imran hartal introduction
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Introduction
The right to expression of views, including dissent, through public demonstrations and social
mobilization is a democratic right enshrined in international law and practiced throughout the
world -- from demonstrating against multilateral trade regimes, to rallying for the protection of
the environment, to protesting against illegitimate regimes. The voicing of differing views and
political debate over policies is a healthy feature of any modern democracy. As the Human
Development Report 2002 notes:
Changes in the world have shifted human development priorities and made political freedom,
participation and collective action much more important as public policy issues.... Open space
for free political debate and the diverse ways in which people can express their views are the
essence democratic life and are what make decision making work in democracies
In this context, the right to call a hartal -- a particular form of protest used in Bangladesh and in
other parts of South Asia -- could be viewed is a legitimate democratic right. However, when this
right impinges on the rights of individuals to earn a living and to go about their daily lives in
peace and security, a situation of conflict of competing rights arises. Hartals are often called in
the name ofthe people, but it is ordinary people whose movements are restricted, property
endangered, and progress curbed. Children miss school, the sick miss treatment, and business
miss targets. In addition, the reality in Bangladesh is that the success of hartals often rests on
coercion, or even the use of payment to hired hands by hartal organisers to mobilise support.
At the same time, hartals can also be viewed a symptom of the frustration of opposition parties
at the lack of space for them to play a constructive role in democratic dialogue and the winner
takes all style of successive Governments. In this respect, promoting a more constructive role
for opposi tion in Parliament, and enabling greater freedom of expression through peaceful
demonstrations and through the media could take away much of the impetus for hartals .
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Background of the Research
It is a matter of debate about the impact of hartal on poor people in Bangladesh. Because there is
no previous specific research about this matter. Most people believe that hartal has a negative
impact on poor people. But some other think it can also increase the income of low income
people like rickshaw pullers because most other vehicles stop at hartal day. We always say that
hartal creates insecurity, reduce income level and changes lifestyle but we have not found any
research that which factors play the vital role in reducing the income of low income people,
creating insecurity, changing lifestyle. These contradictory matters, assumptions help me to
select this research problem.
Objectives of the Research
The purpose of the study is to find the impact of hartal on low-income people. The study will find out how much the poor are in favor or against the hartal. The study will help to get a clear idea which helps the government and political party to
remake their policy.
The study will help to create a consciousness among people about hartal. The study will give a proved document to those who always against the hartal.
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DEFINITION OF HARTAL
The literal translation of the word hartal, derived from Gujarati, is closing down shops or
lockingdoors. However, in Bangladesh today hartals are usually associated with the stoppage
of vehicular traffic and closure of markets, shops and offices for a specific period of time to
articulate agitation (Huq, 1992). In todays context of contentious politics hartals can be
described as:
The temporary suspension of work in business premises, offices and educational
institutions and movement of vehicular traffic nationally , regionally or locally as a mark of
protest against actual or perceived grievances called by a political party or parties or otherdemand groups.
The description above captures the essential features of hartal and is the working definition of
hartal used in this paper. As noted in other sections of the paper -- people involved in staging
hartals are often hired to demonstrate and citizens who participate in the hartal may be doing
so more out of coercion or fear of violence than from genuine belief in the issue for which the
hartal is being called.
The History of Hartals
This chapter provides a historical analysis of hartals in Bangladesh, examining their changing
patterns from the colonial period until today. It tallies the frequency of hartals in different
periods of Bangladeshs political history, noting the causes forwhich they were called and who
they were called by. It also examines the social basis for the legitimacy of hartals in the past and
their present decline. The data for this chapter come from both primary and secondary
sources. Dasgupta (2001) has painstakingly prepared a database of hartals in Bangladesh from
1947 to 2000. This has been used as a basis, but for the purpose of this paper that data has been
revised by adding information for 2001-2002,
.
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THE ORIGINS OF HARTALS AS A FORM OF
PEACEFUL PROTEST
Protest movements are part of the historical process through which democracy has been
strengthened in South Asia. Hartals emerged as a key instrument of political protest in response
to colonial rule in India, and generally speaking, have been a feature of anti-colonial struggles
and pro-democracy movements.
Hartals should therefore be considered within the broader spectrum of protest movements
that mushroomed during the colonial period. A common form of protest in this period was
the boycott. A decisive historical moment was 7 August1905, when a boycott was called to
protest thepartition of Bengal by Lord Curzon (Tripathy2000). Boycotts were also deployed in
the militantnationalist movement that followed.
The political culture of protest in India persistedover time. A full-blown nationalist movement
over time. A full-blown nationalist movement was spearheaded by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who
devisedsatyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as a form satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as
a form political protest against the Black Act in South Africa in September 1906 (Erikson, 1969).
This was used in India in 1918, and a year later Gandhi called a day of fasting and hartals to
protest against the Rowlatt Bill , an act passed by the Imperial Legislative Council in 1919
to curb terrorism (Hardgrave, 1980). This is possibly the first instance of the use of hartals in
modern India.
When Gandhi called for a total boycott of British goods and institutions, it was similar to a hartal
and in 1921, when he called for a boycott of the visit of the Prince of Wales, in most towns and
the Prince cities only saw closed shutters (Bose and Jalal, 1999: 141).
For Gandhi hartals were an important instrument of passive resistance. He called off the non
cooperation movement, however, after a police station was attacked, set ablaze and policemen
killed at Chauri Chaura. Gandhi again began a Civil Disobedience memovent with the famous
Salt March on 12 March 1930 to defy the Salt Law andwith a view to achieving independence
but againhalted the movement amidst escalating violence(Majumdar, 1996). What Gandhi did
achieve was the fruitful use of an extremely innovativeinstrument of non-violent
political protest. However, as noted above, from the 1930s it wasoften the case that sporadic
violence occurred andit was not possible even for a leader like Gandhi tosteer it above the
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turbulent waves of violence.
THE CONTINUATION OF THE HARTAL
PHENOMENON IN SOUTH ASIA
In the postcolonial period hartals have persisted and even escalated in most countries of South
Asia. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that South Asia is a theater of hartals, orbandhs , as
the phenomenon is known in some areas. They have become an inexorable part of the political
culture of South Asia. In India, strikes, hartals and student unrest increased over three successive
decades. In the early phase of benign democracy under Nehru from 1952 to 1963, work days lost
to strikes and hartals amounted to 5.26 million a year. For the next 11 years, under Shastri and
Indira Gandhi, there was what Rudolph and Rudolph call the growth of demand politics,
spearheaded by different political groups and leading to a sharp rise in strikes and bandhs(1987). As a result, there was a more than threefold increase in lost workdays, averaging
18.16 million days a year during this period. During the two years of emergency rule under
Indira Gandhi this figure declined a little, to 17.35 million days per year but during the eight
years of Desai and Indira Gandhi, the number of work days lost nearly doubled, to 33.06
million days each year on average (ibid.).
Although comparable data were not available for more recent periods, various reports suggest
that bandhs are still a significant feature of political life in India. In West Bengal, the ruling Left
Front has repeatedly called bandhs: there were three bandhs in the province within the first sixmonths of 2002 (Bandh Blues, 2002).
A report in 2002 pointed out that bandhs arespreading like wildfire. A most ominous
development in recent times is the state sponsoredbandh. If the establishment which is
supposed toprevent a bandh itself organizes one for its politicalwell-being, we are in serious
trouble (Nadkarni2002). Even the police have called bandhs in India.
Perhaps the Indian situation can be best described in the words of Myron Weiner, an
authoritative source on Indian politics
Indians have perfected the art of protest, and asone journalist wrote, Indians have as
manynative words for protest as Eskimos have for snow. There can be satyagraha, or civil
disobedience;gherao, or forcibly locking an official in his office; dharna, or general strike;
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morcha, ormarch; and there can be fasts, black flag demon-
strations, work stoppages across the state... (Weiner, 1987: 53).
Nepal also suffers from frequent bandhs. Between February 1990 and December 2000, nearly
50 bandhs were called in Nepal and only twice did the organizers withdraw them. Only 16 of
the strikes were limited to Kathmandu Valley (The Kathmandu Post, 2000)
HISTORICAL PATTERN OF HARTALS
IN BANGLADESH
The analysis of the data on hartals shows that between 1947 and 2002, an estimated 1172 hartal
were observed in the country -- Figure 2.1 shows the geographical distribution of regional orlocal hartals as per division of Bangladesh.
The trend over time in the frequency of calling hartals is mapped out in Figure 2.2. As can be
seen from Figure 2.2 during the first three years that Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, there was
only one hartal. It was called by Tamaddun Majlish and the East Pakistan Muslim Student
League on 11 March 1948 to demand the recognition of Bangla as a state language. Although it
was called to take effect all over the country, the hartal was only observed in some of the major
cities and towns, which suggests that hartals had yet to become a popular vehicle of protest.
0 50 100 150 200 250 300
Dhaka
Chittagong
Rajshahi
Khulna
Syhlet
Barisal
290
283
238
168
94
94
Figure: Resonal and Local Hartal in
Bangladesh By Division: 1947-2002
Dhaka
Chittagong
Rajshahi
Khulna
Syhlet
Barisal
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The Language Movement of 1952 triggered a number of hartals. In 1952, a hartal was
observed for a longer period, from 22 to 24 February. Another hartal was observed on 21
February 1953, in response to a call by the Central Language Parishad. There were no hartals
during the next few years while the country was under the governors rule. During the
twenty years Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, only 29 hartals took place; the number peaked
during the mass movements of 1969. The month of March 1971 was marked by almost
continuous hartals until thecrackdown of the Pakistani army.
Far from what might be expected, the number of hartals has not decreased since the ushering in
of Independence in 1971. Although there were relatively few hartals in the early years
following Independence, the number of hartals began to escalate sharply from 1979,
particularly during the Ershad period. There were about 100 hartals between 1979 and 1986.
The number of hartals rose sharply after 1987 with some 245 hartals between 1987 and 1990.
Since 1990, during parliamentary democracy, the number of hartals have continued
to rise steadily, with the latest period for which data are available experiencing some 332 hartals(1999-2002). Thus, the democratic period of thecountry has experienced by far the largest
numberof hartals.
1 516
1 6
38 36
1
48 52
245
216229
332
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
Figure: Hartal in Bangladesh: 1947-2002
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Figure 2.3 titled The Landscape of Hartaldetails the locations where regional and local hartals
were called during three historical periods: 1947-1971 (pre-Independence), 1972-1990 (post-
Independence) and 1991-2001 (Parliamentary democracy). It indicates that the largest number
of hartals --142-- took place in Chittagong, followed by Dhaka and Sylhet. Barisal had the lowest
incidence. Jessore with 48 hartals had nearly as many hartals as Khulna, a metropolitan city,
and Rajshahi with 33 was close to Bogra in the number of hartals.
When one looks into demand groups that called or participated in hartals it is clear that political
parties together have called or supported the largest number of hartals -- in the period 1991-2002(see Figure 2.4)
0 5 10 15
Jubo Dol
Jubo League
Jamat
Other Parties
Left Parties
Freedom Fighter Association
Chatra Shibir
Chatra Dol
Jatiya Party
Trade Unions
Other Students Parties
Chatra League
Local Parties
Alliance Led By AL
Uncentered
Alliance Led By BNP
Civic / Business/ Consumer
BNP
AL
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
4
3
3
6
5
7
7
9
10
1212
12
Jubo Dol
Jubo League
Jamat
Other Parties
Left Parties
Freedom Fighter
AssociationChatra Shibir
Chatra Dol
Jatiya Party
Trade Unions
Other Students
PartiesChatra League
Local Parties
Alliance Led By AL
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The bulk of hartals were called by the two major political parties -- the Awami League and the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party, who both account for 12% of all hartals called. The students or
student groups, which constitute a major demand group have also called a large number of
hartals and in total account for 17% of hartals. Consumer groups civic groups, business and trade
organizations have been associated with 12% of hartals. Labour unions, employee associations
and trade unions observed about 3% hartals. This data, however, should be used with caution due
to the complex nature of hartals as often a hartal is called by one group and subsequently backed
up by one or other groups nevertheless the data gives a clear indication of the politics of hartals.
5
7
37
13
16
28
62
14452
154
212
1572
48
101
56
55
8
42
37
22
57
0 50 100 150 200 250
Laguage Movement
Anti-Ayub Call
Anti-Ershad Call
Anti-BNP Call
Anti-Jamat Call
Anti-AL Call
Demand for Services
Law and Order/ Human SecurityAdministrative Re-arrangement
Inter Party / Intra Party Conflict
Political Killing
Religious Issues
Demand for Better Governance
Economic Demands
Protest for Withdrawl of Cases
Election Related Issues
Protest against Legislature
International Issues
Education Related Issues
Price IssuesPreservation of National Resources
Caretaker Government Issue
Others
Figure: Reasons for Calling in Bangladesh:1947-
2002
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Figure 2.5 illustrates the reasons for which hartals were called. Hartals are called to protest
many issues, and often a single hartal is called for multiple reasons. An assessment of the
primary issues driving hartals over the period 1947-2002 shows that the single most common
issue, especially at the local level, was political killings (212 hartals). Inter-party and intra-
party conflicts were the reasons for 154 hartals. The third most frequent set of issues underlying
hartals were law and order and the human security situation vis--vis the law enforcement
agencies (144 hartals). A demand for better governance and public utilities and services were the
reasons for 134 hartals. These figures suggest that improvement in respect for human rights,
governance, law and order, and public service delivery could be crucial in reducing frequency
of hartals.
HARTALS AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONIN BANGLADESH
The continuing use of hartals in India, Nepal and Bangladesh underscores that nations in the
midst of transition to democracy experience many difficulties, obstacles and reversals. The
process is inevitably intertwined with the broader process of modernization, which gives rise to
a variety of contradictory social and political forces. While our understanding of this complex
process is far from adequate, it is not difficult to recognize that the pervasiveness of hart al s
in a country like Bangladesh is an obstacle to democracy and that their persistence is related
to the way political mobilization takes place and political demands are articulated .
Mobilization politicsgives rise to what Rudolph and Rudolph call demand groups, in contrast to
interest groups, in institutionalized democracy (1987). Business groups, trade unions,
professional organizations, or citizens banding together to pursue a particular cause or issue
are examples of interest groups (Berry, 1995). In a stable democracy demands are articulated by
such interest groups on the basis of professional expertise and lobbying skills within defined
areas of public policy. They are used to influence or promote specific policies. Demand groups
rely more on symbolic protests and agitation. Sanctioned by indigenous political tradition, suchgroups tend to operate in the politica l space outside the boundaries of institutional
politics. Demand groups assume that there is no institutional mechanism for the redress of their
grievances, and believe they must stage great spectacles of protest to bring about regime or
pol icy changes. Str ikes in educational institutions, hartals and bandhs are the preferred
forms of protest by demand groups. Self-immolation in India, which caused the deaths of
1451 people in 2000 alone, is a tragic example of such protest and demand articulation
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(Venkatesan 2002). This simple analytical framework can fruitfully explain the pervasiveness
of hartals in Bangladesh.
Historically, Bangladesh emerged as a Westminster type of democracy at the end of British rule in
1947 type of democracy at the end of British rule in 1947. But an immediate transition to
institutionalized democracy did not occur. Rather, an illiberal democracy dominated by a
bureaucratic, military oligarchy slumped into an authoritarian polity under Ayub Khan within
about a decade. It led to what has been called internal colonialism between the western
provinces of Pakistan and Bangladesh in the east and fueled the War of Liberation. Thus,
from the very beginning of the Pakistani era, political forces in Bangladesh took the shape of
mobilization politics, first surfacing in the Language Movement of 1952, which actually started
in 1948, and becoming critical in the mass movements of 1969 to 1971.
In 1971 Bangladesh began its journey towards democracy as a new nation. However, the
period between 1971 and 1990 was marked by both democratic and authoritarian regimes. A
massive popular movement in 1990 finally caused the overthrow of the authoritarian regime
of General Ershad and signaled a new stage of democratic transition for Bangladesh. The
following are some critical difficulties the country faces in its process of deepening of
democracy.
The countrys political culture still containsmany authoritarian features, embodied in the
behavior of its political leaders and actors .Personalities still dominate the political scene.A
pervas ive pat te rn of pa tron-c li entrelationships remains an active force in thepolitical
parties and affects theirbureaucracies. The continuing strength of patron-client
relationships in particular gives rise to widespread factionalism and conflict in the political
terrain and a deep-rooted crisis of governance.
The two major political parties of the country-- the Bangladesh National Party and the AwamiLeague -- and their political allies seem to be locked into a pattern of antagonisticdialogue
that does not al low poli tical differences to be settled on the basis of dialogueand negotiation
among competing politicalactors, but rather tends to perpetuate the old political fault lines.
As a consequence of this antagonistic dialogue and polarized political situation, astrong
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tradition of mobilization politics remains in place and continues to shapepolitical
behavior. The party in power often uses coercion to contain the opposition. Theopposition, in
turn, resorts to mobilization politics, which in turn escalates political conflict.
Given all these factors, hartals are perceived by many to be the best instrument for the
articulation of the perceived grievances and various claims of demand groups. Although
Bangladesh is a formal democracy, it still suffers from this legacy of authoritarianism and, at
the same time, retains a strong tradition of protest. This has led to the perpetuation of hartals as
a major characteristic ofthe nations political culture.
CHANGING VIEWS ON THE LEGITIMACY
OF HARTALS
Although hartals found spontaneous support among people during anti -colonial, anti
authoritarian movements, concerned citizens all over South Asia have begun to raise their voice
against their unjustified and unnecessary use. TheDaily Chasi underscored this demand as early
as 1956 and its words are even more relevant today.
The Englishmen, it is true, were driven out, butthe hartal has remained in this country....It is
undeniable that our leaders of different parties have been skilled in imposing hartals, if not inanything else. If anything does not suit theinterests of a political party, there is no escape.
The public has become convinced that as a consequence, they will certainly enforce a hartal.
We advise the leaders to articulate discontent orprotest in alternate forms. There is no lack of
open fields in Dhaka....they can assemble people andvoice all their discontent there. We request
themnot to stop the sources of daily income for theinnocent laborers and disrupt the livelihood
of people by deploying the weapon of hartal (TheDaily Chashi, 30 September 1956 cited in
Dasgupta, 2001: 26).
A survey conducted byDaily Bhorer Kagaj found that 51% of respondents did not support the
hartal called at that time (9 March 1995). About 13% had no opinion. In 1999 Prothom Alo
conducted another survey of 7370 people from all walks of life and more than 63% of the
respondents did not support the call for the resignation of the government through hartals
(23 September 1999). A little over 11% had no opinion. An opinion poll done byNews Network
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in 2000 showed that over 80% of the respondents thought that under the present socio-economic
condition of the country, there was no need to call hartals. Over 88% of them held that frequent
hartals contributed to the deteriorating law and order situation in the country (News Network,
2000). In the most recent opinion poll carried out for this publication in early 2003 70% of
respondents said that they believed there are constructive alternatives to hartals and preferred
more peaceful means of protest.
The press has been particularly active in advocacy against hartals. A large number of editorials
and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartals. A large number of
editorials and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartal.
An editorial in The Daily Sangbadin 1998 pointed out:
Once hartal was the climax of politicalmovement. When movements reached the peak
then only hartals were called to force the government to accept the demands. Political
parties used to call hartals on the basis of popularsupport, by associating mass with it and
bringing them along with it. The workers anleaders of political parties used to be on the streets
as well as masses on many occasions.
Nowadays political parties do not at all considerif there is any popular support for or popular
participation in hartal. It is now the easiest thingto call a hartal. It does not require any preparation at all. There is no need for popularsupport or popular participation. The
preparationfor the hartal can be taken by simply announcingthe program, giving press
statement and sendingnews to the BBC.
The hartal takes place due to throwing of bombsat main points before the day of hartal and on
the morning of hartal....All groups move on tothe streets with their arms and bombs. Now hartal
means getting engaged in violent conflicts.
We appeal to the political parties, please quit thisviolent path of hartal....[It] does not help
politics,rather damages it. It ruins the economy of ademocratic society and results in the
death ofinnocent people (Sangbad, 12 November 1998)
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A similar view was voiced by A.K. Azad Chowdhury, at the time the Vice-Chancellor of
Dhaka University, in a seminar entitled WhyHartals?, held on 10 November 1997.
We must free ourselves from revengefulness andintolerance. The lack of tolerance has created
thetendency for calling hartals. The distance betweenbeing in power and not being in power has
beenthe cause of hartals. These activities are due tothe psychologically conditioned conflicts of
ourpolitical parties (cited in Hannan, 2000: 643).
When an injunction was sought against Mamta Banerjees call for a bandh in West Bengal
on 7 June 2002, the Calcutta High Court, seeing no point in it as the injunction could not be
Enforced, made the scathing comment that protests without purpose and the philosophy
of no work were the twin contributions of Bengal (Bandh Blues, The Times of India, 17
October2002)
CHANGING THE COURSE OF HISTORY?
In this age of globalization, hartals are not only economically damaging to the country but
politically ineffective and are hardly enjoy any popular support. The end of hartals demands a
new vision and the commitment of the political elite. Escalating public pressure is a key element
inachieving this goal. Also important is improvingthe state of governance in the country,
whichwould reduce the killings, conflicts, and violence -which is a major source of hartals,especially at the local level.
The consequences of hartals in terms of economicsocial and political costs are huge. While
thenegative economic consequences of hartals draw agreat deal of attention, its social
consequences should not be overlooked. According to Dasgupta (2001), over a period of 52
years from 1947, about 250 deaths during hartals could be identified from newspaper reports.
Over 13,000 people were injured and 10,000 arrested and most often it is the poor who are
victims of these conflicts.
The historic pattern of hartal thus far exposes the paradox of increasing hartals and the continued
polarization of politics ever since the formal establishment of a democratic regime in Bangladesh
The author of this chapter would like to conclude by posing the question will Bangladesh
continueto take this destructive path, or is it time for someone to change the course of history?
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Research Methodology:
Factor analysis has been used to analyze the data of this research. The other matters are
given below:
Area of Research: The selected area of research is Dhaka city.
Techniques of data collection:
(a)Primary source:
Face to face interview scheduling has been the conducted in collecting primary data from
respondents. Primary information is provided directly by the selected different professionals in
the Dhaka area. Primary data is collect by means of standardized used in interviewing the samplerespondents. It is acquire through direct interviews.
(b)Secondary source:Secondary data is collected through various sources, such as-literature and publications available
in national and international documents, publications, NGOs, different types journal,
newspaper, magazines, books, internet etc. The information collect through the interviewschedule survey has been compiled for analysis through a standard data entry form.
Sampling procedure and sample design: At first, It has been used the cluster sampling in this
research. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in the selected clusters. The area of low
income people of Dhaka city is divided into 20 clusters. Then 2 cluster is selected randomly from
the clusters. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in these 2 cluster. The sample personwould be the main earning people of a family
Factor Analysis Basic Concept:
Factor analysis is general name denoting a class of procedure primarily used for data reduction
and summarization. In research, there may be a large number of variables, most of which are
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correlated and which must be reduced to a manageable level. Relationship among sets of
interrelated variables are examined and represented in terms of a few underlying factors.
In analysis of variance, multiple regression, and discriminate analysis one variable is considered
as the dependent or criterion variable, and the others as independent or predictor variables.
However, no such distinction is made in factor analysis. Rather, factor analysis is an
interdependence technique in that an entire set of interdependent relationship is examined.
(Malhotra, 2010)
Terminology Associated with Factor Analysis:
(a) Barletts test of sphericity: Barletts test of sphericity is a test statistic used to examine the
hypothesis that the variables aer uncorrelated in the population. In other words, the population
correlation matrix is an identity matrix; each variables correlates perfectly with itself (r=1) but
has no correlation with other variables (r=0).
(b)Correlation matrix: A correlation matrix is a lower triangle showing the simple
correlations,r, between all possible pairs of variables included in the analysis. The diagonal
elements, which are all 1, are usually omitted.
(c)Communality: Communality is the amount of variance a variables shares all the other
variables being considered. This is also the populations of variance explained by the common
factors.
(d)Eigenvalue: The eigenvalue represents the total variance explained by each factor.
(e)Factor loadings: Factor loadings are simple correlations between the variables and the
factors.
(f)Factor loading plot: A factor loading plot is a plot of original variables using the factor
loadings as coordinates.
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(g) Factor matrix: A factor matrix contains the factor loading of all variables on all the factors
extracted.
(h)Factor scores: Factor scores are composite scores estimated for each respondent on the
derived factors.
(i) Factor scores coefficient matrix: The matrix contains the weights, or factor score
coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables to obtain factor scores.
(j) Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy: The Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin
(KMO) Measure of sampling adequacy is an index used to examine the appropriateness of factor
analysis. High values (between 0.5 and 1.0) indicate factor analysis is appropriate. Values below
0.5 imply that factor analysis may not be appropriate.
(k) Percentage of variance: This is the percentage of total variance attribute to each factor.
(l) Residuals: Residuals are difference between the observed correlations, as given in the input
correlation matrix, and the reproduced correlations, as estimated from the factor matrix.
(m) Scree plot: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues against the number of factors in order
extraction.
(Malhotra, 2010)
Factor Analysis Model:
Mathematically, factor analysis is somewhat similar to multiple regression analyses, in that each
variable is expressed as a linear combination of underlying factors. The amount variance a
variable shares with all variables included in the analysis is referred to as communality. The
covariation among the variables is described in terms of a small number of common factor plus a
unique factor for each variable. These factors are not overtly observed. If the variables are
standardized, the factor model may be represented as:
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Xi = ai1F1 +
where
=ith standardized variable
= standardized multiple regression coefficient of variable i on common factor j
F= common factor
=standardized regression coefficient of I on unique factor i
= the unique factor for for variable i
=number of common factors
The unique factors are uncorrelated with each other and with common factors. The common
factors themselves can be expressed as linear combinations of the observed variables.
Where
= estimate for ith factor
= weight or factor score coefficient
K= number of variables
It is possible to select weights or factor score coefficients so that the factor explains the largest
portion of the total variance. Then a second set of weights can be selected, so that the second
factor accounts for most of the residual variance, subject to be uncorrelated with the first factor.
The same principle could be applied to selecting additional weights for additional factors. Thus
the factors can be estimated so that their factor scores, unlike the values of original variables, are
not correlated. Furthermore, the first factor accounts for the highest variance in the data, the
second factor the second highest, and so on. Several statistics are associated with factor analysis.
(Malhotra, 2010)
Conducting Factor Analysis:
The steps involved in conducting factor analysis are given in the following figure:
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Formulate the problem
Construct the correlation matrix
Determine the method of factor analysis
Rotate the factor
Interpret the factor
Calculate the Select the
Factor surrogate
Scores variables
Determining the model fit
(Malhotra,2010)
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Formulate the problem:
Problem formulation includes several tasks. First, the objectives of factor analysis should be
identified. The variables to be included in the factor analysis should be specified based on past
research, theory, and judgment of the researcher. It is important that the variables be
appropriately measured on an interval or ratio scale. An appropriate sample size should be used.
As a rough guideline, there should be at least four or five times as many observations (sample
size) as there are variables. In many research situations, the sample size is small and the ratio is
considerably lower. In these cases, the result should be interpreted cautiously. (Malhotra,2010)
Construct the Correlation Matrix:
The analytical process is based on a matrix of correlations between the variables. Valuable
insights can be gained from an examination of this matrix. For the the factor analysis to be
appropriate, the variables must be correlated. In practice, this is usually the case. If the
correlations between all variables are small, factor analysis may not be appropriate. We should
except the variables that are highly correlated with each other would also highly correlate with
the same factor or factors.
Formal statistics are available for testing the appropriateness of factor model. Barletts test of
spericity can be used to test the null hypothesis that the variables are uncorrelated in the
population; in other words, the population correlation matrix is an identity matrix. In an identity
matrix, all diagonal terms are 1, and all off- diagonal terms are 0. The test statistic for spricity is
based on a chi- square transformation of the determinant of the correlation matrix. A large value
test statistic will favor of rejection of the null hypothesis. If the hypothesis cannot be rejected,then the appropriateness of factor analysis should be questioned. Another useful statistic is the
Kaiser- Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy. This index compares the
magnitudes of the observed correlation coefficients to the magnitudes of the partial correlation
coefficients. Small values of the KMO statistic indicate that the correlations between pairs of
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variables cannot be explained by other variables and that factor analysis may not be appropriate.
Generally, a value greater than 0.5 is desirable. (Malhotra, 2010)
Determine the Method of Factor Analysis:
There various method of factor analysis. The two basic approaches are principle component
analysis and common factor analysis .In principle component analysis, the total variance in data
is considered. Principle components analysis is recommended when the primary concern is to
determine the minimum number of factors that will account for maximum variance in the data
for use in subsequent multivariate analysis. The factors are called principle components. In
common factor analysis, the factors are estimated based only on the common variance. Thismethod is appropriate when the primary concern is to identify the underlying dimensions and the
common variance is of interest. This method is also known as principle axis factoring. (Malhotra,
2010)
Determine the Number of factors:
Several procedures are have been suggested for determining the number of factors. These are
given below:
A PRIORI DETERMINATION: Sometimes because of prior knowledge, the researcher
knows how many factors to expect and thus can specify the number of factors to be
extracted beforehand.
DETERMINATION BASED ON EIGENVALUES: In this approach, only factors with
eigenvalues greater than 1.0 are retained; the other factors are not included in the model.
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DETERMINATION BASED ON SCREE PLOT: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues
against the number of factor in other extraction. This shape of plot is used to determine
the number of factors.
DETERMINE BASED ON PERCENTAGE OF VARIABLES: In this approach, the
number of factors extracted is determined so that the cumulative percentage of variance
extracted by the factors reaches a satisfactory level.
DETERMINATION BASED ON SPLIT-HALF RELIABILITY: The sample is split in
half and factor analysis is performed on each half. Only factors with high correspondence
of factor loading across the subsample are retained.
DETERMINATION BASED ON SIGNIFICANCE TEST: It is possible to determine thestatistical significance of the separate eigenvalues and retain only those factors that are
statistically significant. A drawback is that with large samples (size greater than 200),
many factors are likely to be statistically significant, although from a practical viewpoint
many of these account only a small portion of total variance. (Malhotra, 2010)
Rotate Factors:
An important output from factor analysis is factor matrix, also called the factor pattern matrix.
The factor matrix contains the coefficients used to express the standardized variables in terms of
the factors. These coefficients, the factor loadings, represent the correlation between the factors
and the variables. A coefficient of the factor matrix can be used to interpret the factors
The rotation is called orthogonal rotation if the axes are maintained at right angles. The mostcommonly used method for rotation is the varimax procedure. This is an orthogonal method of
rotation that minimizes the number of variables with high loading on a factor, thereby enhancing
the interpretability of the factors. Orthogonal rotation results in factors that are uncorrelated. The
rotation is called oblique rotation when the axes are not maintained at right angles, and the
factors are correlated. Sometimes, allowing for correlations among factors can simply the factor
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pattern matrix. Oblique rotation should be used when factors in the population are likely to be
strongly correlated. (Malhotra, 2010)
Interpret factors:
Interpretation is facilitated by identifying the variables that have large loading on the same
factor. The factor can then be interpreted in terms of variables that load high on it. Another
useful aid in interpretation is to plot the variables using the factors loading as coordinates.
Variables at the end of an axis are those that have high loading on only that factor, and hence
describe the factor. Variables near to origin have small loading on both the factors. Variables that
are not near any of the axes are related to both the factors. If a factor cannot be clearly defined interms of the original variables, it should be labeled as an undefined or a general factor.
(Malhotra, 2010)
Calculate Factor Scores:
Following interpretation, factor scores can be calculated, if necessary. Factor analysis has its own
state-alone value. However, if the goal of factor analysis is to reduce the origin set of variables to
a smaller set of composite variables (factor) for use in subsequent multivariate analysis, it is
useful to compute factor scores for each respondent. A factor is simply a linear combination of
original variables .The factor scores for ith factor may be estimated as follows:
The weights, or factor score coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables are obtained
from the factor score coefficient matrix. Most computer programs allow you to request factor
scores. Only in the case of principle components analysis, these scores are uncorrelated. In
common factor analysis, estimates of these scores are obtained, and there is no guarantee that the
factors will be uncorrelated with each other. (Malhotra, 2010)
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Determine the model fit:
The final step in factor analysis involves the determination of model fit. A basic assumption
underlying factor analysis is that the observed correlation between variables can be attributed to
common factors. Hence, the correlation between the variables can be deduced or reproduced
from estimated correlations between the variables and the factors. The differences between the
observed correlations (as given in the input correlation matrix) and the reproduced correlations
(as estimated from the factor matrix) can be examined to determine the model fit. These
differences are called residuals. If there are many large residuals, the factor model does not
provide a good fit to the data and the model should be reconsidered.(Malhotra,2010)
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References
Malhotra, Naressh K. & Dash, Satyabhushan,Marketing Research, New Delhi, DorlingKindersley (India) Pvt, Ltd.
Kothari,C.R.,Research Methodology, New Delhi, New Age International Publishers,2012
Islam,Aminul The history of hartal,The University Journal, Dhaka, October, 2010, p.76
Tazeen,murshid, Political parties and civil society: Restoring, Dhaka, Panjaree
Publications Pvt. Ltd.,2010.
Mohammad,Zayed & Hossain,Manzoor,Hartals and the law, University Press Pvt.Ltd.,2011.
Ahmed,Iraz & Mortoza,Golam, The Anatomy of Hartals, Dhaka, Bangla Academy, 2012
Chawdhury,Dr.Haider, A survey on the impact of hartal on the poor of Dhaka city,The
Desh, Dhaka, September, 2009, p.123
UNDPS report, Beyond hartals:towards democracy in bangladesh- The
Independent July 15, 2011
January 5, 2009,The daily star Thought on Hartal
July 5, 2011, Daily Sun-Hartal Pushes up vegetable price sharply in capital
September 2, 2002, Prothom Alo But why this destructive hartal?
December 15, 2003, The Daily star All terns to Hartal stunt uplift
www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartal
www.weeklybitz.net
http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartalhttp://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartalhttp://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.weeklybitz.net/http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartal -
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Appendix1:
Questionnaires
(1)Name:
(2)Age:
(3)Sex: Male \Female:
(4)Marital status: Married Unmarried Divorce Widow
(5)Religion: Islam Hindu Christian Others
(6)Education:
a. Illiterate
b. Literate
c. Primary
d. Secondary
e. Higher secondary
(7)Occupation:
(8)Family size:(9)No. of dependents:
(10)No. of earning member in family:
(11)What is your income per day
a. 100-300 Taka
b. 300-600 Taka
c. 600-800 Taka
d. Others
(12) Where are you living?
a. Slum b. Relative House c. Rent House d. Others
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(13)Attitude measurement by Likert-Scale:
Strongly
Disagree
Disagree Not
Sure
Agree Strongly
Agree
Factors of reducing income:
(a) In hartal day day labors do not getany work.
(b)At hartal , farmers cannot send theirvegetables to Dhaka market and as a
result that are damaged.
(c)At hartal , the hawkers cannot get outfor their business.
(d)At hartal , the poor footpath vendorcannot carry on their business.
(e)Small shopkeepers, groceries cannotopen their shop at hartal.
Insecurity creating factors:(f) In hartal , tokai , slum dwellers,
floating people are used in picketing
which falls lives in danger.
(g)Hartal causes damaging of publicproperty.
(h)Hartal is the reason for lot of injuriesand disablement of people.
(i) Hartal is the reason of financial lossin terms of increase expenditure and
decrease in income.
(j) Hartal spreads conflict amongsociety.
(k)Hartal creates violence.(l) Patients cannot go to hospital at
hartal.
(m)Hartal causes price hike of goods dueto short supply.
(n)Hartal delays/obstruct educationsystem.
Lifestyle changing factors:(o)Hartal renders persons adverse to the
work.
(p)Hartal increases laziness amongpeople.
(q)Hartal enhances inefficiency inpeople.
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(r) Hartal makes student inattentive instudy.
(s) Hartal is reason of postponement ofexam.
(t) Hartal increases the tendency ofgetting anything without any labor.
(u)Hartal enhances on businessman thetendency to stock.
(v)Hartal makes person cost centered.Hortal as a right of political party:
(w)Hartal is a political right of politicalparty.
(x)Hartal is a effective tool of politicalparty to realization of their demand.
(y)Hartal creates public awarenessamong people about public interest.
(z)Hartal is the protest of governmentsunjust action.Releasing from hartal:
(aa) I support hartal.(bb) Political party should find out
alternatives line of actions of hartal.
(cc) Hartal should be banned by legislation.
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