antecedents and consequences of maternal involvement in children's homework: a longitudinal...

JOURNAL OF APPLIED DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY, 18,207-227 (1997) ISSN 0193-3973

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Antecedents and Consequences of

Maternal Involvement in Children’s

Homework: A Longitudinal Analysis

IRIS LEVlN Tel-Aviv University Israel

RACHEL LEVY-SHIFF Bar Ilan University

TALYA APPELBAUM-PELED, IDIT KATZ, MAYA KOMAR Tel-Aviv University Israel

NACHSHON MEIRAN Ben Gurion University

Many parents are concerned with the desirability of helping their children with homework. Mothers and their children’s teachers filled out questionnaires twice, when

children were in 1 stand 3rd grade. The children did so in 3rd grade. Correlation matrices were analyzed by a Linear-Structural Relations model (LISREL). The predictions of 3rd grade by 1 st grade variables were tested by hierarchical regressions. Maternal help with homework had no effect on the child’s academic achievement. Mothers of weaker students helped more with homework, particularly in the 1st grade. In both grades,

maternal help was related to her pedagogical belief in the value of helping and to her personal gratification from helping. Helping increased maternal emotional costs and caused tensions between her and the child, particularly when the latter was a poor student. Helping decreased with grade, as did maternal gratification and pedagogical belief.

Many parents view the fostering of their children’s cognitive ability and academic success as a parental goal of primary importance (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Chen & Uttal, 1988; Elkind, 198 1, 1987; Smilansky & Fisher, 1982; Smilansky & Shefatya, 1982; Stevenson, Chen & Uttal, 1990; Teichmann, Gollnitz & Gohler, 1975). Many parents also share the

Direct all correspondence to: Iris Levin, School of Education, Department of Developmental Aspects

in Education, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel, 69978 <[email protected]>.

208 LEVIN ET AL

belief, abundantly supported by research, that time spent on homework preparation and the

degree of homework completion and accuracy, have positive effects on academic achieve-

ment (Anderson, 1986; Cooper, 1989a; Frederick & Walberg, 1980; Keith, 1986; Paschal,

Weinstein & Walberg, 1984; Rutter, Maughn, Mortimore, Ouston & Smith, 1979; Walberg,

Paschal & Weinstein, 1985). Nevertheless, this belief is either contradicted or put in doubt

by a number of studies that have found no clear effect of homework on achievement (Check

& Ziebel, 1980; Cooper, 1989a, 1989b; Heller, Spooner, Anderson & Mimms, 1988). This

is most notably the case in elementary school, although homework may be beneficial for

other reasons, such as enhancing good study habits (Heller et al., 1988). Despite inconsistent results concerning the gains of homework, the current trend is to

give more homework than in previous decades, to recommend its systematic evaluation by

teachers, and to consider it a factor in students’ grading (Epstein, Polloway, Foley & Patton,

1992). Parents who believe in the positive academic effects of homework or who are aware

of this trend in schools, become increasingly concerned with children’s homework prepara-

tion (Liberman, 1983; Maertens & Johnson, 1972; Smilansky & Fisher, 1982; Stevenson et

al., 1990; Teichmann, Gollnitz & Gohler, 1975). It is unclear, however, whether it is desirable that parents take an active role in helping

their children with homework. Whether such help improves the child’s academic achieve-

ment, and what its effects are on the parent-child relationship and the well-being of each

party remain obscure. Our study examines these issues. There are some studies suggesting that parental help with homework boosts the child’s

achievement. For instance, an intervention study increasing parental feedback on homework

enhanced homework completion and improved test scores (Maertens & Johnson, 1972).

Results of intervention studies, though, should be cautiously interpreted when generalized,

because the extent and nature of help are determined experimentally rather than initiated and

conducted by the parent. A conclusion supportive of homework was also reached by some

cross-cultural studies, whereby the higher academic achievements of various cultural groups

(e.g., Chinese or Japanese versus North Americans) has been partly attributed to greater

parental involvement in homework (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Chen & Uttal, 1988).

However, these findings are inconclusive since cultural variations in parental involvement are confounded with a host ofcultural and familial factors relevant to scholastic performance.

Other studies have suggested that helping with homework has no positive effect on

achievement. Correlations between the extent of parental help and children’s grades were

found to be either negligible or negative (Chen & Stevenson, 1989; Epstein, 1983, 1988;

Miller & Kelley, 199 1; Wolf, 1979). These results were interpreted as reflecting a tendency

to help those children who are prone to fail. This interpretation is supported by evidence that

poorer students and those with learning disabilities or behavior disorders have more

problems with homework than other students (Anesco, Schiock, Ramirez & Levine, 1987; Bryan & Nelson, 1994; Epstein et al., 1992; Salend & Schiff, 1989).

It should be noted that parental help may cultivate undesirable tendencies such as

dependency or helplessness in the child. If, in addition, helping with homework raises tension

between parents and children and causes frustration and disappointment, it may be counter-

MATERNAL INVOLVEMENT 209

productive to the child’s functioning in school, and moreover, to their general well-being

(Epstein, 1988; Fleisher & Ohel, 1977; Smilansky, Fisher & Shefatya, 1986). Our study analyzed the factors that contribute to maternal help with homework, the effects

of such help on scholastic achievement and its emotional cost to the mother, and factors that

contribute to tensions raised between mother and child in the context of joint homework

preparation. These issues reflect our view that parental involvement in homework should be

evaluated as affecting the child’s learning, and family relations as well. Parental concern over the child’s achievement increases once the child enters formal

schooling, when criteria for success and failure are comparative and formal. We studied

mother and child dyads longitudinally, in the first and third grades. First graders and their

mothers were studied because the issue of helping with homework is often initially faced at

this stage. Assessments were repeated when the children reached third grade, since by then

a particular routine may have been established. Mothers were studied, rather than both

parents, since they are frequently the parent more involved in child-care (Bailey, 1994;

Cowan & Cowan, 1988; Fagan, 1994; McBride & Mills, 1993; Neck & Kingston, 1984;

Radin & Goldsmith, 198 l), including assistance with homework (Appelbaum-Peled, 1992;

Smilansky et al., 1986). We proposed a number of homework-related variables and a model of their interrelations.

The variables examined were the mother’s evaluation of her child’s learning difficulties, the

effects she attributed to helping with homework on her child’s well-being, the gratification

she experienced as a result of this help, the emotional cost she paid by helping, and her workload outside the home. We also included teachers’ evaluations of the children’s

scholastic achievement. We had three interrelated goals. GOAL 1 was to test individual stability over time in

homework-related variables. Our expectations were twofold: that homework-related vari-

ables would show stability across time, while changing in a particular direction with

increasing grade. The stability hypothesis was based on frequent findings that aspects of

parenting, including parental evaluations of child’s academic achievement, often show

substantial stability over time (Hart & Risely, 1992; Howes & Hamilton, 1992; Sink, Bamett

& Pool, 1993; Tubman & Lerner, 1994). Thus, mothers of first graders who help more, who

evaluate their children as having greater learning difficulties, who attribute more positive

effects to helping, who derive more gratification from helping, who pay a higher cost by

helping, and who work longer hours outside the home, will continue to do so relative to other mothers, when the child is in third grade.

The predicted group change from first to third grade was based on the assumption that in

first grade children undergo a transition to the competitive arena of school, facing the

difficulty of yielding to demanding regulations, and the challenge of mastering complex

cognitive skills (Entwisle, Alexander, Pallas & Cadigan, 1988; Itskowitz, Strauss &

Fruchter, 1987). In such times of transition, children can be expected to need help, and

mothers to respond to this need. Hence, mothers were expected to help more with homework, to derive more gratification from helping, to attribute more positive effects to helping, to

report a lesser cost of helping, and work fewer hours outside the home when their child is

210 LEVIN ET AL

in first grade. As to their evaluation of the child’s learning difftculties, no hypothesis was

presented, since learning problems can either decrease with adjustment to school, or increase

as a result of growing cognitive demands. Our second goal was to examine a model of the dynamics of helping. This model has

three main foci: factors affecting the extent to which mothers help their children with

homework, the effect of maternal help on the child’s scholastic functioning, and the emotional effects of helping on the mother.

According to this model, the extent of maternal help with homework depends on three

exogenous factors. First, it depends on the child’s scholastic standing as evaluated by the

teacher: the poorer the child’s functioning, the more the mother would help. Second, helping depends on her pedagogical beliefs concerning its effects: the greater the mother’s faith in

the benefits of helping, the more help she would provide. Finally, maternal help depends on resources such as time and energy, limited by her workload: the more she worked outside

the home, the less she would help. According to the model, two endogenous factors mediate helping with homework:

maternal perception of the child’s academic difficulties, and maternal gratification derived from helping with homework. We expected that the poorer the child’s scholastic functioning

assessed by the teacher the more she or he would be perceived by the mother as having

academic difficulties (Vitaro, Gagnon & Tremblay, 199 1). This is due both to communica-

tion between parents and teachers regarding the child’s functioning in school, and to the

independent but partly common information that parents and teachers have on the child.

Because the mothers have independent information on the child, we expected maternal

perception of the child’s academic functioning to have a unique contribution on her helping

with homework. Finally, we assessed the emotional cost paid by mothers, via reports of the extent to which

they felt nervous, disappointed or helpless, as a consequence of involvement in homework. According to our model, two endogenous variables were expected to affect emotional cost:

extent of helping, and child’s scholastic achievement. We expected mothers to pay a higher emotional cost the more they helped, and the lower their child’s scholastic achievement.

Our third goal was related to mother’s and child’s tensions created by each other’s

homework-related behaviors. We examined whether the extent of maternal involvement and the child’s scholastic functioning, along with other variables, affected tensions of the mother

and her third grade child. In sum, our study focused on factors affecting maternal involvement in homework,

consequences of that involvement in terms of achievement and of parent-child relations, and

the stability and change of the target dynamics.

METHOD

Participants Mothers of 92 children studying in four classrooms took part in the study when the children were in first grade (Time 1) and again when they were in third grade (Time 2). Fourteen


mothers participated in Time 1 only, and 12 mothers in Time 2 only, either because children

changed schools or because mothers refused to participate. The only information we have

on the 11 refusing mothers was their children’s level of scholastic achievement as evaluated

by teachers. In this respect, there was no difference between participating and refusing dyads.

In the third grade the children were interviewed as well. The schools were urban state schools in the greater area of Tel Aviv, Israel, selected for

serving a heterogeneous population, mainly of middle- to upper-middle socio-economic

strata. In Time 1, the mean ages of mothers and fathers were 35 and 39, respectively. Most

of the families were intact, with 85% and 82% of the parents married, in Time 1 and 2,

respectively. Mothers and fathers did not differ significantly in education, assessed in Time 1 (average

schooling years both of mothers and of fathers was 13, paired t (93) = .54, ns), with 46%

partially or fully having completed high-school and 53% having completed higher education. Occupational levels (Roe, 1956) of mothers and fathers were classified in Time 1 into six

levels by two independent reliable judges, (Y = .95,p < .OOl) and did not differ significantly

(paired t (86) = 1.48, ns). Respectively, 28% and 37% ofmothers and fathers had professional

or managerial occupations, 15% and 25% were semi-professionals, 22% and 21% were

skilled workers, and 16% and 14% semi-skilled or unskilled workers. The rest were

unemployed. Results were similar in Time 2. The work load outside the home was substantial for many mothers. In Time 1 and 2

respectively, 84.5% and 94% worked outside the home, on the average 32 and 35 hours per

week, with 64% and 69% working full time. Most fathers worked more days (paired t (93)

= 2.2 1, p < .OO 1) and more hours (paired t (93) = 4.05, p < .OO 1) per week, than mothers in

Time 1 and 2. The sample was equally divided into boys and girls. The mean ages in first and third

grade, respectively, were M= 6.3 and M= 9.3, and the respective ranges, 6-7 and 9-l 0. The

mean number of children in a family in Time 1 was 2.22. Among the target children, 60%

were first born and 25% second born. Middle class in Israel is assumed to resemble similar strata in Western countries. Research

carried out by the first author suggests that the population ofour sampled children is regularly

involved in activities assumed to promote problem-solving and learning skills. The children

are often read to, from a very young age, and play games that involve arithmetics (Rum-

mikub, Monopoly) and reading (e.g., Magnetic letters, Scrabble, Trivia). A substantial

proportion of the population owns personal computers with educational software. Four female homeroom teachers who taught the children in the first grade, and four who

taught them in the third grade were individually interviewed.

Questionnaires

Maternal Help. Each mother was asked to evaluate the extent to which she helped her

child prepare homework, on a l-5 scale: never, rarely, sometimes, frequently, or daily. She

also evaluated the extent of paternal involvement in homework on the same scale.

212 LEVIN ET AL

Maternal Gratification and Cost. The questionnaire included 15 items describing the mother’s personal gratification and 15 describing her emotional cost related to helping with homework. The two types of items were randomly interspersed. Each mother ranked the extent of her agreement with each statement, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “to a great extent.” A principal component analysis with rotation was conducted on all items in grade one. The first and second components accounted for 30.3% and 23.1% of the total variance. A third component, accounting for 5.5% of the variance, was ignored. The “gratification” and “cost” items loaded mainly on the first and second components respectively. One item was deleted since it failed to get high enough loadings on either component. Scores were highly reliable: Cronbach’s c1 = .94 and .92 for gratification in first and third grades respectively, and a = .92 and .94 for cost.

Items l-3 illustrate the assessment of gratification, and 46 the assessment of cost: Helping my daughter- 1. Strengthens the bond between me and my daughter; 2. Deepens my knowledge of myself; 3. Constitutes a mission and a destiny for me; 4. Is a severe test to my patience; 5. Induces in me a feeling of helplessness; and 6. Involves a feeling of

disappointment.

Maternal Attribution of Helping Effects on her Child. Each mother evaluated the potential effects on her child of intensive help with homework, by ranking how much she agreed with each statement, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “to a great extent.” The questionnaire included 16 items, with six positive and 10 negative effects randomly ordered. A component emerged that explained 54.0% of the variance, and all the items had moderate to high loadings on that component. The questionnaire was found highly reliable: Cronbach’s a = .97 and .96, for first and third grades, respectively.

Two positive and two negative items illustrate the questionnaire: I believe that my intensive helping (almost daily) with my son’s homework-l. Could encourage him to develop good learning habits that would help him work independently; 2. Could improve his grades, thereby increasing his motivation to study independently; 3. Might cause my son to become dependent on me; and 4. Might induce a feeling of helplessness in him.

Maternal Perceptions of Child’s Learning Difficulties. Each mother was asked to evaluate to what extent her child had specific difficulties considered relevant to academic functioning, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” The difficulties included domain-specific learning difficulties, attention deficits and immaturity. The questionnaire consisted of 14 items. A principal component analysis with rotation was carried out in grade one. The first component accounted for 43.2%. Eight items related to learning difficulties had high loadings on this component. The second component, which accounted for 12.5% of the total variance was ignored. Scores were found to be highly reliable: Cronbach’s a = .91 and X3 in first and third grade, respectively.

The following items illustrate the questionnaire: To what extent does your daughter have each of these difficulties? 1. Without help she will accumulate learning deficiencies that will make it hard for her to progress in the future; 2. It is difficult for my daughter to acquire reading skills.


Child’s Scholastic Standing Ranked by Teacher. Each teacher assessed her students’

achievements in reading, in mathematics, and in homework, on five levels, placing 7%, 23%,

40%, 23% and 7% of the students on the lowest to highest rank, respectively. Thus, the

distribution approximated a normal one and was equal for all teachers. Homework teachers’ ranking of young children has often been found to be related to

achievement in school (Alexander, Entwisle & Dauber, 1993). By relying on teachers’

rankings, rather than on grades, we overcame the problem of individual difference between

teachers, in both grading average and distribution. In addition, teachers of lower grades in

particular sometimes use grades to encourage poorer students. Our ranking system was

intended to be free of such bias, and enables us to treat the different teachers’ scores as

comparable. To ensure common criteria for assessment across teachers, the criteria were defined in

stereotypical terms. Reading was defined as “the ability to decode and comprehend written

material”; mathematics as “the ability to comprehend and solve arithmetic and word

problems”; homework as “preparing homework systematically and thoroughly.” Children’s

scores were summed across the three rankings, and could range from 3 to 15; the higher the

score the better the evaluated functioning. The internal reliability of the combined score

across the three rankings was high, Cronbach’s a = .82 and .87 in first and third grade,

respectively.

Third Grade Questionnaires

Informal conversations with mothers following interviews in first grade, revealed that

helping with homework often raised considerable tension in many families. Hence, we

prepared three questionnaires for the third grade, one for the child and two for the mother,

to explore interrelations between our variables and the tensions created by helping. Follow-

ing are the details of these questionnaires:

Child’s SelfReported Tension. The questionnaire included 16 items, each composed of

two parts. In the first part, children were asked to rank on a l-5 scale, from “almost never”

to “always,” the frequency with which their mother did certain things while helping. In the

second part, children were asked to indicate to what extent these behaviors caused them

tension, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” Three items illustrate the

questionnaire:

la. Mother erases answers that seem wrong to her. lb. When this happens I get upset;

2a. Mother checks my notebook to see that I didn’t forget to do any homework. 2b. when

this happens I get nervous; 3a. Mother says that I finished my homework too quickly.

3b. When she says so, it gets on my nerves.

A tension score was derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree

of tension. The internal reliability of the score was high: Cronbach’s a = .8 1.

214 LEVIN ET AL.

Child’s Tension as Reported by Mother. The questionnaire was composed of the same items as the previous one, rephrased from the mother’s perspective and answered by her. For instance, la. I tell my daughter that she finished her homework too quickly. 1 b. When I say so, it gets on her nerves.

A tension score, derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree of tension, was found internally reliable, Cronbach’s c1= .87.

Maternal Self Reported Tension. The questionnaire included 24 items, each composed of two parts. In the first part, mothers were asked to rank on a l-5 scale, from “very rare” to “always,” how often a specific act of their child occurred when helping with homework.

In the second part, mothers were asked to describe to what extent this behavior caused them tension, on a l-5 scale, from “not at all” to “very much.” Three items illustrate the

questionnaire:

la. My son puts off homework for “later.” 1 b. When he does this, I get nervous; 2a. My son argues with me over the right answer. 2b. When he does this, I get upset; 3a. I explain to my son and he does not listen. 3b. When this happens, I get frustrated.

A tension score, derived by multiplying the ranked frequency by the ranked degree of tension, was found internally reliable: Cronbach’s a = .93.

Attributed Reasons for Change in Helping. Mothers of third graders were asked how much help they were providing in comparison to when the children were in first grade, on a l-5 scale from “much less” to “much more.” Three questionnaires were prepared, one proposed reasons for reducing, one for increasing, and one for not changing the extent of help. Each mother filled out the questionnaire which suggested reasons for what she reported to have done.

Since most mothers reported decreasing the amount of help from first to third grade, only this questionnaire was analyzed. Mothers ranked the extent to which each reason for decreasing help suited them, on a l-5 scale, from “does not suit me” to “suits me very much.” The questionnaire consisted of 17 items, which underwent a principal component analysis with rotation. Five components emerged, accounting for 65% of the variance, the major two accounting for 24% and 18% of the total variance.

The first factor referred to disappointment with helping. Two examples follow, including loadings on this factor: I currently help less than in first grade 1. Since it does not assist or promote my son anyhow (.85). 2. Because it causes irritation and disputes between me and my son (.75). The second factor referred to the child’s decreased need for help, and is illustrated by two examples: 1. Because my daughter copes well with her homework on her own (.87). 2. Because my daughter needs my help less (.85).

Procedure Mothers and children were interviewed in their homes. Each mother filled out the

questionnaires on her own, at her own pace, in the presence of one interviewer, whose role


was to clarify questions and to ensure that no item would be overlooked. Questionnaires came in two parallel versions, one referring to a son, the other to a daughter, to increase their relevance to the mother. Each child was subsequently interviewed by the same interviewer. To secure confidentiality no one was present besides the interviewer and interviewee. The teachers performed the rankings in their homes or at school, under the guidance of the interviewer. The interviewers were female students ofpsychology or educational counseling.

RESULTS

Helping with Homework: Reported Frequency

A remarkable proportion of mothers were involved with their first grader’s homework. A total of 10% reported helping every day, 27% frequently, 30% sometimes, 28% infrequently, and only 4% reported never doing so. While involvement decreased with time, it remained substantial in the third grade, with 2% helping every day, 10% frequently, 39% sometimes, 4 1% infrequently, and only 8% never taking part.

Mothers reported paternal help on the same scale, A 2-Way ANOVA of 2 (Parent: mother vs. father) X 2 (Grade: 1st vs. 3rd) on extent of helping, indicated that mothers reported helping more than the fathers (F( 1,403) = 56.76,~. < 001) and that helping decreased with grade (F(1,403) = 14.75,~ < .OOl), with no significant interaction. The following analyses

deal only with mother’s helping in homework preparation.

Stability and Change from First to Third Grade

Substantial stability emerged on all variables from first to third grade. Table 1 presents significant correlations, ranging from moderate to high, between corresponding variables measured in the two grades.

TABLE 1 Mean Scores and Standard Deviations by Grade, Pearson Correlations and t-Test Between

Grades (n=92 Per Grade)

Variable

Grade 1 Grade 3

M SD M SD r t Maternal help

Maternal gratification Maternal cost Help effects Learning difficulties (by

mother) Maternal work hours Scholastic achievement

(by teacher)

15.10 3.57 12.30 3.30 ,59*+*x ,,,****

41.20 15.39 35.29 13.57 .53**** 4 02**** 26.50 10.51 24.24 11.25 .53**** 2:04** 46.48 18.92 39.73 18.03 .34*x** 3,04*x*

8.59 3.33 9.52 4.89 .39**** -1.90x

29.18 14.19 32.49 13.92 .57**** -2.29** 3.03 .86 3.07 .97 .60**** -.50

No&Maternal work hours was computed only for the 82 mothers working outside the home. *p < .06, **p < .05, ***p < .Ol, ****p < .OOl.

216 LEVIN ET AL

Despite this stability, group change from first to third grade appeared on all variables.

Comparisons drawn by t-tests between mean scores on the corresponding variables assessed

in the two grades revealed significant differences on all variables except one which was

nearly significant. When the children were in third grade, as compared to two years earlier,

mothers helped less with homework preparation, received less gratification, paid a lower

cost by helping, attributed fewer positive effects of helping on their child’s well- being, and

spent more hours working outside the home. On the average, mothers tended to view their

children in third grade as having more learning difficulties 0) < .06) than in first grade. Since

teachers assessed the entire class’s academic achievement according to normal distribution,

the mean scores were practically identical in grades one and three.

Empirical Model for Testing Maternal Involvement in Homework Using the model of maternal involvement as the basic empirical model, we analyzed the

correlation matrices for first and third grades separately with the statistical package of

Linear-Structural relationships (LISREL VI program; Jiireskog & S&born, 1984). The

exogenous variables, which were not meant to be explained by the model (i.e., variability

assumed to be determined by causes outside the model), were the child’s scholastic

achievement evaluated by the teacher, maternal attributions of help effects on her child, and

mother’s working hours outside the home. The endogenous variables, whose variability was explained by the model, were maternal

perceptions of the child’s learning difftculties, and maternal gratification. The outcomes of

the model consisted of behavioral and emotional variables affecting the mother-child

interactio-amely, maternal help with homework and mother’s cost of this help. Table 2 presents intercorrelations between the variables, for the first and third grades

separately. It shows a substantial stability across grades in the relations among variables. Variables

which significantly correlated in grade one, often correlated in grade three as well. In both

grades, extent of mother’s help was positively related to her gratification from helping, and

to her attribution of positive effects of helping on her child. Mothers provided more help if

they drew personal gratification from helping, and if they believed that helping was

advantageous to the child. Helping was negatively related to the teacher’s evaluation of the

child’s scholastic achievement; mothers of poorer students helped their children more. Mother’s gratification from helping was positively related to her belief that assistance

had a beneficial effect on her child; the more gratification derived from helping, the stronger

the belief that it was good for the child. Mother’s emotional cost was related to the child’s

academic achievement; she suffered more from helping if she evaluated the child as having

learning difficulties, and if the teacher evaluated him/her as a poor student. Finally, maternal

evaluations of the child’s academic achievement was related to the teacher’s ranking of

his/her scholastic standing. The LISREL estimates (maximum likelihood) for direct and indirect effects of exogenous

and endogenous variables with the outcome variables, in first and third grades, are presented

in Table 3.


TABLE 2 Wiihin Grade Intercorrelations:

n = 106 First Grade; n = 92 Third Grade

2 3 4 5 6 7

Grade MG MC HE LD WH SA

1. Maternal help

2. Maternal gratification

3. Maternal cost

4. Help effects

5. Learning difficulties

1st 3rd

1st 3rd

1st 3rd

1st 3rd

1st 3rd

.59***

.32**

-.- -.-

6. Working hours 1st 3rd

7. Scholastic achievement (teacher’s report)

.22* *38*+x

.12 &I***

.I6 .46*** -.lO .23*

-.- .13 -.- -.I2

-.- -.-

.I6

.22*

.I3 -.I0

.54***

.51***

.16

.I6

-.- -.-

-.16 .I2

-.03 -.04

-.06 -.I2

.07

.02

.04

.03

-.- -.-

-.35*** -.21*

-.20* -.02

-.28** -.31**

-.ll -.14

-.40*** -.60***

.08 -.I9

Notes. *p < .05, **p c .Ol, ***/I < .OOl.

Figures 1 and 2 display only the significant path coefficients for the revised models for

first and third grade. With regard to the first grade (Figure I), the adjusted goodness-of-fit index of the model

was .94, x2 (7) = 4.47, p = .61. This suggests a good fit to the data, and the model can be

considered validated. Over 43% of the variance of maternal help and over 36% of maternal

cost were explained by the measures of the model. Maternal helping with homework in first grade was predicted by five variables. The

variables which contributed directly and positively were maternal gratification from helping,

and maternal attributions of positive effect of assistance on the child. The more she derived

gratification from helping and the more she believed that her help would enhance her child’s

well-being, the more help she provided. The variables that contributed directly and nega-

tively were the child’s scholastic standing as evaluated by the teacher, and the mother’s

working hours outside the home. The more highly the teacher evaluated the child’s scholastic achievement and the more the mother worked outside the home, the less she helped. The

variable that contributed to help indirectly was maternal attribution of helping, and maternal

gratification. The more positively she evaluated the effects of help, the more gratification

she derived, the more help she provided. The cost of maternal help was significantly predicted by three variables. The two variables

that contributed directly and positively were maternal perception of her child’s learning difficulties and the amount of help given. The more learning difficulties perceived and the

more help given, the higher the cost. The variable that contributed indirectly was the child’s

218 LEVIN ET AL

TABLE 3 Direct and Indirect Effects of Maternal Help with Homework and Maternal Cost

Indicator

First Grade Maternal help Maternal gratification Help effects Learning difficulties Working hours Scholastic achievement

Third Grade Mother’s help Mother’s gratification

Help effects Learning difficulties Working hours Academic achievement

Maternal help Maternal cost

direct indirect direct indirect

-.- -.- .16* .oo .48*** -.oo .oo .oo .15* .22* .oo .08

-.Ol -.Ol .56*** -.Ol -.14* -.03 .oo .03 -.24** -.07 .oo -.26**

-.- -.- .Ol .oo .26** .oo .oo .02 .35** .07 .oo .04 .I7 -.06 .51*** .Ol .lO -.03 .oo -.05

-.04 -.I0 .oo -.31**

/Vote. Values for direct and indirect effects are unstandardized coefficients. *p < .05, **p < .Ol, ***,, < .OOl.

Figure 1. Revised model for maternal help and maternal cost for first grade. (Only the

significant test coefficients ore presented, p < .05.)


(3 Working HOW-S

Mother’s U cost

Figure 2. Revised model for maternal help and maternal cost for third grade. (Only the

significant test coefficients are presented, p < .05.)

scholastic standing as evaluated by teachers, mainly through maternal perception of the

child’s learning difficulties. The lower the teacher rated the child’s achievement, and the

more the mother perceived the child as having learning difficulties, the higher her cost. With regard to the third grade (Figure 3), the adjusted goodness-of-fit index of the model

was .86, x2 (7) = 11.78, p = .08. This suggests a modest tit of the model to the data. Over

29% of the variance of maternal help and over 26% of maternal cost were explained by the

measures of the model. Maternal help with homework in the third grade was predicted by two variables which

had a similar effect in the first grade. The variables that contributed directly and positively were maternal attributions of help effects, and maternal gratification from helping. The cost

of maternal involvement was significantly predicted by two variables which had a similar

effect in first grade. The variable that contributed directly and positively was maternal perception of the child’s learning difficulties. The variable that contributed indirectly was

the child’s scholastic achievement as evaluated by teachers mainly through maternal percep-

tion of the child’s learning difficulties. Several paths found to be significant in the model for first grade were insignificant in the

model for third grade. This alone does not mean that the two models are significantly

different. To test for the difference between paths, the grades were compared directly using

a multisample analysis (Joreskog & S&born, 1984), in which the matrices were forced to be equal over grades. The resulting chi-square statistics, x2 (34) = 118.75, p < .OO 1, indicated

that the paths in the models for the first and third grades were in fact significantly different.

220 LEVIN ET AL

Changing the Extent of Help from Grade 1 to 3. A substantial proportion of mothers, 65.4%, reported decreasing help from first to third

grade. This result adds reliability to our finding that mothers’ direct reports of amount of

helping in third grade, were lower than the direct reports in first grade. Only the reasons for decreasing extent of helping were analysed. Two major factors emerged, one pertaining to

disappointment from helping and the other to the child’s decreased need for help. These

reasons help interpret the difference between models for helping in the two grades. Other factors, like teacher’s decreased request for help or mother’s decreased motivation to help

accounted for lesser variability, and were considered marginal.

Prediction from Grade 1 to Grade 3

To assess the predictive contribution of the variables from first grade to the explained

variance in third grade on the child’s scholastic standing ranked by teacher, maternal involvement in homework, and maternal cost, three separate multiple regression analyses

were performed using a two-step hierarchical procedure. In each of the regression analyses, the predictor variables entered the regression equation in a stepwise fashion, after the

corresponding measure from grade one was entered into the equation in the first step. The

predictor variables were maternal gratification, maternal cost, perceived help effects, mater-

nal perception of learning difficulties, and maternal working hours. This strategy made a change score out of the third grade score, partialling from it all variance shared with the corresponding score in the first grade (Cohen & Cohen, 1983).

The child’s scholastic achievement assessed by the teacher in third grade was predicted

by the child’s achievement in the first grade (l3 = 59, p < .OOl) explaining 34% of the variance, and by the mother’s attribution of help effects (l3 = -.20, p < .02) explaining 2.8% of the variance. Better students in grade one continued to be better students in grade three.

In addition, the weaker the maternal inclination to attribute positive effects to helping in grade one, the stronger the child’s scholastic improvement in grade three.

To more specifically examine the prediction of third grade achievements we conducted

separate analyses of achievement in reading, mathematics, and homework performance. As

above, in each of the regression analyses the predictor variables entered into the regression equation in a stepwise fashion, after the corresponding measure from grade one was entered into the equation in the first step. Children’s reading level in third grade was predicted only

by their reading in first grade (p = .54, p < .OOl) explaining 29% of the variance. Better readers in first grade continued to be better readers in third grade. Children’s level in mathematics in third grade was predicted by their mathematics level in first grade (l3 = 54,

p < .OOl) explaining 29% of the variance, and by the mother’s gratification (l3 = -. 19, p c: .03) explaining 4% of the variance. Better students in math in grade one continued to be better students in math in grade three. In addition, the less the maternal gratification in grade one, the more the child’s math improved in grade three. Child’s performance on homework

in third grade was predicted by homework performance in first grade (l3 = .42, p < .OOl)

explaining 2 1% of the variance, and by the mother’s attribution of help effects (p = -.20, p < .03) explaining 4% of the variance. Students performing better on homework in grade one

continued to perform better in grade three. In addition, the less the mother was inclined to


attribute positive effects to helping in grade one, the more her child’s performance on homework improved in grade three. To summarize, the only consistent and substantial

predictor of third grade performance was the child’s performance in grade one, indicating marked stability in scholastic achievement over time.

The most interesting finding of this study was that maternal help with homework in grade one had no significant effect on the child’s changing scholastic achievement in grade three,

neither positive nor negative (p =-.09, ns). To examine this finding more carefully, separate analyses were carried out on the effects of helping on reading, mathematics, and homework

performance. Maternal help with homework in grade one had no significant effect on the child’s changing scholastic achievement in grade three in reading (p = -. 14, ns), math (p =

-. 11, ns), and homework performance (p = .O 1, ns). Maternal help with homework in grade three was predicted by her helping in grade one

(p = .55,p < .OOl), explaining 3 1% of the variance, and by her attribution of help effects (p = .21, p < .02), explaining 3.6% of the variance. Mothers who tended to participate in

homework preparation in grade one continued to do so, relative to others, in grade three. In

addition, the more positively the mother rated the effects of assistance in first grade, the more

she tended to increase help in third grade. Maternal cost in grade three was predicted by the cost in grade one (p = .53, p < .OO l),

explaining 28.6% of the variance, and by her perception in grade one of the child’s learning difficulties (p = .29, p < .009), explaining 5.9% of the variance. Mothers who tended to

perceive helping as costly in grade one continued to do so in grade three, with the perceived

cost increasing in third grade if the child had learning difficulties.

Frequency and Intensity of Tensions Three measures of tension created by the homework situation were assessed: child’s self

reported tension, child’s tension reported by the mother, and maternal self reported tension. The intercorrelations were all significant 0, < .OOl). The correlation between the mother’s

and child’s reports of child’s tension was Y = .35. The correlation between the child’s and mother’s tensions, both reported by the mother, was Y = .74. The correlation between self reports of mother’s and child’s tensions was r = .43.

To assess the relations between the variables related to the homework situation and the child’s and mother’s tensions, three separate regression analyses were carried out. Stand-

ardized beta weights and explained variances for the regression analyses are presented in Table 4.

The variables explained 2 1% ofthe child’s selfreported tension, F(7,75) = 2.92,~ -=z .009, 55% of the child’s tension as perceived by the mother, F (7,75) = 13.18, p < .OO 1, and 40% of maternal self reported tension, F (7,75) = 7.35, p < .OOl. More specifically, child’s self reported tension was found to be significantly related to maternal helping with homework; the more the help, the more tension reported. Child’s tension as perceived by the mother was

significantly related to the mother’s emotional cost as well as to maternal help; the higher

the maternal cost and the more she helped, the more she perceived the child to be tense. Finally, self reported maternal tension was associated with both cost and gratification; the

higher the cost and the lower the gratification, the more tension reported.

222 LEVIN ET AL

TABLE 4 Regression Analyses Predicting Child’s and Mother’s Tensions (n = 92)

Child’s tension-self Child’s tension- Mother’s tension-self reported p reported by mother p reported p

I. Maternal help .25* .34*** .I1 2. Maternal cost .16 .66*** .47*** 3. Maternal gratification -.07 -.I2 -.21* 4. Learning difficulties .20 -.07 .I3 5. Help effects .05 -.Ol .02 6. Working hours .07 .I1 .06 7. Scholastic achievement .02 .Ol -.02

R2 .21 .55 -40

Note. p = Standardized regression coefficients. *p < .05, **p < .Ol, ***/I c .OOl.

DISCUSSION

The growing support for increasing the homework load, for promoting its role in the learning

process, and for involving parents in its preparation, is based on the claim that homework

provides a bridge between school and home, thereby improving both the child’s academic

achievement and well-being (Epstein et al., 1992). Our study illuminates the disadvantages

of parental involvement in homework. Previous studies, whether correlational or interventional, could hardly provide a rigorous

response to the straightforward question, whether parental help actually improves the child’s

academic achievement (Cooper, 1989a, 1989b). Correlations fall short of providing causal

interpretations, while interventions are not representative of spontaneous help, from the point

of view of who helps, why, how much and how. Longitudinal studies, looking at the effect

of naturally occurring help on the change in academic achievement from one grade to

another, provide a better founded response. Our study, the first to use this methodology, did

not find that maternal help had any effect, positive or negative, on the change from first to

third grade. Such help may be ineffectual for a number of reasons. Good-to-average students do not

need help in coping with regular assignments. Poor students may need help but their parents

may lack the skills needed to teach children with learning difficulties and/or behavioral

problems. For such children, helping may even be counterproductive, increasing frustration

and helplessness. Our finding that maternal helping with homework has no effect on the child’s changing

academic status, should be limited on two grounds. It can probably be generalized to

populations represented by our sample: young elementary schoolers, from a middle- to

upper-middle class. Since homework preparation, was found to have little effect on achieve-

ment in elementary school but grew productive, in middle and secondary school (Cooper,

1989a, 1989b), it may be the case that parental help similarly becomes fruitful only at a later


stage. In the same vein, help given to socially disadvantaged children may be more

productive than to middle-class children, since the former are often less prepared for school

tasks (Levin, Share & Shatil, 1966; Norman & Breznitz, 1992). However since mothers in

general may lack the subject-matter knowledge required to teach older children, disadvantaged mothers may be particularly ill-prepared (Stevenson et al., 1990).

The decline in help given from first to third grade was attributed by mothers to two factors:

disappointment from its effectiveness and a decrease in the child’s need for help. Mothers

who decreased help often expressed disbelief in its promoting the child’s learning, or

reported concern over its causing disputes between them and their children. The change from first to third grade in homework-related variables suggests a growing

separation between mother and child, manifested in decreasing behavioral and emotional

involvement of mothers in their children’s school work, and perhaps in their day-to-day

activities as well. Mothers were less emotionally involved with homework, drawing less

gratification from helping and paying a lower emotional cost. Their belief in their positive

influence decreased, as evidenced by their more frequent claims that helping discouraged

independence and promoted helplessness in the child. In line with this interpretation, as

children grew older mothers increased the number of working hours outside the home. Flexible parenting, believed to promote child’s development, involves a gradual separa-

tion between parent and child, adjusted to the child’s growing cognitive and emotional

competencies. Consistent with this conception, the factors in our study that predicted

maternal helping with homework, revealed changes from first to third grade. In first grade those children who were evaluated as poorer students by their teachers,

received more help from their mothers. Helping was also related to the mother’s workload

outside the home: the less she worked, the more she helped. In grade three both these relations

became insignificant. This may mean that mothers became less responsive to their children’s

scholastic needs through help with homework. This was probably because their conviction

that their assistance would be beneficial had decreased. In both grades degree of helping was related to maternal pedagogical beliefs and

gratification. Mothers provided more help if they drew more personal gratification from

helping, and if they believed that helping was advantageous to the child. This indicates that

maternal help is affected by her concern both with the child’s and her own needs. Both factors

decreased with time, as mothers on average received less gratification, and perceived fewer

positive effects. Previous research of parental involvement in homework, has not considered its effect on

parental well-being and family relations. We studied maternal cost-disappointment, frus-

tration, fatigue, and the like-associated with homework-related variables. In both grades,

the child’s scholastic standing as reported by the teacher, and the mother’s evaluation of

hisker academic difficulties, were related to maternal cost. Mothers helping poorer students

paid a greater cost. Thus, involvement is most difficult for the parent when it seems most

needed for the child. In first grade only, the degree of helping also affected cost: mothers who helped more,

paid a higher cost. The fact that this relation decreased or disappeared by third grade may

224 LEVIN ET AL

indicate that with time, the degree of maternal helping per se, was less detrimental. Cost

became uniquely related to the child’s learning difficulties, increasing the particular risk to

mothers of poorer students. Mother-child interactions within the context of homework were examined via the child’s

and mother’s tensions. Correlations between self reported tensions by mother and child, and

maternal reports of child’s tension indicate that both sides reciprocally suffer in this

interaction: Mothers who grow tense when helping increase tension in their children, and

vice versa. It seems plausible that behaviors that increase the tension of one party will invite

behaviors that raise tension in the other, in a vicious circle. This interpretation is further

supported by the relation between maternal cost and tension; When the mother reported

experiencing costs, she also reported that she and the child were suffering tension in the

context of helping with homework.

The child’s tension, whether reported by him/herself or by the mother, was also related

to the amount ofmaternal help. When mothers were more frequently involved, the interaction

aroused more tension in the child. The main findings of this study can be summarized in four conclusions: that maternal

help with homework has no effect on the child’s academic functioning; that such help is

given mostly to poorer students whose mothers perceive them as having learning difficulties

and needing help; that helping increases both maternal cost and tensions between mother

and child, and that the amount of helping, emotional cost of helping, and the child’s academic

functioning remain quite stable from first to third grade. These conclusions lead to a serious

dilemma. One might conclude that maternal, and probably parental helping with homework, should

be discouraged. This conclusion is not easily given nor accepted, particularly when the child

seems to need help in coping with academic tasks. It becomes even more problematic in light

of current educational policies. Educational authorities advocate giving more homework,

and stress its significance as part of formal education; the importance of homework for the

child’s scholastic success subsequently increases (Epstein et al., 1992). Furthermore, main-

streaming children with learning difficulties and/or behavioral problems enlarges the popu-

lation of students who have persistent problems with homework (Foley & Epstein, 1993). Two types of solutions suggest themselves: either to provide professional help and relieve

parents of this burden, or to work with parents on improving this socio-cognitive transaction.

However, professional help is less accessible than parental help, and too costly to solve a

problem so widespread. Helping parents to better cope with this task may therefore be the

most fruitful solution. A few studies have involved tutoring mothers of children with homework problems

(Anesco & O’Leary, 1982; Kahle & Kelley, 1994; Miller & Kelley, 199 1). Tutoring proved

beneficial in developing routines and coping strategies, increasing homework completion,

and sometimes enhancing accuracy. These results, though, should be viewed as preliminary,

since the samples were small and the homework improvement effect on scholastic achieve-

ment was not tested.


We suggest to carefully study parental involvement in its natural context, to determine

how and when it is beneficial both for the child and for parent-child relations. The insights

gained should be disseminated among child psychologists or educational counselors, in

training them to provide guidance and support for parents. Furthermore, these insights should

be made general knowledge, accessible to parents through public channels. Thus, a problem

which frequently troubles parents and children, may approach a solution,

Acknowledgment: This is working paper no. 97-4 ofthe unit of Human Development and

Education at Tel Aviv University.

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