. The main benefit for some cityauthorities has been an increase in property tax income(Hackworth and Smith, 2001). Almost all cities now have majormarketing strategies. For many, this includes the widespreadtransformation of former docks from places of work intoexclusive islands of leisure with expensive flats, bars andrestaurants. Cities are now being sold as a commodity to beconsumed, rather than a place where production, living andconsumption take place (Philo and Kearns, 1993). The notionof cities as a complex cultural expression and as a set ofbuildings and spaces in which a range of activities occur isbeing superseded as cities theme themselves.

Ironically the drive for image in city redevelopment oftenignores or undermines what is distinct about each city,including its social character, urban landscape and economicfocus. The global reach of retail chains and trends ofinternational style also diminish the rooted distinctiveness ofplace. The result is urban theme parks rather than real living

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and working places. These trends undermine diversity,increase social divisions, diminish culture and close off spacesfor genuinely local businesses.

Bianchini (1991) and Worpole (1992) criticize the decliningquality of life and public space in British cities due to theomnipresence of retail superstores, the domination of cars andthe privatization of services. They identified art and culture as the primary factors in improving the quality of city life.However, far from their proposals for local art set in, and usedfor, the community, culture and the arts are instead being usedto create images in the marketing of cities. Instead of beingrooted in the vernacular, art and culture are offered primarily as commercialized leisure and an incentive for tourists to visit. Inthe process, urban history has been transformed into heritage.An image of historic cityscapes and workplaces may berecreated but the real function and roots of community andindustry have been lost (Figure 1.4). Behind the glossy image isa remaindered population living in poverty and largely ignored(Holcom, 1993).

This disjointed glossy imaging is illustrated in urbanregeneration and large-scale redevelopment which is oftenbased on retail and commercialized leisure and culture hotels, multiplex cinemas, entertainment complexes, sports stadiums, art galleries and conference centres. It is claimed that such developments will strengthen the local economy and make it more attractive to visitors. The architecture of such


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Figure 1.4The commodification ofheritage, with open-topped busand recreated history pre-packaged for tourists: Oxford,2004. (Source: Mike Jenks.)

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Figure 1.5Grandiose architecture and

glossy image but not connectedto needs of the area and ignores

the poor: Petronas Towers,Kuala Lumpur, 1996.

(Source: Bob Giddings.)

buildings is often grandiose and disrupts the existing urbanfabric (Figure 1.5). These buildings seldom connect to theactual needs and character of an area nor strengthen itslegibility. Economically they usually do not develop the localeconomy. They may draw in visitors; however, they often onlypass through local neighbourhoods that have been blighted orsocially changed (Gratz and Mintz, 1998). What is being doneto establish the viability of the wider community?

The economic trends of neo-liberalism have increased socialpolarization and inequality (Hamnett, 1996; Borja and Castells,1997; Sassen, 2001). While elites need people willing to work forlow wages, they do not want them living nearby. Gentrificationintensifies polarization and feeds antagonism. The existingpopulation of working class, and sometimes minority ethnic

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communities, are either alienated as a remainder communitysurrounded by affluence or pushed out to somewhere else. Newcentral or prestige area housing does not cater for families or for lower-paid workers. In some cases, tenants of social housinglive in estates starved of repairs and investment next door toexpensive new flats. Often the new housing is not part of thewider community but is exclusive, in gated developments,which cut existing connections and restrict access to residents(Figure 1.6). City-centre housing should be neither a dormitoryfor the rich and childless nor an isolated enclave for theprivileged. Successful cities should provide a diversity of


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Figure 1.6Gated housing developmentsare on the increase not only inthe UK, but also worldwide:Newcastle and Shanghai.(Sources: Bob Giddings andPacific Productions.)

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housing, all with good quality surroundings, including homesfor families, affordable properties to rent and buy.

Sustaining cities in the face of change

The future form of cities and the strategies that they should adoptin a global economy and information age is still being debated(Graham and Marvin, 1996; Borja and Castells, 1997). A highlyattractive alternative for cities to the current unregulated,indiscriminate change taking place is urban sustainability(Wackernagel and Rees, 1996), based on the principles of allowingpresent generations to meet their needs without compromisingthe ability of future generations to meet theirs (WCED, 1987).Within the present economic framework there is no incentive forcities to take responsibility for the externalized damage of theiractivities. Redevelopments that only address a superficial imagedo not provide any socio-economic or environmental solutions. In contrast to the strategy of city-image enhancement, sustainabledevelopment offers a very different approach.

A foundation to urban sustainability is the overriding objective toachieve a high quality of life for the whole community within asocio-economic framework that minimizes the impact of the cityon the local and global environment. For it to be successfullyrealized, the city must tackle the dimensions of sustainability:social, ecological, as well as economic. Sustainable cities ensure well-being and a good quality of life for citizens, areenvironmentally friendly, and socially integrated and just.

There is no shortage of ideas for how environmental sustainabilitycan be achieved:

use of renewable energy and a dramatic increase in energyefficiency

recycling and reuse of materials food production within cities an end to edge-of-town retail, leisure and business development to

protect the countryside and retaining jobs in cities

Urban density is cited as a potential proponent of sustainability,offering opportunities for increased energy savings and reducingthe need for travel. What is missing is the political question ofhow such a strategy could be implemented (assuming thatsustainability as a strategy will be imposed on the city). In thiscontext there has been much less consideration of the social,economic, political and cultural policies that underlie the processby which urban sustainability could be attained.

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Achieving urban sustainability

Fundamental to achieving progress towards sustainability is aneconomy that concentrates on well-being and quality of life for all.Essentially, the economy should be regarded as being inextricablylinked to the livelihoods of its residents, rather than simply as the production, consumption and possession of commodities. Therelationship between the economy, society and the environmentneeds addressing with the recognition that one cannot existwithout the others. Human life, activity and culture depend ontheir wider environment (Davidson, 2000; Giddings et al., 2002).At present most economic policy concentrates on the productionof greater wealth often measured in terms of monetary value. Thisignores the wealth created by the non-market economy of familyand community (the social capital) and prioritizes profit ratherthan meeting the human needs through the production of goodsand services (Hutchinson et al., 2002) (Figure 1.7).

From an ecological perspective it is also important that theeconomy is local. If city economies do not connect with theirlocal region, it is inevitable that they will have ecologicalfootprints far greater than their area. If there is much greaterlocal sourcing of resources and materials from within cityregions rather than from undifferentiated global markets and adramatic reduction in the waste and pollution exports, then theconnections between cities and their surroundings will bestrengthened. As cities reclaim their clear and distinct characterof dense activities, population and connections, with a built


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Figure 1.7The local economy as livelihood,community, sociability andmeeting human needs: Naples,1994 and farmers market inOxford, 2004. (Sources: BobGiddings and Mike Jenks.)

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form rooted in sociability and inclusion, this will aid thecountryside to re-establish its own identity.

If considered as city regions, cities can benefit their ruralhinterland through mutually beneficial exchanges. While gettingfood, energy and water from their surroundings, they in turnprovide other vital components of sustainability including healthservices, festivals, education and manufactured goods. Often the best way to strengthen the centre of cities is to support theexisting local people, business, activities and culture. Theyenhance the quality of the environment without gentrification,encourage walking, support public places and buildings, anddesign for people (Figure 1.8). While this may not appeal to theproperty developer, it is a necessary organic step to re-connectthe city to its wider region in a durable and sustainable way,while supporting the distinctiveness of places, rich in diversityand activity ( Jacobs, 1994; Gratz and Mintz, 1998).

As Healey (1998) has pointed out, place does matter, contrary tothe claims of some neo-liberals and advocates of globalization.Sense of place and community is the soul of the cities and theprinciples of a renaissance of cities celebrate that experience.Cities need their unique sense of being a distinct place, yet manycities have had this undermined by urbanization and urbansprawl. The distinction between city and countryside needs to beredefined without returning to the simplicities of medieval walls.While the countryside should be accessible to city residents, thecountryside should primarily be a place of work and life whichare connected to the landscape. If rural dwellers are oriented to a city lifestyle based on car commuting, the land becomesmerely an object of consumption and the attractive nature of theland is compromised with traffic, pollution and increased roadinfrastructure.

The need for meaningful citizen participation

Crucial to the development of a sustainable city is the commitmentand will of the population. There is a growing trend ingovernment to conclude that the market is an accurate reflectionof individual choices and an appropriate way of influencedecisions. There is an emphasis on people as consumers ratherthan as citizens. For Bookchin (1995), the erosion of citizenshipwould mean the end of cities. He has argued for a change inpolitics to reclaim citizenship, public involvement in decision-making and deep-rooted democracy. Gentrification and

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Figure 1.8Vastra Hamnen Bo01 sustainable urban designcreating identity, usingrenewable energy, recyclingwaste and water, encouragingsustainable transport use, andinvolving local people with abroadband community network: Malmo, 2003. (Source: Nicholas Low.)

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privatization run counter to strengthening local democracy in theway they produce exclusion and polarization. The notion of citieswith areas reserved for the affluent professional classes whereother, generally poorer classes, are effectively excluded, or wherecities are themed for the benefit of the consumer, is one thatportrays a false image and prohibits effective, meaningful civicengagement.

Sustainable cities need active involvement of the people; theyneed active citizens (Selman and Parker, 1997; Taylor, 2000).Local Agenda 21 recognized that some 70% of the actionsrequired to achieve sustainability needed to be done locally(UNCED, 1992). As Camagni et al. (1998) point out, policy-making and decision-taking need to be focused at the local level.Active citizen involvement implies a fundamental change topolitics and political structures. Local government needs to bemore than modernized; it needs to be transformed into a vibrantdynamic and challenging forum of debate, based on publicinvolvement. Instead of responding to falling turn-out only byseeking to make voting easier, people need to be reconnected tothe democratic process by having more reason to vote. Localgovernment needs enhancing with a return of the powers thathave been stripped away by budget cuts, centralization of power,and privatization of facilities and services. City governments needthe ability to make decisions, including economic issues and taxation that are connected to the local population. This might include allowing a greater local tax and the ability to make choices on spending. Examples already exist such as the participatory budget process in Porto Alegre in Brazil(Wainwright, 2003). Reforming the funding process for localgovernment will begin to re-connect the elector with the elected.This reform needs to go beyond the rhetoric of partnership whichdoes not fundamentally empower citizens and communities;there needs to be real power in the hands of residents.

Conclusion: Do cities have a future?

Urbanization is certainly the future but a question mark hangs over what kind of futurethe city can look forward to. Despite technological advances and an explosion inwealth, human societies are becoming increasingly divided, socially and economically.Much of the strain of these social divisions is focused on the cities. Urbanized humanityis also placing increasing burdens on the planetary ecological support systems andwithout marked changes in patterns of consumption many ecosystems will not survive.

This chapter has argued that cities can provide a rich and varied quality of life for all ofits citizens, but that this depends upon changes being made to the ways in which cities

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are funded and governed. The primary focus of the city needs to be its people, operatingat a human scale, rich in symbolism and with spaces and places for social interaction andthe daily business of life. Technological advances may assist in solving some of thechallenges for cities, but they are not a panacea. What is needed is a new debate on thefuture of cities that will challenge many of the present political and economic norms.

The city has a long history and has been the major source of human culture, innovationand democratic rights. The key is to build on its essential characteristics and make themrelevant for today. The possibility of a continuation of present trends of unsustainableeconomic growth, increased social fragmentation and environmental degradation isneither an acceptable nor sustainable option. Without change, human societies will findthemselves having to survive in a polluted world where social relations are severelydamaged and economies have collapsed. For many communities this is already thecase. The adaptability of the city is unquestioned. It is the adaptability of its citizens,decision-makers and urban policy within that city that will be put to the test in thepursuit of sustainability. Society needs to challenge the view that the market economyis the main form of socio-economic organization that can successfully provide for asociety (Hutchinson et al., 2002). Cities should be places where the interaction andparticipation of citizens enable them to meet their own needs and aspirations, and thoseof the wider community, as well as allowing future generations to meet theirs. If citizenscan collectively recover the character of cities as a source of democratic reinvigorationand creative energy, solutions to the challenges of sustainability may well emerge.

Note

1. See Section Three of this book, Gillen, N. Emerging Work Patterns and their Implication on theStrategy and Planning of Work Environments.

References

Alexander, C. (1987) A New Theory of Urban Design, Oxford University Press, New York.

Alexander, C., Ishikawa, S., Silverstein, M., Jacobson, M., Fiksdahl-King, I. and Angel, S. (1977) A Pattern Language, Oxford University Press, New York.

Angotti, T. (1993) Metropolis 2000: Planning, Poverty and Politics, Routledge, London.

Appleyard, D. (1981) Livable Streets, California University Press, Berkeley.

Best, G. (1979) Mid-Victorian Britain 185175, Fontana Press, London.

Bianchini, F. (1991) City Centres, City Cultures: The Role of the Arts in the Revitalisation of Towns andCities, CLES, Manchester.

Bookchin, M. (1995) From Urbanization to Cities: Toward a New Politics of Citizenship, Cassell, London.

Borja, J. and Castells, M. (1997) Local and Global: Management of Cities in the Information Age,Earthscan, London.

Camagni, R., Capello, R. and Nijkamp, P. (1998) Towards Sustainable City Policy: An Economy-Environment Technology Nexus. Ecological Economics, 24: 103118.

Davidson, J. (2000) Sustainable Development: Business As Usual or a New Way of Living.Environmental Ethics, 22: 2542.

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Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (DETR) (2000a) Our Towns and Cities: TheFuture: Delivering the Urban Renaissance, Stationery Office, Norwich.

Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (DETR) (2000b) By Design: Urban Design inthe Planning System, Towards Better Practice, Thomas Telford, London.

Giddings, B., Hopwood, B. and OBrien, G. (2002) Environment, Economy and Society: Fitting ThemTogether into Sustainable Development. Sustainable Development, 10: 187196.

Graham, S. and Marvin, S. (1996) Telecommunications and the City: Electronic Spaces, Urban Places,Routledge, London.

Gratz, R. and Mintz, N. (1998) Cities Back for the Edge: New Life for Downtown, John Wiley, New York.

Hackworth, J. and Smith, N. (2001) The changing state of gentrification. Tijdschrift voor Economische enSociale Geografie, 92(4): 464477.

Hamnett, C. (1996) Social Polarisation, Economic Restructuring and Welfare State Regimes. UrbanStudies, 33(8): 14071430.

Healey, P. (1998) Collaborative Planning in a Stakeholder Society. Town Planning Review 69(1): 121.

Holcom, B. (1993) Revising place: de- and re-constructing the image of the industrial city. In: Selling Places:The City as Cultural Capital, Past and Present (eds. Kearns, G. and Philo, C.), Pergamon Press, Oxford.

Hutchinson, F., Mellor, M. and Olsen, W. (2002) The Politics of Money: Towards Sustainability andEconomic Democracy, Pluto, London.

Jacobs, J. (1994) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Penguin, London.

Lozano, E. (1990) Community Design and the Culture of Cities, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Lynch, K. (1960) The Image of the City, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Mumford, L. (1970) Culture of Cities, Harvest Book, New York.

Philo, C. and Kearns, G. (1993) Culture, History Capital: A Critical Introduction to the Selling of Places.In: Selling Places: The City as Cultural Capital, Past and Present (eds. Kearns, G. and Philo, C.),Pergamon Press, Oxford.

Sassen, S. (2000) Cities in a World Economy, Pine Forge Press, Thousand Oaks.

Sassen, S. (2001) The Global City, Princeton University Press, London.

Selman, P. and Parker, J. (1997) Citizenship, Civicness and Social Capital in Local Agenda 21. LocalEnvironment, 2(2): 171184.

Smith, N. (2002) New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy. Antipode,34(3): 427450.

Stanners, D. and Bordeau, P., eds. (1995) Europes Environment The Dobris Assessment, EuropeanEnvironment Agency, Copenhagen.

Taylor, M. (2000) Communities in the Lead: Organisational Capacity and Social Capital. Urban Studies,37(5): 10191035.

Turok, I. (1999) The Jobs Gap in Britains Cities: Employment Loss and Labour Market Consequences,Policy Press, Bristol.

United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) (1992) Agenda 21; Programmeof Action for Sustainable Development: The Final Text of Agreements Negotiated by Governments at theUnited Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), 314 June 1992, Rio de Janeiro,Brazil, UN Publications, New York.

Urban Task Force (1999) Towards an Urban Renaissance, E & FN Spon, London.

Wackernagel, M. and Rees, WE. (1996) Our Ecological Footprint: Reducing Human Impact on Earth,New Society Publishers, Gabriola Island, Canada.

Wainwright, H. (2003) Reclaim the City: Experiments in Popular Democracy, Verso, London.

World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) (1987) Our Common Future, OxfordUniversity Press, Oxford.

Worpole, K. (1992) Towns for People, Open University Press, Buckingham.

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Introduction

The new (or knowledge) economy is redefining the city for the21st century. This has significant implications for the way we live,work and move around our cities. In the pursuit of sustainableurban form, the notion of the intelligent city is invaluable becauseit shares the theoretical foundations of sustainability. In thisdiscussion, city intelligence refers to the capacity of the city toadequately serve the requirements of its inhabitants, matching itspotential to their aspirations, which is not unlike the sustainableprinciple of fulfilling the needs of the present generation. Theintelligent city is not a new concept: in its broadest sense, cityintelligence is something that is intrinsic to the traditional cityform, which is derived from its physical context, the culture andhabits of its citizens, and available technology. Intelligence is not,nor should it be, simply a measure of the effectiveness of acommunications network.

If the requirements of the intelligent city are changing, then we will need to reconsider how we (re)create our cities. Thishas implications both for urban policy and for the processes we undertake to develop urban accommodation. A shift inemphasis from quantitative to qualitative is needed; as well as abroader focus in the local planning system, changing from a

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site-specific adversarial approach to one that is more contextual,and consensus based. This approach should enable thedevelopment of a new model for the sustainable intelligent city, incorporating an understanding of the management ofoverlapping functions, and the potential for intensification ofspace and time. The aim would be to create a framework toallow for local action that is integrated into city-wide, regionaland indeed global visions.

In this chapter a series of strategic questions will be posed andanswered in order to define what is meant by city intelligence.An attempt will be made to reposition the concept of theintelligent city, decoupling it from issues of digital infrastructureand information communications technology, and instead to re-align it with a broader approach that embodies longer-termissues and sustainable values. To do this, the notion of theintelligent city will be examined from a number of perspectives,which are organized into three parts. Firstly, the derivation anddefinitions of city intelligence will be established. Secondly, thelink between intelligence and sustainability will be discussed aswill the extent to which both concepts overlap. The implicationsfor urban intelligence of the new economic context defined bythe knowledge economy will also be examined here. Finally,the implications for policy and the development process areoutlined, including a review of some indicators for measuringcity intelligence.

Intelligent city definitions and derivation of its concept

The concept of city intelligence can be and has been interpretedin many different ways: from referring simply to the level ofdigital infrastructure provision to the idea of the city as afunctioning being in and of itself, capable of autonomousreaction to stimuli. This relationship with the provision of digitalinfrastructure arises largely through the derivation of the conceptfrom studies concerning intelligent buildings. The firstapplications of the term intelligent building in the 1980s wereextremely technocentric, and it was only towards the end of this decade that the concept began to be expanded beyondtechnological terminology.

A series of intelligent building studies carried out during the1990s by design consultancy DEGW and others, examined the effectiveness of buildings to provide environments suited to

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the changing nature of work, and the changing real estatepriorities of international corporations (DEGW, 1992, 1999;Harrison et al., 1998). The capacity of buildings to cope withthe increasing requirements for integrated digital informationand communications technology played a part in this; however,over the course of the studies the emphasis slowly changed.Building intelligence was redefined:

. . . in a way that focussed on how buildings and technology cansupport an organization [and that] the building technologiesshould serve the needs of the occupants rather than controlling or limiting them.

Harrison et al., 1998, p. 134

More importantly, a pivotal aspect that these studies introducedto the concept of building intelligence was the issue ofresponsiveness to change:

In the IBE [Intelligent Buildings in Europe] method the building shell is rated in terms of one overall characteristic itsadaptability to meet changing needs over time. This is seen as fundamental to the concept of building intelligence . . .

Harrison et al., 1998, p. 134

This final intelligent building study decoupled the definitionfrom the requirements of IT, stating that an intelligent buildingdoes not have to involve high levels of technology (Harrisonet al., 1998, p. 146). Instead the study related building intelligenceto location, including issues of ease of access and the level oflocal amenity provision. This evaluation enabled the definitionof four intelligent building types, shown in Figure 2.1.

The study also began to examine how the concept ofintelligence might be extended out beyond the building todescribe a wider area. Intrinsic to this concept was the idea of the organization as a network, as business organizationsdispersed themselves and their functions around buildings, sothey would need an intelligent area in which to function(Figure 2.2). This was interpreted as suggesting that intelligenceoperates across a range of scales, from a single building to amultiple city region (Figure 2.3).

The definitions from these studies have two basic flaws whenapplied to the wider area:

They retain a technocratic (or digital) focus They focus on the requirements of business organizations

The intelligent city

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In recognition of these flaws, the models were developedfurther to incorporate a wider understanding of the requirementsof urban inhabitants, and the processes they undertake. Thefinal model developed in the DEGW studies defined a set ofintelligent city attributes, related to the primary goals of living,moving and working (Figure 2.4). Each of these goals is broken down into a series of sub-tasks, from which theattributes are derived. The model recognized the significantrole that infrastructure has, and suggested that it should beextended to include telecommunications systems. The studyalso recognized that effective management is equally crucial to maintaining this infrastructure and to long-term urbansuccess.

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Figure 2.1Intelligent buildings (IB) in

South-East Asia. (Source: Harrison et al., 1998;

DEGW, 19991)

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Redefining the intelligent city

Although a useful starting point, the output from this studyremains rather mechanistic, simply providing attributes ratherthan deriving a useful and workable definition of the intelligentcity. To refine the concepts contained in this model, we need toexamine further:

the citys fundamental role the relationship between its fabric and processes the key attributes that enable the city to successfully realize

its role

Cities exist because of two major human requirements (ordrivers): to facilitate transaction and to enable freedom. Theorigin of the city as a physical construct lies in trade or theeconomics of exchange, and the exchange of ideas and goodsremains one of the fundamental driving forces behind city


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Figure 2.2The CIB is intrinsically aboutsystems. The intelligent buildinghas emerged as different building systems have becomeintegrated. The next step is tointegrate systems across buildings to create intelligentorganizational networks basedin intelligent areas. (Source: DEGW, 1999.) Note: HVAC refers to heating,ventilation and air conditioningsystems; EDP refers to electronic data processing.

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growth. No city is static if a city is not growing, it is by defaultstagnating (Jacobs, 1969). How effectively a city facilitates this economic function is therefore a key measure of cityintelligence. But exchange is not confined to the economic

Guy Briggs

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Intelligent region(e.g. Singapore)

Intelligentorganisationalnetworks

Multiple cities and communities

Multiple communities

Multiple buildings, multiple functions

Single building

Mobile communications/informationsystems

Intelligent city(e.g. Port Bonifacio, Manila)

Intelligent area(e.g. Stockley Park, UK)

Intelligent building

Intelligentperson

Figure 2.3If intelligent (business) areas

are possible, then the conceptcan surely be extended to larger,

or more heterogeneous,communities, cities or even

regions? (Source: DEGW, 1992,1999.)

Intelligent city attributesTasks

ShelterLeisureLearningCaring

Houses

Hotels

Hospitals

Learning environments

Work environments

Retail facilities

Entertainment facilities

Airports

Railway stations

Bus stations

Freight distribution centres

Road/rail networks

Transportation vehicles

Green spaces

Outdoor facilities

PeopleGoodsInformation

Goals

Living

Moving

Urb

an in

fras

tru

ctu

re a

nd

mas

terp

lan

Info

rmat

ion

net

wo

rk

Urb

an m

anag

emen

t st

rate

gy

Working

Figure 2.4The DEGW Intelligent City Model,

demonstrating particular attributes of intelligent cities, inthe broad functional categories

of living, moving and working.(Source: Harrison et al., 1998;

DEGW, 1992, 1999.)

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sphere. Cities exist equally to facilitate social interchange. Bothof these attributes can be described as transactions, whichfurther illustrate the first of the primary drivers for the existenceof cities as: Creating the conditions for social and economictransaction (Figure 2.5).

The second primary driver relates to freedom. Historically in thewest (and currently in the developing world) large-scaleurbanization has been driven by a desire to escape from theconstraints of agrarian subsistence survival. Movement to thecities promised rural dwellers a level of freedom that a rurallifestyle was incapable of supporting. Historically, cities wereplaces where indentured serfs might flee the bonds of feudal


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Figure 2.5The traditional market is morethan simply a place ofexchange of goods; it is also ameeting place, where bothsocial and economic interchange takes place.(Source: Guy Briggs.)

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landlords, or where those driven off the land would attempt to make a new life. Cities have also long been associated with insurrection and rebellion, still in evidence today with, forexample, annual international demonstrations against globalcapitalism (Ackroyd, 2000).

The city offers its citizens the freedom to associate withwhomever they wish, the freedom to congregate in largenumbers, to express political ideas and affiliations, and toexpress ideas (Figure 2.6) that may not be common to themajority. In Soho (London) annually, on a particular Saturdayin August, a gathering of sadomasochists march through thestreets, demonstrating, with cracking whips, outlandish leatherand latex costumes, handcuffs and chains, their right to practisetheir personal delights, carefully escorted by politely attendantpolicemen. If these were attempted in a small town it wouldcause a riot. The city enables this and many other freedoms,which encapsulates the second primary driver for the existenceof cities: to enable freedom of association and expression.

If the citys fundamental roles are to facilitate transaction and toenable freedom, city intelligence will be a measure of how wellit does this. This leads to a definition of the intelligent city thatgoes beyond the concept of wired (or wireless) networkedspace. It stops short of defining the city as a sentient being, but it does gain something from the implication contained in the word intelligence. The idea of the city as an organism,although it conjures up images drawn from science fictionfantasy, allows the elaboration of a definition of city intelligence

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Figure 2.6The city allows the celebration

of individual expression. Graffitiis a universal symbol of freeexpression, as this example

from Barcelona shows. (Source: Guy Briggs.)

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far more complex than that referred to by measurements ofdigital infrastructure (Kane, 1999; Shutz, 1999).

Digital infrastructure is but one aspect of the citys physical fabric(Figure 2.7), which also includes its transport infrastructure, itsutilities and its building stock. This is the city as container, apassive vessel. But such a view is one-dimensional. A broaderconcept of the city, derived from the sense of the city asorganism, would consider it to be a network of systems, acomplex structure of interwoven organizational forms. The cityis both container and contained the sum of its fabric and thehuman processes that shape and are shaped by this fabric. The city is the intersection of its people, their processes and thephysical place.

To draw an analogy with the digital world, the citys physicalfabric is its hardware. The software that brings it alive andallows it to function is the collection of human organizationalsystems (Figure 2.8) that construct the city its social networks;cultural infrastructure; economic base and infrastructure; andinstitutional infrastructure, including political and planningmechanisms.

At its broadest level, city intelligence is the capability of thisnetwork of organizational systems to function effectively, andsuccessfully, over a period of time. It is reliant on compatibilitybetween the citys functional objectives (its business plan),and the provision of hard and soft infrastructure to servicethese objectives. References to city intelligence shouldmeasure how effectively the city (fabric, networks and systems)


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Figure 2.7The built fabric of the city isonly half the equation, withoutthe social, cultural and political processes, the citysfabric is but an empty shell.(Source: Guy Briggs.)

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facilitates the functioning of human socio-cultural and economicsystems, and allows their evolution. In short, the successful (orintelligent) city matches aspirations (demand) and resources(supply).

In a world of constant change, the basis for a citys long-termsuccess, and therefore maintaining its intelligent status, lies inthe adaptability of its fabric, processes and systems. It is thisaspect that makes city intelligence and urban sustainabilitymutually dependent concepts.

Urban intelligence, sustainability and the newcontext: intelligent cities and sustainability?

This understanding of what constitutes city intelligence leads to aconsideration of the city from a holistic viewpoint as the sum of anumber of systems: namely economic, social and environmental.These systems are fundamentally integrated, and the health of the city overall relies on achieving a dynamic balance betweenthese potentially competing interests. The city is not static; it is adynamic system in which the key to its long-term health andsuccess, or its intelligence, will be its capacity to adapt to change.Like any ecological system, the key to this capacity is diversity.

Anyone with even a modest understanding of the principles ofsustainability will recognize that the factors described above areas fundamental to sustainability definitions and theory as theyare to city intelligence. The Darwinian concept of adaptability is

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Figure 2.8The citys container is complemented by the

organizational systems that takeplace within it, one of which isthe political system, illustrated

here by a demonstration inTrafalgar Square, London.

(Source: Guy Briggs.)

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the primary link between these two concepts. City intelligencewill measure the capability of a city through the adaptability ofits systems (its fabric and processes) to fulfil its fundamentalrole, ensuring that its citizens are capable of carrying out theirtransactions and living in freedom. Sustainability will measurethe extent to which the city is capable of doing so withoutnegatively affecting the wider environment, or the futurecapacity of the city to continue to fulfil its role in the same way.Although different in emphasis, these two concepts need to beconsidered together. Urban sustainability must be rooted in theconcept of urban intelligence. If a city is not to some extentintelligent, then its sustainability is irrelevant, but if a city is notsustainable, then it will not remain intelligent

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