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WitchcraftManagementintheEarlyTwentiethCenturyTransvaal
ByJoelPearsonStudentNo.748787
Submittedinaccordancewiththerequirementsforthedegreeof
MastersinHistorybycourseworkanddissertation
attheUniversityoftheWitwatersrand
Supervisors:Prof.PeterDelius&Dr.NickyFalkof
March2015
Joel Pearson
2
ABSTRACT:
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, colonial governmentsacross Africa, including South Africa, promulgated laws which aimed toprohibittheaccusationofwitchcraft,methodsforthedetectionofwitchesandwitchtrials.However,whileadministratorssawmerelysuperstitioninwitchcraft beliefs, “repugnant to the standards of civilisation”, manyAfricans saw an integral element of the social and spiritual order. Thepolicingofwitchcraftbeliefsbecameathorninthesideofcolonialrule.Thisarticlebringstolightsomeofthedeeperhistoricalcomplexitiesinpolicingwitchcraft by looking at the application of witchcraft law in the earlytwentiethcentury‐aneglectedperiodinwitchcraftscholarship.Firstly,itexamines some prominent discursive constructions of the concepts of“witchcraft”andthe“witchdoctor”duringtheearlytwentiethcentury,twotermswhich feature centrally in colonialwitchcraft legislation. It arguesthat these termswereshrouded inagreatdealofmisconceptionand, attimes, fear. Secondly, it examines instances in which the TransvaalWitchcraft OrdinanceNo. 26 of 1904was applied at the Supreme Courtlevel, demonstrating that itwas employed in awidevarietyof instanceswhichoftensharedonlya tenuous link topoorlydefinednotionsof “thesupernatural”. Nevertheless, diviners seem to have been especiallyprejudiced in the implementation of the law. Finally, archivalcorrespondencederivedfromNativeAffairsDepartmentfilesdealingwithwitchcraftareexamined toreveal that the jobofpolicingwitchcraftwasrather more uncertain and ad hoc at the grassroots level than official“civilising”rhetoricmayhavesuggested.While inprinciple therewasnocompromisingwithbeliefsinwitchcraft,inpractice,suchbeliefshadtobecarefullymanagedbylocalofficials,whoweregiven(oftenuncomfortably)widepowersofdiscretionindecidingwhenandhowtoemploytheforceofthelaw.
Witchcraft Management in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
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Contents:
Introduction:WitchcraftandtheLaw…………………….……………….p.6
ChapterI:The“WitchcraftProblem”………………………………………p.21
ChapterII:WitchcraftLawinOperation……………….…………………p.39
ChapterIII:WitchcraftManagement……………………………………...p.63
Conclusion………………………………………………………………..…………...p.78
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………..……...p.81
Appendix:TableofWitchcraftCases……………………………………….p.94
Acknowledgments:
IamimmeasurablygratefulfortheunfailinghelpandsupportIhavereceivedfrommysupervisorsandlecturersintheDepartmentofHistoryandDepartmentofJournalismand
MediaStudies.IappreciatetheenormousenthusiasmshownbybothDrNickyFalkofandProf.PeterDeliusfromtheoutsetoftheproject.Thanksforallowingmetogetlostinthismaterial,givingmethefreedomtostretchthelimitsofmymindandprovidingtheadviceIneededtoreelmebacktosomesenseofsanity.ThankstoProf.SekibaLekgoathiforofferinginsightsintothesegregationistcontext.ThanksalsotoDrPrinishaBadassyforthewillingnesssheshowedtogooutofherwaytoofferassistance.IfurthermoreappreciatetheguidancethatProf.CliveGlasergaveinassessingsomeofthematerialontheBarbertonsnuffscare.
ThankstothestaffofboththeNationalArchivesofPretoriaandtheWilliamCullenLibraryoftheUniversityofWitwatersrandfortheirhelpinlocatingalloftheoldtomesanddocuments
whichhavefuelledthisstudy,someofwhichseemedtohavebeengatheringalmostacentury’sworthofdust.
Thanksalsobelongtomyfriendsandlovedones,whowilldoubtlessbeimmeasurablyrelievedtohavemereturnphysicallyfromthesolitaryarchives,andmentallyfromtheworldofearlytwentiethcenturywitchcraft.Thanksforallyourmoralsupport,forallowingmeto
rambleonformonths,andforcontinuingtoshowaninterest.
Introduction:WitchcraftandtheLaw
“What is tobedone about theproblemofwitchcraft in thenewSouthAfrica?”1This is a
questionwhichhastroubledstateadministrators,legalexperts,historians,anthropologistsandrights
groupsinthepost‐apartheidcontext.Thepersecutionorkillingofallegedwitches–thosebelievedto
manipulate supernatural powers to cause harm to others – remains a problem that resurfaces
periodicallyinthecountrytoday.InOctober2013,theTimesreportedthatthreemenwerejailedfor
killingawomanandherdaughteraccusedof“practisingwitchcraft”.2In2014,a73yearoldmanfrom
Lamontville told the Independent Online that elderly people frequently find themselves accused of
witchcraft.3Manyalsospeakwithmemoriesofthewaveofwitchcraftviolencethatspreadacrossthe
NorthernProvince of SouthAfrica from the late 1970s andpeakedduring the transition. The1995
RalushaiCommissionofInquiryintoWitchcraftMurdersandRitualKillingsestimatedthatbetween1985
and1995,389witchcraft‐relatedkillingstookplaceinSouthAfrica’sformerNorthernProvince.4Onone
day in April 1986, 43 allegedwitcheswere “necklaced” bymembers of the Sekhukhuneland Youth
Organisationwhiletheysang“liberationsongs”.5
1IsakNiehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica:FromColonialSuperstitiontoPostcolonialReality?,”inMagicalInterpretations,MaterialRealities:Modernity,WitchcraftandtheOccultinPostcolonialAfrica(London&NewYork:Routledge,2001),184–205.2 SAPA, “KwaZulu Natal ‘Witch’ Killers Get 20 Years,” Times LIVE, October 17, 2013,http://www.timeslive.co.za/local/2013/10/17/kwazulu‐natal‐witch‐killers‐get‐20‐years.3 Siyabulela Dzanibe, “Elderly Fear Witchcraft Accusations,” Independent Online, April 30, 2014,http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/elderly‐fear‐witchcraft‐accusations‐1.1682194#.VOMV6_mUfxo.4N.V.Ralushaiandetal.,ReportoftheCommissionofInquiryintoWitchcraftViolenceandRitualMurdersintheNorthern Province of the Republic of South Africa (Pretoria: HSRC, 1996), p.191–239.; Cited also in Niehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica:FromColonialSuperstitiontoPostcolonialReality?,”p.184.5Niehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica:FromColonialSuperstitiontoPostcolonialReality?,”p.184.
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Fromtheperspectiveofmanywhoregardwitchcraftasareality,thegovernmentisseenashavingdone
too littletoensureprotectionagainstsourcesofsupernatural insecurity.AdamAshfortharguesthat
“thelong‐termprospectsfordemocracy…willdependinlargepartupontheabilityofthenewregime
toinstilinthepopulationawidespreadconvictionthatgovernmentreallyexiststoservethepeople:to
meetthedemandsforphysicalsecurityandeconomicwellbeingandtoservetheendsofjustice”.6For
thosewhoinsist that invisible forcescanbedeployedtowreakenormousharm, fullsecurityentails
protectionagainstwitchcraft, and justicemeansbringingallwhowield these forces to account.But
should legalmechanismsbe introducedtopunishthosepractisingwitchcraft?Howcouldthe liberal
democraticstatepossiblyacceptthatpurveyorsofinvisiblecrimesshouldbepunishedbyalegalorder
whichdemandsphysicalproof?Witchcraft,Ihavecometolearn,isathornyissuewhichwillnotsoon
beresolved,andofficialshavebeenleftinadeepquandaryastohowtopolicewitchcraftbeliefs.
Thesubjecthasattractedagreatdealofcontemporaryscholarship.NiehausnotesthatdebateinSouth
Africa’spublicsphere“hasfocusedalmostexclusivelyonwitchcraftandthelaw”.7Asignificantbodyof
literaturehasdevelopedthatinterrogateshowexistinglegislationdealswithwitchcraftviolenceand
whetherchangesshouldbeintroduced.8Specifically,manycall fortheSuppressionofWitchcraftAct
No.3 of 1957 to be reformed. The Act bans the traditional adjudication of witchcraft matters. Its
fundamentalpremiseisthatwitchcraftisanirrationalfantasy,itspracticenothingmorethanpretence
–itemploystheterm“pretends”throughout.Itcriminalizestheaccusationthatanotherisa“witchor
wizard”9 and the “pretended” use of “supernatural power, witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment or
conjuration”.Italsobansdivination,makingitacrimefora“witchdoctor”to“smellout”witches.10
6AdamAshforth,Witchcraft,Violence,andDemocracyinSouthAfrica(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2005),p.18.7IsakNiehaus,“WitchcraftasSubtext:DeepKnowledgeandtheSouthAfricanPublicSphere,”SocialDynamics36,no.1(2010):p.66.8See,forinstance:JohnHund,“WitchcraftandAccusationsofWitchcraftinSouthAfrica:OntologicalDenialandtheSuppressionofAfricanJustice,”TheComparativeandInternationalLaw JournalofSouthernAfrica33,no.3(November2000):366–89; JohnHund,WitchcraftViolenceandtheLaw inSouthAfrica (Pretoria:ProteaBookHouse,2003); JohnHund, “AfricanWitchcraftandWesternLaw:PsychologicalandCultural Issues,” JournalofContemporaryReligion19,no.1 (2004):67–84; J.Harnischfeger, “Witchcraftand theState inSouthAfrica,” inWitchcraftViolenceandtheLaw inSouthAfrica(Hatfield:ProteaBookHouse,2003);SethA.Nthai,“WitchcraftViolenceandtheNeedforNewLegislation,”inWitchcraftViolenceandtheLawinSouthAfrica(Pretoria:ProteaBookHouse,2003);AnthonyMinnaar,“LegislativeandLegalChallengestoCombatingWitchPurgingandMutiMurderinSouthAfrica,”inWitchcraftViolenceandtheLawinSouthAfrica(Hatfield:ProteaBookHouse,2003);HLudsin,“CulturalDenial:WhatSouthAfrica’sTreatmentofWitchcraftSaysfortheFutureofItsCustomaryLaw,”BerkeleyJournalofInternationalLaw21,no.1(2003):62–110;NelsonTebbe,“WitchcraftandStatecraft:LiberalDemocracyinAfrica,”GeorgetownLawJournal96,no.1(2007):183–236.9Incontemporaryscholarshipaboutwitchcraft,theterm“witch”isappliedasagender‐neutralterm,justasthetermsumthakathi (isiZulu),moloi (seSotho),noi (xiTshonga) are employed in cases of bothmen andwomenaccusedofwitchcraft.Theterm“wizard”isnolongeremployedinscholarship.10WitchcraftSuppressionActNo.3of1957,n.d.,http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/acts/1957‐003.pdf.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
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The Ralushai Commission labelled the Witchcraft Suppression Act a vestige of “Eurocentric legal
machinery”andcalledfornewlegislationthatacknowledgesthatsupernaturalcrimesarerealformany
Africans.11Anumberofotherauthorshavesinceechoedthiscall.NelsonTebbearguesthatmanyfeel
alienated from the criminal justice systembecauseof the law’s insensitivity to the fact that “fearof
enchantmentisaprimarysourceofpersonalinsecurityformanyAfricans”.12HaileyLudsinarguesthat
bykeepingtheWitchcraftSuppressionAct,thestateimplicitlyaffirmsitsacceptanceofthe“Western
premise”thatwitchcraftismere“superstitiousAfricannonsense”–thisinspiteofthefrustrationsof
“themajority of SouthAfricans”whobelieve that theAct allows “witches to run free”.13 JohnHund
similarlycharacterisestheprevailingActasconstitutinganegationofthe“ontology”of“mostAfrican
people”.14 Hund insists that before the 1957 Act, “tribal mediation was the norm” and that “by
criminalisingthesejudicialremediesonthegroundthattheywererepugnanttothe'civilisingmission'
ofthewhite,eurocentricapartheidgovernmenttheseedsofchaosweresown”.15
It isundeniablethat theWitchcraftSuppressionAct isunsuitedtosolvingtheproblemofwitchcraft
violenceinSouthAfrica.Buttheemphaticassertionthatthelawistheprimarycausalfactorinfostering
suchviolence isquestionable forat least tworeasons.Firstly,manyof thosewhoblamethe law for
witchcraft violence fail to interrogatehow theActhas actuallybeen applied in thepast, apparently
assuming that itsprescriptionswere imposeduniformlyandcomprehensively.Yet, for instance, the
anthropologists and historians who reported on the spikes of violence from the 1970s point to a
multitudeofothercausesashavingprovidedthekindlingforthewaveofwitchcraftaccusationsthat
grippedtheNorthernProvince–sharpeningmaterialinequality,collapsingsocialcohesion,deepening
impoverishment,andthedelegitimisationofchieflyauthority.16Intheseaccounts,thelawisgivenvery
littlecausalweight.NiehausarguesthattheNationalPartygovernmentactually“didlittletosuppress
witchcraft inpopulardomains”and insteadmade“uneasypracticalcompromiseswithwitchcraft”.17
Similarly, Delius argues that, although chiefs had to consider potential punishment from apartheid
officialsindecidingwhethertotrywitches,“nativecommissionerswereusuallypreparedtoturnablind
11 Ralushai and et al.,Report of the Commission of Inquiry intoWitchcraftViolence andRitualMurders in theNorthernProvinceoftheRepublicofSouthAfrica,p.1;p.56.12Tebbe,“WitchcraftandStatecraft,”p.219.13Ludsin,“CulturalDenial,”p.108.14Hund,“WitchcraftandAccusationsofWitchcraft.”15Ibid.,p.367.Minnaar,“LegislativeandLegalChallenges,”p.73.16See:EdwinRitchken,Comrades,WitchesandtheState:TheCaseoftheBrooklynYouthOrganisation,1987,;PeterDelius,ALionAmongsttheCattle:ReconstructionandResistanceintheNorthernTransvaal(Johannesburg:RavanPress, 1996); J. Stadler, “Witches and Witch‐Hunters,” African Studies 55 (1996): 87–110; Isak Niehaus,“Witchcraft,Power&Politics”(PhD,UniversityoftheWitwatersrand,1997).17Niehaus,“WitchcraftasSubtext,”p.67.
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eyeiftheprocessremainedlowkey”.18Theapartheidgovernmentdidnot,therefore,followthelawto
theletter.NorarethereanyaccountswhichsuggestthatthelawisseriouslyappliedbySouthAfrican
courtstoday.
Secondly, the suggestion that the 1957 Act initiated fundamental changes in the adjudication of
witchcraftisproblematisedbythefactthattheActhasahistorywhichlongprecededtheapartheidera
–somethinglargelyneglectedfromscholarlyaccountswhichposittheapartheidgovernmentashaving
“sown the seeds of chaos”. The Witchcraft Suppression Act has its roots in colonial legislation
promulgatedintheCapeColonyin1886and1895,andtheTransvaalin1904,employingexactlythe
samephrasesaswerecontainedinthesecolonial‐era laws.19Wellbefore theapartheidgovernment,
Africanbeliefsinwitchcraftwereregardedasachallengeforstateadministrators,targetedforstamping
outearlyonbytheBritishcolonialenterpriseinthenameofits“civilisingmission”.Niehausassertsthat
thisrhetoricalhumanitarianmission“demandednocompromisewithanybelieforpracticepertaining
towitchcraft.Thesewereperceivedasrepugnant,baseless,andevenasdiabolicpagansuperstitions,
whicharedeeplyingrainedinthelivesof‘primitivepeople’andwillonlydisappearwiththespreadof
Westerncivilisation,education,andChristianity”.20Legislationwasanothercrucialpillarof“Western
civilisation”:byoutlawingwitchtrialproceedings,inwhichdivinersweresolicitedto“smellout”awitch
throughdivination,witchcraftbeliefswouldostensiblybedealt adeathblow.The1957Actdidnot
thereforesignalanymajorchangeinthejudicialstanceonwitchcraft,butmerelyconsolidatedexisting
coloniallegislationandmadethemnationallyapplicable.
Isitpossiblethatitwastheseearliercoloniallawswhichsetintomotionfundamentalchangesinthe
adjudication of witchcraft? Were “seeds of chaos” sown from the late nineteenth century by the
promulgation of witchcraft laws? Most available scholarship does not consider how this earlier
legislationwasapplied,and theengagementbetweenmattersofwitchcraft and the law in theearly
twentieth century is not interrogated with any sustained depth. This study aims to contribute to
scholarshipontheuseofSouthAfricanwitchcraftlawoverthelongueduree,bolsteringthecurrently
sparseliteraturethatisavailableontheuseofcoloniallegislationintheearlytwentiethcentury.
18Delius,LionAmongsttheCattle,p.167.19CapeColonySuppressionAct24of1886andAct2of1895;TransvaalWitchcraftOrdinance26of1904(Transvaal).20IsakNiehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica:ACriticalOverviewoftheRalushaiCommissionReport,”inWitchcraftViolenceandtheLawinSouthAfrica(Pretoria:ProteaBookHouse,2003),p.95.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
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ScholarshipontheApplicationofColonialWitchcraftLaws
Whatfollowsisanexpositionoftheavailablesecondaryliteraturewhichdealswithhowwitchcraftwas
dealtwithbyofficialsinSouthAfrica,fromwhichasetofquestionscanbedrawnouttointerrogate
whatismurkyandlargelyunexploredhistoricalterrain.
A number of anthropologists wrote about African beliefs in witchcraft during the early twentieth
century,buttheydonotoffermuchanalysisontheapplicationofthelaw.Theiraimswereratherto
understand thenatureofwitchcraftbelief from“within”Africanbeliefstructures.21Someoccasional
mentionsof theeffectsof colonial lawcanbegleaned from theseearlyaccounts,however. In1904,
DudleyKiddassertedthatthelawhadhelpedreducewitchkillings.HeclaimedthatbeforetheBritish
annexationofPondolandandtheintroductionofthe1886PenalCode,“fullyonepersonwasputtodeath
inthatdistricteveryday,onanaverage,onchargesofwitchcraft”.22InReactiontoConquest,alsobased
on studies in Pondoland, Monica Wilson described witchcraft laws as having brought “the most
revolutionarychange”tobearonAfricanvillagers.CitingKidd,sheassertedthatthelawhadlargely
broughttoanend“executionsforallegedwitchcraftorsorcery”.23Yetdespitetheprohibitions,Wilson
argues,theAfricanbeliefthatwitchcraftexistedremainedfundamentallyunchanged.24Asof1936,she
notedthat“trialsbeforeadiviner”werestillheldfrequentlytodeterminewitches.25In1951,Wilson
confirmed that some hundred witchcraft‐related trials had occurred in Keiskammahoek in the
preceding fewyears.26Writing in1912, the anthropologistHenriAlexandre Junodbelieved that the
effortsofthe“civilisedGovernmentsinAfrica”toputanendtothesmellingoutofwitchesandwizards
hadnotputanendtowitchtrials,buthadatleastinducedmoreleniencyonthepartofchiefs,whonow
21ForanthropologyonwitchcraftbeliefsinSouthAfrica,seeHenriJunod,TheLifeofASouthAfricaTribe:(NewYork:UniversityBooksInc,1912);MonicaWilson,ReactiontoConquest:EffectsofContactwithEuropeansonthePondo of South Africa (Cape Town: David Philip, 1936); Monica Wilson et al., Keiskammahoek Rural Survey(Pietermaritzburg:ShuterandShooter,1952);E.H.Ashton, “Medicine,MagicandSorceryamong theSouthernSotho,”CommunicationsfromtheSchoolofAfricanStudies,UniversityofCapeTownNewSeriesNo.10(December1943);IsaacSchapera,TheTswana.(London:InternationalAfricanInstitute,1953);IsaacSchapera,“TheCrimeofSorcery,”ProceedingsoftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstituteofGreatBritainandIreland,1969,15–23;H.OMonnig,ThePedi(Pretoria:VanSchaik,1967);W.D.Hammond‐Tooke,“TheSymbolicStructureofCapeNguniCosmology,”in Religion and Social Change in Southern Africa (Cape Town: David Philip, 1975); W.D. Hammond‐Tooke,BoundariesandBelief:The Structureofa SothoWorldview (Johannesburg: University ofWitwatersrandPress,1981); W.D. Hammond‐Tooke, Rituals andMedicines: IndigenousHealing in South Africa (Johannesburg: A.D.Donker,1989);W.D.Hammond‐Tooke,“‘SelectiveBorrowing?ThePossibilityofSanShamanisticInfluenceontheSouthernBantuDivinationandHealingPractices.,’”SouthAfricanArchaeologicalBulletin53(1998):9–15.22DudleyKidd,TheEssentialKafir(London:Adam&CharlesBlack,1904),p.176–178.23MonicaWilson,ReactiontoConquest:EffectsofContactwithEuropeansonthePondoofSouthAfrica(CapeTown:DavidPhilip,1936),p.424.24Ibid.,p.275.25Ibid.,p.424.26MonicaWilsonetal.,KeiskammahoekRuralSurvey(Pietermaritzburg:ShuterandShooter,1952),p.182.
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apparentlynolongerputpeopletodeathbutwereinstead“contentwithfiningthewizards£10or£15,
half of which remains in their own pockets”.27 With witch trials apparently continuing, we might
tentativelyconcludethatthelegislationwasnotrigorouslyoruniformlyimplementedduringtheearly
twentiethcentury,butthiscertainlyrequiresfurthersubstantiation.
Inmore contemporary works about witchcraft, authors generally gloss over the colonial period of
witchcraft policing. While the late‐ and post‐apartheid eras have attracted significant scholarly
attention,farlessworkhasbeenproducedthatdealsexplicitlywiththeuseofwitchcraftlawintheearly
twentiethcentury.Wheretheperiodismentioned,itisgenerallyasamomentarysteppingstonetoa
discussionaboutthewitchcraftbeliefsandtheireffectsinmorerecenttimes.Wheresuggestionsare
maderegardinghowcolonialwitchcraftlawswereemployed,verylittleevidenceisgenerallyadduced
insubstantiation.
AdamAshforth’sextraordinaryWitchcraft,ViolenceandDemocracy inSouthAfricaoffersa thorough
accountof“witchcraft,violenceandjustice”inthepost‐apartheidera,butmakesonlypassingmention
of colonialwitchcraftpolicing.Hecontends thatadministratorswerenot trulycommitted toending
witchcraftaccusationsbutweremoreconcernedwithneutralizingperceivedthreatstocolonialorder
thatsupposed“superstitiousbeliefs”ofAfricanswerebelievedto foster.28Hebelieves that“healers”
were“nodoubt…targetedfromtimetotimeinvariousdistrictsofSouthAfrica,probablywheretheir
activities intruded into political matters that complicated the everyday activities of white
administrators”.29 He suggests that, in practice, colonial witchcraft laws “were applied only when
popularhealersemergedwhoseemedadangertocolonialorder”.30Yetheadmitsthathehas“been
unabletofindaccountsoftheprosecutionofhealersforcontraveningthislegislation”.31
BasedonhisstudyinBushbuckridge,IsakNiehaus’contendsthatthelawwasnotrigorouslyemployed
to put an end to witch trials between 1930 and 1956: “Out of sight and earshot of the native
commissioners,chiefstriedcasesthattouchedonwitchcraft…NativeCommissionersseemedtohave
ignored these infringements, perhaps because they involved minimal violence.”32 He argues that
witchcraftlawslikethesewerenotemployedrigorouslyasatoolforrepressingwitchcraftaccusations,
butwererathera“symbolic”sealofthestate’srhetoricalcommitmenttothecivilisingmission.33Like
Ashforth,however,hedoesnotpointtoanyspecificrecordstosubstantiatetheseassertions.
27HenriJunod,TheLifeofASouthAfricaTribe:PartII(NewYork:UniversityBooksInc,1912),p.534.28Ashforth,Witchcraft,Violence,Democracy.29Ibid.,p.286.30Ibid.,p.254.31Ibid.,p.286.32Niehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica,”p.97.33Niehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica:FromColonialSuperstitiontoPostcolonialReality?,”p.189.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
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MartinChanock’sTheMakingofSouthAfricanLegalCulture:1902‐1936 isoneoftheveryfewworks
which interrogatesarchivaldocumentsandcourtcases fromtheearly twentiethcenturytoadvance
some conclusions about judicial attitudes towards witchcraft matters at the time. Chanock’s is a
summaryanalysis,however,withonlyafewpagesdevotedtothematter.Moreover,hisfocusremains
oncasesofwitchcraft‐relatedkillings.IntheeightcasesthatChanockpresents,whichcametotheNatal
HighCourt between1910 and1916, the chargeofmurderwouldhave applied rather than colonial
witchcraftlaws.
Chanock’sanalysisisnonethelessusefulinhighlightingsomeoftheencountersandattitudesofHigh
Court judges in matters of witchcraft. The judges are held to have been frequently “puzzled” and
“bewildered”bythecases,inwhichtheaccusedseemedtoactas“theresultofobediencetoothersand
tocustom”,murderingwithoutconcealmentandinconcertwithanumberofothers.34Thecourts,he
argues,regardedthesecasesasfoolishsuperstitions,andtheywereviewedasbeingsurroundedbyan
“airofimplacableirrationalityandbrutality”.35HequotesajudgmentbyJusticeJacksonin1915:“The
nativeisbroughtupinanatmosphereofsuperstition,andsuperstitionisengenderedbyeveryunusual
circumstance”.36
Chanockalsodemonstrateswhatseemstohavebeenabiasagainstdivinersintheapplicationofthelaw
–theyseemtohaveattractedtheanimosityofthejudgesoftheNatalHighCourt.Ineveryoneofthe
casesanalysed,thepresidingjudgenotedthecentralinstigatingroleofadiviner.Healsocitesarchival
documents from 1917 written by an unnamed law adviser to the Governor‐General and High
Commissioner,whichseemtoindicatethatitwasthedivinerwhomostfrequentlyreceivedthedeath
penaltyinwitchcraftmurdercases.Thelawadviserfoundthatincasesofwitchkillingthatcamebefore
theUnion courtsbetween1913 and1917, thedeathpenaltywasusually imposedwhen the “witch
doctor”hadundertakenthekilling,andcommutedtolifeimprisonmentwhentheaccusedhadkilledon
theinstructionsofa“witchdoctor”.37TheGovernor‐Generalweighedinontheissue,insistingthatthe
deathpenaltyshouldnot followasamatterof course,butonlywhere “thepractice is catching, and
sometimes especially infests a district. It may take a resemblance to a vendetta. In such cases the
severestpenaltiesmaybenecessary”.38
34MartinChanock,TheMakingofSouthAfricanLegalCulture,1902‐1936:Fear,FavourandPrejudice(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001),p.322.35Ibid.36Ibid.,p.323.37Ibid.,p.327.38Quotedinibid.,p.327.
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Chanock’sfindingsindicatethatwhenitcametotryingtocurbmurdersbasedon“superstitiousbeliefs”,
pragmatic considerations of deterrence were more important than doggedly clinging to principle.
Additionally, it suggests that the law operated with a bias against “witch doctors”, perceived as
potentiallytroublesomevectorsofsupposedlyirrationalbeliefsinwitchcraft.Buttheseconclusionsare
onlysupportedbythinsetofarchivaldocuments,andgreaterresearchisrequiredtodeterminehow
generalizableChanock’sfindingsare.
D.S.KoyanaandJ.Macintoshalsowroteaboutwitchcraftmurdercases,specificallyabouthowbeliefin
witchcraft came to be recognized as a mitigating factor in sentencing. In the early decades of the
twentieth century, witchcraft beliefs were not considered as diminishing criminal fault in cases of
murder, yet by the 1930s it seems that the notion that witchcraft belief could be an extenuating
circumstancecametobeincreasinglydebated.Inalegalreviewjournalof1939,J.Macintoshnoteda
“remarkable”casefrom1933,R.v.Mbombela,inwhich“anativeyouth,believingthatasmallobjecthe
sawinabadly‐lithutwasanevilspirit(tikiloshe),struckitwithastickandkilledasmallchild”.39The
AppellateDivisionCourtthatquestionsof“race,oridiosyncrasies,orsuperstitions,orintelligenceofthe
person”couldnot“enterintothequestion”ofcriminalliability.40But,asKoyananotes,witchcraftfinally
cametoberegardedasanextenuatingcircumstanceinthe1938caseofR.v.Biyana.Thejudgeruled
thatthemindsofthefouraccusedwhohadstrangledanoldwoman“smeltout”asawitchwere“subject
to erroneous belief, in circumstances which [made the] crime committed under its influence less
reprehensible than itwould be in the case of amind of normal condition”.41 The accused received
sentencesrangingfromfifteentotwentyyearsinprison.Itseems,therefore,thatthejudiciarycameto
showawillingnesstocompromiseinmattersofwitchcraftasthedecadesworeon.
JulieParle’scasestudyoftheAmandikiofZululandfrom1894to1914isoneofthefewhistoricalworks
thatdealsexclusivelywiththeissueofwitchcraftduringthefirstdecadesofthetwentiethcenturyin
SouthAfrica.42InParle’sstudy,shemakesmentionoftheconfusedandinconsistentapplicationofthe
witchcraft law in Zululand (Proclamation II of 1887) in official strategies to manage what was
characterisedasawaveof“hystericalmania”amongwomencalledtheamandiki.Manyofficialsbelieved
thewomenwereundertakingpractices“closelyalliedwithwitchcraft”andthereforechargedanumber
ofwomen forcommittingwitchcraftunderSection9of theZululandProclamation IIof1887.43The
39J.C.Macintosh,“ApplicationofCriminalLawtoPrimitivePeople:HowFarBeliefinWitchcraftIs‘ExtenuatingCircumstance’inMurder,”TheCambridgeLawJournal7,no.1(1939):p.158.40Ibid.41D.S.Koyana,“TheDemiseoftheDoctrineofExtenuatingCircumstancesintheRepublicsofSouthAfricaandtheTranskei,”Consultus,October1991,115–18;Macintosh,“ApplicationofCriminalLaw,”p.158.42JulieParle,“WitchcraftorMadness?TheAmandikiofZululand,1894‐1914,”JournalofSouthernAfricanStudies29,no.1(2003):105–32.43Ibid.,p.112.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
13
DistrictNativeCommissioneroftheLowerUmfoloziDistrict,DickAddison,usedthelawvociferouslyin
1909againstthe“amandikinuisance”,whichhearguedneededtobe“putdownwithastronghand”.44
Parle’sanalysissuggeststhatlocalofficialshadasignificantdegreeofautonomyindecidingonhowto
trycasesdealingwithwitchcraftintheirdistricts.InZululand,itseemsthatthewitchcraftstatutewas
appliedinconsistentlybyofficialsaccordingtothelocalisedcontingenciestheyencounteredandtheir
concernsoverpublicorder.ButoneshouldbewaryofgeneralisingParle’sfindingsfromZululand.The
historicalcontextofcolonialruleherewasmarkedlydifferentfromthatofboththeTransvaalandthe
Cape,andtheprescriptionsofProclamationIIwerealsodistinctfromthelawswhichprevailedinthose
provinces.45Nevertheless,therewascommunicationaboutwitchcraftmattersbetweenadministrators
ofdifferentprovinces,andParle’sstudyprovidesimportantcluesaboutwhatbroaderattitudestowards
witchcraftmayhavebeen.
SeanReddinghaswrittenabouttheintersectionbetweenthestateandwitchcraftintheearlytwentieth
century. She argues that the increasingly intrusive actions of the colonial bureaucracy came to be
describedbyAfricans in the lexiconofwitchcraftbelief.46Sheargues thatbeliefs inwitchcraftwere
intimatelytiedtonotionsofpower,andthatthebeliefthatthestatewasmanipulatingevilsupernatural
powers provided the central thrust to a number of rural uprisings, including the 1880 Transkei
Rebellion,the1906BambathaRebellion,andtheruralrevoltsofthe1950sand60sintheTranskei.47A
similarargumentisadvancedbyCliftonCraisofthesituationintheapartheidera.48Reddingalsoargues
thatthecolonialstate’soutlawingofchieflywitchcraftadjudicationdidnothingtodampenbeliefsin
witchcraft – ironically, the perceived protection of witches from traditional justice by colonial law
44Ibid.,p.110–111.45Section9ofProclamationIIoutlawed“pretendingtopractisewitchcraft”,whileSection10criminalized“falselyaccusinganypersonofwitchcraft”.Aconvictionundereitherofthesecouldattract“afineorimprisonmentinthediscretionofthecourtor25lashesoranytwosuchpunishments”.Justhowtheselawscametobeappliedintheearlytwentiethcenturyrequiresfurtherresearch.
NationalArchivesRepository[Hereafter“SAB”],SecretaryforNativeAffairs[Hereafter“NTS”or“SNA”]9465,19/362,“WitchcraftGeneralFile:TranskeianTerritoriesWitchcraft”,LetterfromSecretaryofNativeAffairstotheSecretaryofJustice,includingSurveyofWitchcraftLawacrossSouthAfrica,1948.46TimothyLane,“Witchcraft,ChiefsandtheStateintheNorthernTransvaal:1900‐1930,”inTheCultureofPowerinSouthernAfrica:EssaysonStateFormationandthePoliticalImagination(Portsmouth,NH:Heinemann,2003),Seealso:47SeanRedding, “GovernmentWitchcraft:Taxation, theSupernatural,and theMpondoRevolt in theTranskei,South Africa, 1955‐1963,” African Affairs 95, no. 381 (1996): 555; Sean Redding, “Sorcery and Sovereignty:Taxation,Witchcraft,andPoliticalSymbolsinthe1880TranskeianRebellion,”JournalofSouthernAfricanStudies22,no.2 (1996):249–70;SeanRedding, “ABlood‐StainedTax:PollTaxand theBambathaRebellion inSouthAfrica,”AfricanStudiesReview43,no.2(September1,2000):29–54,;Sean,McKittrick,MeredithRedding,“SorceryandSovereignty:Taxation,PowerandRebellion inSouthAfrica,1880‐1963,”AfricanStudiesReview. 51,no.1(2008):144.48CliftonC.Crais,ThePoliticsofEvil:Magic,StatePower,andthePoliticalImaginationinSouthAfrica,AfricanStudiesSeries103(Cambridge,U.K. ;NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2002).
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14
seemedtoprovidefurtherproofthatthestateitselfwasapurveyorofwitchcraft.49Yet,themagistrates
oftheTranskeicontinuedtoregardbeliefsinwitchcraftassimply“superstitious”,“rarelyunderstood
that the belief inwitchcraft had larger social and political effects” and failed to “discern any direct
relationshipbetweenhowtheyweregoverning,andthebeliefinwitchcraft”.50Shecitesletterswritten
bymagistratesoftheTranskeiwhichregardedwitchcraftbeliefsasproofthatAfricanswere“uncivilised
andculturallyconservative”,extremely“gullible”and“childlike”,andeven“dangerous”.51
Redding also notes official fears over the phenomenon of “war doctoring”: the administering of
medicinesbytraditionalhealersbeforebattlewiththepromiseofinvulnerabilitytoattack–apparently
regardedbyofficialsasaformof“nativewitchcraft”.52SuchfearswerealsohighlightedbyJeffGuy,who
shows that such fearswere present in the case of the BambathaRebellion of 1906.53 Theseworks
suggestthatofficialsweresometimesvexedbytheperceptionthatwitchcraftbeliefscouldwreakon
white rule.What is notmade clear, however, iswhether or how such fears informed strategies for
policingwitchcraftduringthisperiod.
Theworkspresentedthusfarrepresentthelimitsofscholarshipoftheapplicationofcolonialwitchcraft
lawsinSouthAfricaintheearlytwentiethcentury.Thereare,however,anumberofworkswrittenabout
themid‐nineteenthcenturywhichhelprevealsomethingof thedeeperhistoricalcontextofpolicing
witchcraftpriortothepromulgationofwitchcraftlaws.
EarlierColonialWitchcraftManagement
Inhis1899bookTheRomanceofaPro‐Consul, JamesMilnewritesabouttheapproachtoruleofSir
GeorgeGrey,themid‐nineteenthcenturyGovernoroftheCapeColony.GreybelievedthatAfricanscould
be assimilated by eroding the trappings of “tribal life”, undermining institutions of traditional rule,
rootingout“pagancustoms”andmoulding“rawhumanmaterialstohigherends”.54Butheidentified
“witchcraft,whichheldinbondsthesavagepeopleswhomIhadtogovern”ashis“hardesttrouble”.55
WilliamandLilyRees’TheLifeandTimesofSirGeorgeGreyshowsthatGreybelievedthespreadof
49Redding,“SorceryandSovereignty,”1996,p.256.50Ibid.51Ibid.,p.265.52Ibid.,p.261.53JamesStuartquotedinJeffGuy,TheMaphumuloUprising:War,LawandRitualintheZuluRebellion(Scotsville,SouthAfrica:UniversityofKwaZulu‐NatalPress,2005),p.221.54HermannBuhrGiliomee,FromApartheidtoNation‐Building,ContemporarySouthAfricanDebates(CapeTown:OxfordUniversityPress,1989),p.5;SirGeorgeGreyquotedinJamesMilne,TheRomanceOfAPro‐Consul:BeingThePersonalLifeAndMemoirsOfTheRightHon.SirGeorgeGrey,K.c.b,Specialed(London:Chatto&Windus,1899),p.72.55SirGeorgeGreyquotedinMilne,TheRomanceOfAPro‐Consul,p.72–73.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
15
Europeaneducation,medicineandChristianitywould “win thepeople fromtheirwitch‐doctorsand
overthrow witchcraft”.56 Grey regarded witchcraft as an important pillar of chiefly power and
legitimacy,insistingthatchiefscolludedwith“witchdoctors”tohaverivals“eatenup”orexecuted.57Yet
itseemsthattheproblemwasonewhichlargelyescapedcolonialcontrol.
Attitudestowardswitchcraftseemtohavebeenlittledifferentinthenineteenthcenturyadministration
ofcolonialNatal,despiteitsturnawayfromGrey’sassimilationistapproachtowardsproto‐segregation.
ThomasMcClendon’sWhiteChief,BlackLordsdemonstrateshow, inspiteofTheophilusShepstone’s
acceptance of customary rule, witchcraft remained something which the colonial state considered
“repugnant”andinneedofstampingout.58McClendonarguesthatthiswasfundamentallyaboutpower
–aboutassertingthesovereigntyoftheBritishadministrationbywrestingcontrolofwitchcraftaway
from the chiefs and denying them the power over the life and death of their subjects. “In effect,”
McClendonargues,“thecolonialstatereservedcapitalpunishmenttoitself”inabidto“dilutethepower
ofamakhosi”.59
InabidtoassertthesovereigntyofBritishcolonialrule,Shepstone’sadministrationtookituponitself
todealwithwitchcraftmatters,managingthoseaccusationswhichemergedmostvisibly,sometimes
throughpersonalinterventions.McClendonhighlightsoccasionswhenaccusedwitcheswereremoved
fromlocalitiesbycolonialofficials.Inoneincident,officialsweresentscurryingbetweenrivalchiefdoms
who had traded accusations of witchcraft, eventually convincing one to relocate in order to avoid
conflict.Ironically,theresultwasthattheadministrationbecamemoredeeplyembroiledintothematrix
of witchcraft beliefs: even as it attempted to relegate the ‘repugnant’ category of witchcraft to
invisibility… the colonial statemade itself aparticipant in thediscourseofwitchcraft.”60McClendon
shows that the colonial administration was forced to undertake a “delicate dance” with witchcraft
matters–calculatedcompromisesasopposedtoconsistentprinciple.Despiteastatedabhorrenceto
the issue of witchcraft, there thus came to exist elements of pragmatic rapprochement with
“repugnancy”intheactionsundertaken.
These accounts of nineteenth century engagements with witchcraft beliefs help situate the study I
undertake indeeperhistorical contextofwitchcraftpolicing.Theydrawattention to theconnection
betweenwitchcraftandpower,anddemonstratehowthetaskofpolicingthesebeliefswasrathermore
56WilliamLeeReesandLilyRees,TheLifeandTimesofSirGeorgeGrey,K.C.B.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1892),p.232.57Ibid.,p.228.58ThomasMcClendon,WhiteChief,BlackLords:ShepstoneandtheColonialStateinNatal,SouthAfrica1845‐1878(Rochester:UniversityofRochesterPress,2010),p.50.59Ibid.,p.61.60Ibid.
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complicated and contingent than official rhetoric admitted. In practice, pragmatism more often
prevailedoverdogmaticadherence to thecivilisingmission.What isnotmadeclear iswhether this
attitude of compromise still informed the actions of colonial officials after the promulgation of the
witchcraftlawsinthelatenineteenthcentury–aquestionwhichwillbeinterrogatedinthisstudy.
ComparativeHistory:PolicingWitchcraftinBritishAfrica
Whilethereisanotableabsenceofstudiesfocusingontheapplicationofwitchcraftlawsintheearly
twentiethcenturyinSouthAfrica,anumberofstudieshavebeenconductedelsewhereinAfricaduring
thisperiod–especiallyinformerBritishcolonieswheresimilarwitchcraftlawswereimposed.
InhisarticleonthepolicingofwitchcraftinSwazilandbytheearlytwentiethcenturystate,forinstance,
AlanBoothargues“thecolonialgovernmentwentafterwitchcraftsoobsessivelybecauseitperceived
its practitioners as a competitive locus of powerwhich it could not tolerate”.61 Aswas asserted by
officials in nineteenth century SouthAfrica, then, power seems to have beenof primary concern in
witchcraftmanagement.Asaresult,hebelieves,chiefsfeltdeprivedofanimportantritualofpower,and
sharedtheperceptionthatwitcheswerebeingprotectedbytheEuropeancourts.62Yetitdoesnotseem
thatthecolonialprohibitionswerewhollysuccessful.InTheRealmoftheRainqueen,KrigeandKrige
analysetheproceedingsofsomefiftywitchcraftcasesthatcamebeforeSwazichieflycourts.63
Despitelegalprohibitions,customarycourtproceedingsinwitchcraftmattersseemtohavecontinued
inanumberof countries.64MonicaHunter’sGoodCompany notes the continuationofwitch trials in
SouthernTanganyikaandNorthernMalawiinthe1930s:“Wejudgethemopenlybutwedonothave
61A.R.Booth,“‘EuropeanCourtsProtectWomenandWitches’:ColonialLawCourtsasRedistributorsofPowerinSwaziland1920‐1950.,”JournalofSouthernAfricanStudies.18,no.2(1992):p.272–273.62Ibid.63J.D.KrigeandE.J.Krige,TheRealmoftheRainqueen.(Johannesburg:Juta&Co,1943).64 For examples of anthropology from other African countries, see J.D. Krige and E.J. Krige,TheRealmof theRainqueen.(Johannesburg:Juta&Co,1943);J.DKrige,“TheSocialFunctionOfWitchcraft,”Theoria:AJournalofSocialandPoliticalTheory,no.1(1947):8–21;MonicaWilson,GoodCompany(OxfordU.p,1951);M.GMarwick,SorceryinItsSocialSetting;aStudyoftheNorthernRhodesianCeŵa.([Manchester:ManchesterUniv.Press,1965);J.R.Crawford,WitchcraftandSorceryinRhodesia(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1967);MaxGluckman,CustomandConflictinAfrica.(Oxford:Blackwell,1956);MaxGluckman,Politics,Law,andRitualinTribalSociety(Oxford:NewYork,NY,USA :BasilBlackwell,1965).
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
17
themwritteninthecourtbook”.65InTheTswana,IsaacSchaperanotedoftheBechuanalandProtectorate
that“trialsareoftenheld,especiallyifthevictimisstillliving”.66
AnumberofstudiesproducedaboutcentralAfricademonstratethatforcolonialofficials,pragmatism
cametotrumpprincipleinmattersofwitchcraftpolicing.RichardWaller’sWitchcraftandColonialLaw
inKenyaprovides incisiveanalysisonthekindsofengagements that tookplacebetweentheBritish
coloniallegalmachineryandwitchcraftmatters.Here,thelawwasemployedprimarilyagainstthose
classifiedas“witches”bythecolonialauthorities,butwhomWallerregardsashavingbeenconsidered
dangerous“charismaticindividuals…whoseclaimstosupernaturalpowerthreatenedtoprovideafocus
for community resistance”.67 This provides pause for thought about the diversity of approaches
undertakenbyvariouscolonialauthoritiesacrossAfrica,wheretherelativepowerofwhiterulevaried
considerably,necessitatingdifferentstrategiestopolicewitchcraftbeliefs.Wallernotesthatincolonial
Kenya,officersofthelawfoundwitchcraftcasesincrediblytroublesomefortheimageofcolonialrule.
Witchcraftcaseswerefrequentlyoverturnedontechnicalitiesorwithdrawnduetoalackofevidence,
andasaresult,theespousedauthorityoflocalcolonialofficialswasrevealedtoberathermoretenuous
thantheircivilisingproclamationswerewonttosuggest.These“witches”aresaidtohave“boast[ed]of
theirimmunity”andthreatenedthosewhohadtestifiedagainstthemincourt.68Wallerconcludesthat
“DistrictCommissionersrespondedbysimplyrefusingtoprosecute–ineffectturningablindeyeto
more apparently effective local methods of control, provided that they were not made public.”69
Administratorswerethuswillingto“bendthelaw”inthenameofgoodgovernance.70Walleralsoshows
thattheattitudesofcolonialofficialschangedremarkablyovertime.Bythe1930s,heargues,theywere
“learningtolivewithwitches–andwithwitchdoctors”.71
SomeworksoncolonialTanganyikademonstrateasimilarchangeinmindsetofcolonialofficials.Stacey
AnnLangwickquotesaTanganyikancolonialofficialashaving insistedthatwitchcraft lawwasonly
used“whenthemaintenanceofpeaceandorderandgoodgovernmentareatstake”.72Greenreports
that by the 1940s, officers here had begun using “traditional expertise” themselves to deal with
witchcraft. He notes that “increased witchcraft accusations prompted the district commissioner of
65Wilson,GoodCompany.66Schapera,TheTswana.,p.66.67RichardD.Waller,“WitchcraftandColonialLawinKenya,”inPast&Present,Past&PresentSociety180(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2003),p.262.68Ibid.,p.247.69Ibid.70Ibid.,p.274–275.71Ibid.,p.266.72 Stacey Ann Langwick, Bodies, Politics, and African Healing: The Matter of Maladies in Tanzania (IndianaUniversityPress,2011),p.50.
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Ulanga,Tanganyika,tosendmgangatoconductmassshavings…tosuppressthepowersofwitchesand
toprotectpeopleagainstbewitchment.Withinvillagecommunitiesaperceptionevenarosethatcolonial
governmentshadappointedanti‐witchcraftspecialistsforpurposesofdevelopment.”73
Karen Fields demonstrates the The Political Contingencies ofWitchcraft in early twentieth century
Zambia, Tanzania, Malawi and Kenya, arguing that official dealings with witchcraft came to be
characterised by an approach of compromise and calculation. In her estimation, British officers
“backpedalled” from the initially vigorous civilising imperative because they lacked the popular
legitimacy,themanpowerandresourcestorulebyforcealone.74Realisingwitchcraftbeliefswerenot
going todisappear soon,Fieldsargues thatofficials adopteda stanceof “watchful tolerance”on the
matter,calculatingtheirresponsesaccordingtothepotentialcoststhatsuchactionmightposetotheir
holdonpower.75Thisstrategypresented itselfasapoliticallyexpedientwayfor“colonialismonthe
cheap” to approach the problem of witchcraft: officials kept “a sharp eye on developments”, yet
abstainedfromintrusivepolicing.76
Nosimilar,empiricallysubstantiatedstudieshavebeenproducedwhichtestwhetherthesituationsin
other African colonies outlined above prevailed in the South African context in the early twentieth
century.
TheStudy,theSourcesandtheMethodology
Withoutmuchseriousanalysisof theattitudesofadministrators to theproblemofwitchcraft in the
earlytwentiethcentury,thereisasignificantgapinscholarship.Thisstudyaimstobolsterthesparse
literaturethatexistsontheuseofwitchcraftlawsinearlytwentiethcenturySouthAfricabylookingat
theuseoftheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904.Iexaminethebroaddiscursiveframework
inwhichcolonialofficialsapprehendedmattersofwitchcraft,andprovideevidenceastothenatureof
administrativeandjudicialresponsestowitchcraftmattersastheycametobeshapedbytheparticular
settingintheTransvaal.
Inthecourseofthereviewofliteratureundertakenabove,anumberofquestionshavearisenwhich
haveasyet remainedunsatisfactorilyansweredbyexisting literature, lacking insufficientempirical
73MGreen,“ShavingWitchcraftinUlanga:KunyulewaandtheCatholicChurch,”inWitchcraft inContemporaryTanzania(Cambridge:AfricanStudiesCentre,UniversityofCambridge,1994),p.29.74K.E.Fields, “PoliticalContingenciesofWitchcraft inColonialCentralAfrica:Cultureand theState inMarxistTheory,”CanadianJournalofAfricanStudies16(1982):p.569.75Ibid.,p.575.76KarenEFields,“PoliticalContingenciesofWitchcraftinColonialCentralAfrica:CultureandtheStateinMarxistTheory,”CanadianJournalofAfricanStudies16,no.3(1982):p.568;p.588.
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
19
depth.IapproachedtheprimarymaterialIdiscoveredaboutearlytwentiethcenturywitchcraftpolicing
withtheseconcernsinmind:
1.WastheWitchcraftOrdinancemerelya“symbol”ofthestate’srhetoricalcommitmentto
the “civilisingmission”, rather than a genuine legislative attempt to eradicate witchcraft
accusations,asNiehaussuggests?
2.HowaccurateisAshforth’scontentionthatthelaw“wasappliedonlywhenpopularhealers
emergedwhoseemedadangertocolonialorder”?
3.Canweinfer,asChanockdoes,thatthelawoperatedwithabiasagainstso‐called“witch
doctors”?
4.InearlytwentiethcenturyTransvaal,wereadministratorsforcedtoundertakea“delicate
dance”withwitchcraftmatters,asShepstonedidinnineteenthcenturyNatal?Didcolonial
administrators come to turn a “blind eye” towitchcraftmatters, asWaller suggests? Did
“watchfultolerance”undergirdofficialresponses,asFieldssuggestsofcentralandeastern
Africa?
In a bid to provide some answers to these questions, this study interrogates a range of primary
documentsauthoredduringtheearlytwentiethcentury.Becausetheprimarydocumentaryevidence
which ismost readily accessible is largely concernedwith the Transvaal region, this will form the
geographical focus of my project. A major problem I have found with the available literature is a
tendencytoinferbroadgeneralisationsaboutwitchcraftpolicingfromparticularcontextscharacterised
by unique socio‐political terrains. In this study, I have not desisted from advancing some tentative
generalisationsaboutthebroadsituationintheTransvaal,butIdoaimtoremainassensitivetolocal
particularities as the available sources allow. I chose to approach the studywithout rigid temporal
parameters,leavingmyresearchflexibletotheprimaryevidenceIdiscovered.
InChapterI,Iinterrogatesomeprominentperceptionsofthe“witchcraftproblem”inthesegregationist
climateof theearly twentiethcentury. I investigatehowtheconceptsof “witchcraft”and the“witch
doctor”wereunderstoodamongstprominentwhitewritersandofficialsofthetime.Ihighlightsome
reasons advanced for why witchcraft presented a problem, both for colonial rule and for Africans
themselves. I also examine some of the solutions proposed for ending this supposed problem. This
chapterwasdrawnfromawiderangeofsources:reportsofcommissionsofenquiry,theutterancesof
statesmen, theethnographiesof earlyanthropologists, themanifestosof segregationist intellectuals,
andarticleswhich featured innewspapers andperiodicals.Of course, these sources cannotprovide
anything like a comprehensiveaccountof “officialbeliefs” regardingwitchcraft – therewasnotone
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20
perspective on “witchcraft” which informed administrative responses to these matters. Beliefs are
always highly individualised, erratic and inconsistent. Nevertheless, these sources do give us an
indicationofthediscursiveterraininwhichofficialattitudestowitchcraftmayhavebeenformed.
InChapterII,IexamineinstancesinwhichtheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinancecametobeappliedin
thecolonialcourtroom.Iinvestigatethekindsofsituationswhichcametoattractthemightofthelaw
andthemannerinwhichtheywereadjudicated.Theconclusionsadvancedaredrawnfromcaseswhich
camebefore theTransvaal SupremeCourtCircuitDivision.TheNationalArchives inPretoriahouse
extensive records of these cases, which include charge sheets, witness testimony, and concluding
judgments.Atthetimeofmyresearch,constructionworkattheArchiveshamperedtheaccessibilityof
documents, and the only available criminal case registers ranged from the years 1910 to 1935.
Nevertheless, the37caseswhich involvedchargesunder theWitchcraftOrdinanceduring that time
providesomeusefulinsightsintotheoperationofthelaw.Oneshouldofcoursebearinmindthelimits
oftheserecords.Inmostcasesitisunclearhowthemattercamebeforethecourtinthefirstinstance.
Moreover,thetypedtranscriptsfallwellshortofcapturingthedetailofthedramasthatunfoldedinthe
courtroom.MostwitnessesidentifiedthemselvesasXitsongaorBavenda,andthetestimonieswhich
appearinthecourtrecordsarethereforeprobablytranslations.Most,forinstance,wouldprobablynot
haveusedtheterms“witchdoctor”,“witch”,or“wizard”thatappearinthefinaltranscripts.Whilenone
of the questions asked by the prosecution are recorded, the fact that testimonies in the same case
frequentlymirror each other in termsof narrative structure seems to indicate thatwitnesseswere
interrogatedalongthesamelines.Thisinvitesusfurthertobearinmindtheconstraintsofthecourt
systemmore generally indrawing inferences about the applicationof the law.The court roomwas
characterisedbysharpasymmetriesofpower,andmanyofthosewhoappearedaswitnessesmayhave
harbouredsignificantmistrustofthecoloniallegalsystem.Iapproachedtheirtestimonieswiththisin
mind.Nevertheless,muchcanstillbelearnedfromtheserecords,especiallyabouttheperspectivesof
judgesonmattersofwitchcraft.
InChapter III, Imove from theelevatedvantagepointof theSupremeCourt to the lower levelsof
grassroots “witchcraftmanagement”. I investigatehownotionsofAfrican supernatural beliefswere
perceivedamongstsomelocalcolonialofficialsandwhattheirresponsestothemwere.Thischapter
drawsonasignificantbodyofcorrespondencesentbetweentheNativeAffairsDepartmentandlower
levelNativeCommissionersandmagistrates.Usingthesesourcespresentsobviouslimitations.Theydo
not allow us to produce anything like a definitive and comprehensive account of official attitudes
towardswitchcraftintheperiodinquestion.Andagain,territorialcontextshouldbeborninmind.While
thisstudyisconcernedwiththeTransvaalgenerally,eachlocalityseemstohavebeencharacterisedby
itsownconstellationofpersonalitiesandpowerdynamicswhichshapedbeliefsaboutandresponsesto
witchcraft.Nevertheless,thesearchivaldocumentsdoprovideuswithafargreatersenseofthekinds
Policing Witchcraft in Early Twentie th Century Transvaal
21
ofcalculationsthatmayhaveinformedofficialresponsestowitchcraftintheearlytwentiethcentury
thaniscurrentlyofferedinSouthAfricanwitchcraftscholarship.
ChapterI:The“WitchcraftProblem”andtheWeightofWords
Intheearlytwentiethcentury,anerainwhichideasofsocialDarwinismandeugenicsprevailed,the
notionof“nativewitchcraft”wasfrequentlyemployedasanemblemofuntamedbarbarity,irrationality
andbackwardness,asavageremnantofaprimordialpast.Itwaspositedasahalton“progress”andan
obstacletothedeliveranceoftheAfricanto“civilisation”.Evenasthesegregationiststatetookshapein
theyearsaftertheUnionofSouthAfrica,espousinganapparentlynew‐foundrespectforAfricanculture,
staterhetoricmaintainedthelongheldcolonialviewthatbeliefsinwitchcraftwere“repugnant”andin
needofstampingout.Despitethegovernment’sstatedrecognitionofcustomarylaw,anditsacceptance
ofpracticeslikelobolaandpolygamy,therewasapparentlynoofficialrapprochementwithbeliefsin
witchcraft.EvenastheVictorianassimilationistparadigmwaslosingpurchasetowardstheendofthe
nineteenthcentury,andthestateindicatedafundamentalshifttowardsaformofindirectrulewhich
bolsteredchieflypowers,lawswerebeingpromulgatedwhichbannedthetraditionaladjudicationof
witchcraftmatters.Inthischapter,Iexaminewhybeliefsinwitchcraftwereconsideredproblematicby
arangeofintellectualsandstateofficialsintheearlytwentiethcentury.
WhatisWitchcraft?
ThetopicofAfricanbeliefsin“witchcraft”excitedtheimaginationofagreatmanyauthorsintheearly
twentiethcentury.Terrifying“heartofdarkness”narrativeswereconcoctedwhichportrayedAfricans
hypnotisedbyfearandimprisonedbytheiroutrageoussuperstitions.A1900editionoftheChristian
Express spokeofwitchcraft as “voodooism”, a “remnant of barbarism” that even “still lingers in the
mindsofnativeChristians”.1Aseriesofarticlesentitled“NatureRamblesinZululand”thatraninthe
1909 African Monthly told “fabulous tales” of the “superstitious fancies of the barbarian mind”:
1“ThePrevalenceofWitchcraft,”TheChristianExpress,January6,1900,p.1,WorldNewspaperArchive.
The Witchcraft Problem
23
“primitiveman… lost in amaze of doubt and horror”, victim to themachinations of “witches” and
“wizards”andthe“mysteriouscultoftheisangoma”.2Africanbeliefsinwitchcraftapparentlyproved
justhowtrulyenlightenedthe“European”manwasincomparison.Ina1929editionoftheOutspan,J.W
HousehamportrayedAfricansas:
apeoplesointenselysuperstitious[that]anythingbearingonthemysteriousandocculthasagreatandoverpoweringinfluence.Suchapeopleisatalltimesmovedbysignsandsoundsofwhichamorecivilisedandeducatedmanwouldtakelittleaccount…reasonhasnoplacewhereignoranceandsuperstitionreign.3
Yettheconceptof“witchcraft”wasnotemployedintheAfricancontextfreeofhistoricalbaggage.Before
their “enlightenment”, Europe had lived through its own nightmarish experiences with witches.
Understandings of witchcraft thus arrived in the colonial context already invested with images of
violenceandinjustice.RichardWallerarguesthat
colonialofficials,asEnglishmenwhothoughttheyknewtheirhistory,hadapasttoatonefor.Africanswere
now, itseemed,whereEnglishmenhadoncebeen,anditwaseasytoconstrueanalienpresentthrough
imagesofvillagehatreds,thecredulityofthelearned,officiallysanctionedpersecutionandmobviolence
drawnfromafamiliar–iflargelymisrepresented–past.4
Inthe16thand17thcentury,Britishcourtshadsentencedthousandsofwitchestotheirdeathsunder
officialstatutes.Thejudiciaryregardedthecrimeofwitchcraftasreal,witchesasgenuineagents“in
leaguewiththedevil”,engagingin“intercoursewithevilspirits”.5ThisfinallychangedwhentheBritish
legislature passed theWitchcraft Act in 1735, signalling a complete reversal in the official attitude
towardswitchcraft.ThenewActportrayedwitchcraftaspurelyimaginary.Itbecameacrimetoaccuse
anotherofpossessingmagicalpowers.6Individualscouldnolongerbetriedforbeingawitch,butfor
“pretend[ing]toexerciseoruseanykindofWitchcraft,Sorcery,Inchantment,orConjuration”.7ThisAct
wouldformthemodelforthewitchcraftlegislationofnineteenthcenturyBritishAfrica,and,aswillbe
demonstrated,itsfundamentalassumptionsoftheirrationalityandbarbarismofwitchcraftbeliefswere
apparentlysharedbyagreatmanySouthAfricanwritersandintellectualsofthetimetoo.8
2 Alaena Mazoula, “Nature Rambles in Zululand: The Mamba,” AfricanMonthly, August 1909, Vol. VI, No.33.Periodicals,CullenAfrica;AlaenaMazoula,“NatureRamblesinZululand:ThePython,”AfricanMonthly,October1909,Vol.VI,No.35.Periodicals,CullenAfrica.3J.W.Househam,“TheMysteryoftheFlyingStones,”TheOutspan,August2,1929,p.43,RhodesUniversityCoryLibrary.4Waller,“WitchcraftandColonialLawinKenya,”p.256.5Ibid.;RosemaryGuiley,TheEncyclopediaofWitches,WitchcraftandWicca(InfobasePublishing,2008),p.381.6Mensah‐AborampahOsei,“WitchcraftintheReligionoftheHlubiofQumbu:FocusingontheIssuesofSicknessandHealingintheSociety”(PhD,UniversityofSouthAfrica,2003),p.240.7TheWitchcraftActof1735,9Geo.2c.5.8Chanock,MakingofSALegalCulture,p.326.
Joel Pearson
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UnderstandingsofwitchcraftwerenotonlyinformedbyEuropeanmemoriesofwitchkilling,however.
Initsimportationintothecolonialcontext,theconceptofwitchcraftwasalsoinjectedwithnotionsof
racialsupremacy.Witchcraftapparentlyconfirmedthemythsaboutthesupposedinnatedepravityand
evolutionary backwardness of the African. If European witchcraft was considered irrational and
barbaric,thenAfricanwitchcraftwasdoublyso.WitchcraftbeliefwasthusconceivedinsocialDarwinist
terms,asproofofirrationalblackbarbarityandanobstacleto“civilisation”andthespreadof“Western
modernity”. Eliminating “native witchcraft” came to be a principal aim of the civilising mission
undertakenbythesupposedlysuperiorwhiterace.9Inthelatenineteenthcentury,thelegislaturesin
thecoloniesofSouthAfricapromulgatedlawswhichformalisedthestate’scommitmenttostampingout
witchcraftbeliefs.
Yet at the same time, as a number of authors note, the form that the civilising mission took was
undergoing some important changes. Saul Dubow argues that during this time, the fundamental
premises of the past Victorian civilising mission were called into question. In the wake of drastic
urbanization, increasing fears of black “swamping”, “miscegenation”, and the growingpolitical fears
promptedbyeducatedAfricans,prominentwhiteintellectualsandstatesmenquestionedthewisdomof
the“assimilationist”paradigmwhichhadoncepredominated.10 ProminentintellectualslikeHoward
Pim,MauriceEvans,CharlesLoramandEdgarBrookesarguedthattheAfricanwasnotreadytobefully
integratedinto“civilisation”,andadvocatedaformofracialterritorialsegregationwhichrecognisedthe
valueofmaintaining“nativeculture”.11
By the early twentieth century, African “customs” had thus undergone a rebaptism as ideas of
segregation gained ascendancy. The structures of traditional rule were no longer simply seen as
impedimentsto“civilisation”whichneededtobedestroyed,butastheinstrumentstoostensiblyallow
Africanstofollow“thelineofevolution[which]theirracegeniussuggests”.12In1903,MagistrateCO
Griffinwrotethattheeducated“nativeismerelyamischiefmaker…hehasprovedhimselfunabletouse
hispositionformuchgood,butmoreoftenwhatheknowsisusedinairingimaginarygrievancesofhis
people”;bycontrast,the“rawnative”was“thetruestgentlemanthereis.Heistruetohistraditionsand
9Niehaus,“WitchcraftintheNewSouthAfrica,”p.95.10JohnCell,TheHighestStageofWhiteSupremacy:TheOriginsofSegregationinSouthAfricaandtheAmericanSouth(Cambridge[Cambridgeshire];NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1982),See,forinstance:;SaulDubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheidinSouthAfrica,1919‐36,St.Antony’s/MacmillanSeries(London,England)(Basingstoke:MacmillaninassociationwithStAntony’sCollege,Oxford,1989);PaulB.Rich,StatePowerandBlackPoliticsinSouthAfrica,1912‐51(Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire;NewYork:MacmillanPress ;St.Martin’sPress,1996).11SaulDubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheidinSouthAfrica,1919‐36,St.Antony’s/MacmillanSeries(Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire:MacmillaninassociationwithSt.Antony’sCollege,Oxford,1989),p.25–50.12MauriceS.Evans,BlackandWhiteinSouthEastAfrica,aStudyinSociology(London,NewYork[etc.] :Longmans,GreenandCo.,1911),p.20,http://archive.org/details/blackwhitesouthe00evan.
The Witchcraft Problem
25
customs,andtruetotheauthorityunderwhichhelives.Takehimoutofthatandheisimmediatelya
danger.”13 Segregation offered a form of indirect rule by which the white state could control the
movementsandlimittheaspirationsofAfricans,especiallyinurbanareas.Repressivesegregationthus
cametobeeuphemisedinthelanguageof“culturaldifference”.14
Segregation was instituted through attempts to co‐opt chiefs into the colonial bureaucracy. Their
powerswereexpanded,andchieflycourtscametobeofficiallyentitledtoadminister“nativelaw”–a
parallellegalordertowhichallAfricansweresubjected.The1927NativeAdministrationAct,crafted
by J.B.M Hertzog’s administration, provided the definitive legislative seal for this commitment to
“retraditionalisation”. But the operation of customary law was not without qualification: the Act
stipulatedthat“nativelaw”wouldapplyaslongasitwas“notopposedtotheprinciplesofpublicpolicy
or natural justice”.15Whilematters of lobola and polygamy came to be recognised asmore or less
harmlesscustomswhichchiefscoulddealwithintheircourts,therewasnoofficialrapprochementwith
witchcraft,theadjudicationofwhichremainedoutsidetheambitofchieflyauthority.Witchcraftthus
stood as somethingof a contradiction to thepolicies of retraditionalisationundertaken at the time,
demonstratingthatthecivilisingmissionhadnotdied.16
13NormanEtherington,“ReligionandResistanceinNatal,1900‐1910,”inOneHundredYearsoftheANC:DebatingLiberationHistoriesToday(Johannesburg:WitsUniversityPress,2012),p.58.14 See:MaynardWSwanson, “The Sanitation Syndrome:BubonicPlague andUrbanNativePolicy in theCapeColony, 1900‐1909,” The Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977); John Cell, The Highest Stage ofWhiteSupremacy:TheOriginsofSegregationinSouthAfricaandtheAmericanSouth(Cambridge[Cambridgeshire];NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1982);SaulDubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheid inSouthAfrica,1919‐36, St. Antony’s/Macmillan Series (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan in associationwithSt.Antony’sCollege,Oxford,1989),p.30–31.;P.Maylam,“ExplainingtheApartheidCity:20YearsofSouthAfricanUrbanHistoriography,”JournalofSouthernAfricanStudies.21,no.1(1995):19;PaulB.Rich,StatePowerandBlackPoliticsinSouthAfrica,1912‐51(Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire;NewYork:MacmillanPress ;St.Martin’s Press, 1996); Ivan Thomas Evans, Bureaucracy and Race: Native Administration in South Africa,PerspectivesonSouthernAfrica53(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1997).151927NativeAdministrationAct,n.d.,p.8,section11.,http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/acts/1927‐038.pdf.16The1927“repugnancy”provisooncustomarylawrepresentedacontinuationofalonghistoricaltrendtowardsaspectsofAfrican“tradition”whichcolonialofficialsregardedasunpalatable.TheSouthAfricanNativeAffairsCommission (SANAC) Report in 1905, one of the first official documents which endorsed segregation on anationwidescale,hademphasisedtheimportanceofmaintainingsuchaprovisointherecognitionofcustomarylaw.Thereportspokeinominousterms:“Therehasbeenandtherecontinuesagreatstrugglebetweenthepowersofgoodandevil,oflightanddarkness,ofenlightenmentandignorance,ofprogressandtradition,ofChristianityandheathenism”(SANACReport,1905:p.42,para.216).AccordingtoSirGodfreyLagden,theprincipalauthoroftheSANACReportinhiscapacityasCommissionerofNativeAffairs,Africanscouldnotsimplybelefttotheirowndevicessincetheystillhad“weirdways”whichtheyneededhelperadicating(QuotedinAshforth,1990,p.38).Yetthe elastic concept “repugnancy”hadbeen formulated far earlierbyTheophilus Shepstone,whoprovided theprototype for the later segregationist state: customary lawwould prevail “except so far as the samemay berepugnanttothegeneralprinciplesofhumanity,recognisedthroughoutthecivilisedworld”(McClendon,2010,p.50).Shepstonehadprohibitedthechieflyadjudicationofwitchcrafttrialsonthegroundsthatitwasrepugnant.Thestate’srhetoricaloppositiontowitchtrialshad, itseems,remained largelyunbrokensince thenineteenthcentury.
Joel Pearson
26
Ashfortharguesthat,Fromtheperspectiveofmanystateofficials,beliefinwitchcraftwasproofthat
Africanssubsistedatalowerlevelofcivilisationtothe“enlightened”European.Beliefsintheexistence
ofwitcheswerefrequentlyheldupasproofthatAfricanswerenot“advanced”enoughforcompleteself‐
governmentorthefranchise.Intheviewofthestate,“therationalsubjectofmoderntimes[was]not
supposedtobesomeonegrapplingwiththoseforcesofevilnamesas‘witchcraft’”.17Inhisbiographyof
J.B.MHertzog,OswaldPirowclaimsthattheAfrikanernationalisthad“verydefiniteviews”aboutthe
“generalbeliefinwitchcraftandassociatedphenomena”.18HertzoghadregaledPirowwithastoryabout
how one of his more “civilised” labourers, had expressed fears about “the black pigs” which were
“threateningthemnightandday”becausetheybuiltonaburialground.Thisprincipalarchitectofearly
twentiethcenturysegregationissaidtohavetoldPirow:“Thatshowshowfarcivilisationhasgonewith
anativewhonormallywouldbedescribedasacivilisedmanandaChristian.Itjustemphasizeshow
carefulwemustbebeforeweplacedutiesandresponsibilitiesonthemwhichtheyare incapableof
carrying”.19African incorporation intowhitesocietywas, inHertzog’sview“onlyskindeep”,andhe
concluded thateven“thedevelopmentof thenativesmustbecarefullysupervisedbyasympathetic
government. It would be dangerous to forgo this benevolent guardianship, as most of the Bantu
intellectualswerenotpreparedtoleadtheirownraceandasthehalf‐educatednativewasstillatheart
abarbarian.20
This sentiment was echoed by another foundational segregationist platform, the Native Economic
Commission(NEC)of1932,althoughwithaddedpretensionsofscientificobjectivity.TheNECheldthat
beliefs in witchcraft spoke to “the paramount need for modernising the tribal system”.21 The
Commissionreportidentifiedwitchcraftbeliefas“anti‐progressive”featureof“triballife”.22IntheNEC’s
estimation,witchcraftbeliefswere“opposedtoprogress”andpreventedAfricansfromaccumulating
wealth and “developing” by themselves: “the natives are too firmly held in the grip of primitive
superstitionand fear”.23Witchcraftbeliefsproved thatAfricanscouldnotbe trustedwith theirown
futures or expected to use the vote rationally. Instead, in the view of the NEC, continuing white
paternalisticguidancewascrucialtoconvinceAfricansthatbeliefsinwitchcraftweresuperstitious,to
17AdamAshforth,“Muthi,MedicineandWitchcraft:Regulating‘AfricanScience’inPost‐ApartheidSouthAfrica?,”SocialDynamics31,no.2(2005):p.112.,doi:10.1080/02533950508628714.18OswaldPirow,JamesBarryMunnikHertzog(CapeTown:HowardTimmins,1937),p.196.19Ibid.20Ibid.21 J. E. Holloway et al., “Report of Native Economic Commission 1930‐1932,” 1932, p.9.,http://uir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/5028.22J.D.RheinalltJonesandA.LynnSaffery,SocialandEconomicConditionsofNativeLifeintheUnionofSouthAfrica:Findingsof theNativeEconomicCommission,1930‐1932 (Johannesburg:Universityof theWitwatersandPress,1933),Paras.26,31,34.23Hollowayetal.,“ReportofNativeEconomicCommission1930‐1932,”p.12,para.81.
The Witchcraft Problem
27
showthemthat“spirits,benevolentormalevolent,donotaccount fortheirgoodfortune,ortheir ill
fortune”andtoreplacethis“attitudeforonewhichwillpermitofprogress”.24Onlythencouldthe“dead
handoftribalism”berelaxedanda“darkfuture”avoided.25
StampingOutWitchcraftBeliefs
In theearly twentieth century,prominent accountsofwitchcraft characterised it asa setof absurd,
anachronisticbeliefsthatpreventedAfricansfromreapingthefruitsof“modernity”.Theanthropologist
DudleyKiddconcludedthattherewas“littlehopefortheelevationofthesetribesuntilthefearofthe
accusationofwitchcraftisremoved.”26MauriceEvanscomplainedin1911that,despitetheeffortsmade
intryingtodeliverAfricansto“civilisation”,“thewhitemanleaveshisheartuntouched…stillhebelieves
in witchcraft… the black man remains, increases, persists”.27 The perception that African belief in
witchcraftwasahomogenouspackageofsuperstitions–ratherthanamalleableandevolvingmoral
framework, as contemporary authors suggest – spawned the corollary that they could be uprooted
wholesale.Withthespreadof“reasonandenlightenment”,itwasbelieved,African“superstitions”could
beextinguished.
ThemostfrequentlyprescribedsolventstogetridofwitchcraftbeliefswereChristianityandeducation
– yet, in the view of somewriters, these tools of “civilisation” were not to be deployed without a
considerable degree of circumspection. In the estimation of C.T Loram, whom Ashforth credits for
crafting one of the first arguments for a comprehensive education system for Africans, one of the
“greatestblessings”thatEuropeaneducationcouldbestowwastoremovethe“blightedinfluence”of
witchcraft and to “free him from thedominance anddeadening influence of the spiritworld”.28 Yet
Loram was cognisant of the fact that even educated Africans still often believed in the reality of
witchcraft.HequotedDr.NeilMacvicar’swarning:“AtpresentthevastmajorityofNativechildrenwhen
they go to school are already superstitious. . . .Much of the education . . . fails even to disturb the
underlyingsuperstition”.29
Aneducatorand long‐timemedical officeratLovedaleCollege, aswell asa co‐founderof theSouth
AfricanNativeCollegeatFortHare,Macvicarwagedapersonalcrusadeagainstbeliefsinwitchcraft,and
24Ibid.,p.9–10,paras.59–62.25Ibid.,p.12,para.82.26Kidd,TheEssentialKafir,p.147.27Evans,BlackandWhite,p.101;p.6.28 C. T. Loram,TheEducation of the SouthAfricanNative ([New York] : Columbia University, 1915), p.30–31,http://archive.org/details/cu31924030619716.29Quotedinibid.,p.31.
Joel Pearson
28
histhoughtsonthesubjectfirstcametobepublishedina1909articleinTheState;hewould,however,
publishthroughoutthesubsequentdecadesinTheChristianExpressandSouthAfricanOutlook,articles
whichwerecompiledintoabookentitledSide‐LightsUponSuperstitionin1939.30Macvicarbelievedthat
education could effectively dissolve witchcraft beliefs, but only education of the “right sort”.31 He
believed that the present system was failing: many school‐leavers and teachers remained “firm
believersinwitchcraft”.32Nevertheless,heputhishopeinthe“classofnatives”who,througheducation,
hadcometobeconvincedthatwitchcraftwas“false”.33
Like somanywriters on the subject,Macvicar also believed that Christianitywas necessary in the
dissolutionofwitchcraftbeliefs.Yethebelievedthatagreatdealhingedon“howthat[Christian]truth
isapprehended”.34TheanthropologistH.A.Junodalsobelievedthatwhilethe“Bantu”whoconvertsto
Christianitydeliversa“deathblowtohisoldbeliefofwitchcraft”,thebeliefisstill“slowtodie”andthat
itwasbynomeansraretowitness“theaccusationofbuloyithrowninthefaceofaconvertbyanother
convert”.35Macvicarbelievedthatconversionshouldbeundertakenwithfargreatersensitivitytothe
proclivitiesofthe“superstitious”African.Forinstance,hewarnedagainstgivingAfricansaccesstothe
OldTestament,whichwas “continually in themouthsof thosehalf‐educatedyoungnativeswhoare
revertingtothepracticesoftheirheathenancestors”.36Exodus22:18,forinstance,insists:“thouhalt
notsufferawitchtolive”.37Whenministeringtothe“natives”,hesuggested,bringtheNewTestament
by itself,separate fromtheOld”.38Macvicaralsoarguedthat“inflammatorypreaching”could induce
“hysteria”,whichwas“tothenativesnever‐failingproofoftherealityofwitchcraftandofthepowerof
thewitch‐doctor”.39
30NeilMacvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”TheState, June1909,CullenAfrica;NeilMacvicar,“TheBeliefinWitchcraft:TheRootofAllEvil,”TheSouthAfricanOutlook,June1936;NeilMacvicar,Side‐Lightsupon Superstition (Lovedale: The Lovedale Press, 1939); For more detailed elaboration on Macvicar’scontributions, see:Martin JLunde, “NorthMeetsSouth inMedicalMissionaryWork:DrNeilMacvicar,AfricanBelief,andWesternReaction,”SouthAfricanHistoricalJournal61,no.2(2009):336–56.31AppendixtotheReportoftheCapeSelectCommitteeonNativeEducation,1908,p.xxxiii.32Dr.NeilMacvicarintheAppendixoftheibid.;Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.671.33Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.661.34Ibid.,p.669.35 Rev. Henri A. Junod, “The Theory of Witchcraft,” 1905, p.20., Cd, Wits Historical Papers,http://www.historicalpapers.wits.ac.za/inventories/inv_pdfo/A1655/A1655‐Cd1‐01‐jpeg.pdf.36Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.669.37 Consider also: Galations 5:19‐20: Now the works of the flesh are manifest, which are [these]; Adultery,fornication,uncleanness,lasciviousness,Idolatry,witchcraft,hatred,variance,emulations,wrath,strife,seditions,heresies,..”; 2 Chronicles 33:6:“Andhe caused his children to pass through the fire in the valley of the son ofHinnom:alsoheobservedtimes,andusedenchantments,andusedwitchcraft,anddealtwithafamiliarspirit,andwithwizards:hewroughtmuchevilinthesightoftheLORD,toprovokehimtoanger”.38Macvicar,Side‐LightsuponSuperstition,p.32.39Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.670.
The Witchcraft Problem
29
Macvicarwasalsoconcernedwiththethreatthatwitchcraftbeliefspresentedtothespreadofwestern
medicine.“Theprevalenttheoryofdisease”,Macvicarwrotein1909,“isthatitisduetosomehostile
personalinfluenceemanatingfromthespiritofadissatisfiedancestororfromamalevolentneighbour…
Witchcraftholdsthefieldastheacceptedtheory”.40Hebemoanedthefactthatpeopledid“notreadily
adoptmethods of prevention…when they know nothing ofmicroorganisms and regard a series of
deaths as evidence of exceptional malignity on the part of their enemy”.41 Macvicar insisted that
“traditionalhealthpractitioners”needed tobe supplantedbydoctors trained inpreventativehealth
care.42ThepresenceofEuropeanmedicalskill couldputanend to “thehabitofcalling in thewitch
doctor”whenillnessoccurred.43
In the accounts outlined above, the concept of “witchcraft” emerges as a “repugnant” remnant of a
backwardsrace,apackageofsuperstitiousthoughtswhichpreventedAfricansfromadvancingalong
thepathof “civilization”. In the segregationist context, itwasalsopropoundedas a reason to resist
granting Africans full autonomy, justifying the continuing intrusions of white paternalists. Africans
needed to be convinced by enlightened white people that witchcraft was a fallacy. Humanitarian
concernsaboutthenegativeeffectsofwitchcraftwerefrequentlyvoicedinoutliningwhysuchbeliefs
neededtobestampedout.Yetinmanyaccountsanadditionalreasonforattackingwitchcraftbeliefcan
bediscerned:theinfluenceofthe“witchdoctor”andthepowerfulmetaphysicalholdheexercisedover
people.Macvicarseems tohavebelievedthat thebattleagainstwitchcraftwas intimatelyconnected
withabattleagainst“thewitchdoctor”,whomhedescribedas“theheathenofheathens,alltailsand
hornsandfulloflowcunning”.44The“pretensionsofthewitch‐finders”were,heargued,integralto“the
wholesystemofwitchcraft faith”.45C.T.Loramsimilarlybelieved that “cunningwitchdoctors”were
responsibleforinducing“mentalandspiritualdarkness”.46Inwhatfollows,Iinvestigatesomedominant
representationsof“thewitchdoctor”intheearlytwentiethcentury.
Whoisthe“WitchDoctor”?
ThroughoutmostoftheaccountsaboutwitchcraftfromtheearlytwentiethcenturyIinterrogated,the
“witchdoctor” emerges as apowerful figureable to command the “superstitions”ofAfricans. Some
40Ibid.,p.660–661.41Ibid.,p.669.42Lunde,“NorthMeetsSouthinMedicalMissionaryWork,”p.336.43Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.669.44Macvicar,Side‐LightsuponSuperstition,p.33.45Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.661.46Loram,TheEducationoftheSouthAfricanNative,p.26.
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30
characterisethe“witchdoctor”asadangerouspersonagewhoseinfluencethreatenedthestabilityof
colonialrule.“TheWitchdoctor”,anarticleinTheState,offeredaterrifyingdepiction:“Theunspeakable
greedofthewitchdoctorishischiefcharacteristic,andheisasdestituteofthequalityofmercyashis
ancestors–cannibalsall–wereintheirtime.”47“Inthenativemind”,theauthorcontinued,thedoctor
is able to author “dire calamity”. Even the chief is said to shiver in his presence, “quaking in
apprehension”and“weepingandwailing”whenheis informedthat“thespiritsarefurious”.48 Inhis
1929article“TheWitchDoctorsIHaveMet”,J.W.Househamcharacterisedthe“witchdoctor”asliving
“inaworldofhisown;hiskingdomisanexclusivedomaininwhichheholdssway.Hemixedwiththe
people,butheisnotofthem…herevelsinmysteries…whichgiveshimsuchaholdontheimagination
ofthepeople...”49
Thekindsof representationsproducedby thepresswerenot faroff thedescriptionsgivenby self‐
proclaimed“experts”onwitchcraft.Itseemsthatthetermwasfrequentlyappliedindiscriminatelytoa
hostofdifferentpractitioners,andlittledistinctionwasmadebetweentheirpowersofhealingandthe
harm of witchcraft. The claimed powers of all those bundled under the term “witch doctor” were
characterisedasfraudulent–ametaphysicalconfidencetrickwhichignorantAfricansapparentlyfailed
toseethrough.DudleyKiddwroteofthe“immenseamountoftrickeryused”:“Byfarthemostimportant
partofhiscapitalconsistsinhisshrewdnessandmother‐wit…ashortcourseoftuitionshowshimhow
veryeasyit istodeceivethepeople”.50Househamscoffedthat“itneveroccursto[Africans]thathis
methodsarethemethodsofshrewdcommonsense”.51
Whatfrequentlyemergesinaccountsof“witchdoctors”istheideathattheyexercisedimmensepower
overpeople.Thissentimentwasalsoexpressedbystateofficials.In1905,theSANACreportbelieved
thatthespreadoftrainedmedicalmencouldaidin“weaningtheNativesfromfaithinwitchdoctors,
divinersor soothsayers, ormenwhoprofess tohave supernaturalpowerorknowledgewhether as
medicinemenorotherwise”.52Inhiscelebrated1930RhodesMemoriallecture,JanSmutsinsistedthat
“witchcraftanddisease”werethepersistent“devils”ofAfrica,andpointedto“theimmemorialpractice
of the witch doctor” as an “intolerable evil”.53 “The true ruler of Africa today, as he has been for
47MarieKnevitt,“TheWitchdoctor,”TheState,1912,Vol.VII,No.3edition,p.200–201.48Ibid.49J.W.Househam,“WitchDoctorsIHaveMet,”TheOutspan,May24,1929,RhodesUniversityCoryLibrary.50Kidd,TheEssentialKafir,p.158.51Househam,“WitchDoctorsIHaveMet.”52SouthAfricanNativeAffairsCommission,ReportoftheCommissionwithAnnexuresandAppendicesA‐D,1903‐5,ed.GodfreyYeatmanLagden(CapeTown:CapeTimes,1905),p.54,para.277.53GeneralJ.C.Smuts,AfricaAndSomeWorldProblems(OxfordUniversityPress,1930),p.75.
The Witchcraft Problem
31
thousandsofyearsinthepast,”Smutsinsisted,“isthemedicineman”;hispowerwouldbeonlyshaken
as“thescientificandmedicalaspectsofmissionwork”werefostered.54
Smutswasnot the first to insist thatAfricansneeded tobe rescued from the clutchesof the “witch
doctors”–itwasasentimentthathadbeenlongandfrequentlyespoused.An1858accountonwitchcraft
written by MrWarner, a colonial agent of the Tambookie Residency in present‐day Eastern Cape,
portrayed“witchdoctors”asthe“priests”ofwitchcraft–a“falsereligion”.55ForWarner,these“priests”
werecentraltothemaintenanceoftraditionalpower:“ThepriestssupporttheChiefs,andtheChiefs
supportthepriests…thetwodepartmentsmaybeconsideredbutonevastsystemofpaganism”.56He
heldthatbothneededtobeeradicatedbeforeAfricanscouldbedeliveredto“civilisation”.
Humanitarianreasonswerefrequentlyespousedforwhythe“witchdoctor”neededtobeattacked.The
charactercametoberegardednotonlyastrickster,andanobstacletothespreadofwesternmedicine,
butasapurveyorofviolencetoo.TheSANACreport’sprincipalauthor,SirGodfreyLagden,declared
that “Nothing was too vile for this sinister caste to perpetrate”. 57 He expressed revulsion at the
proceedingsof “witch trials”,where“witchdoctors…wereallowedtocondemn innocentaswellas
guilty,bothofwhomtheyheldineverlastingterror”and“innocentpersons…couldberemorselessly
slain”.58 Indeed,“trials”wereregardedasaprimarytheatre fortheviolenceof“witchdoctors”.Kidd
recountedstoriesofwomentorturedtodeathbyhotstonesorbeingroastedaliveatthebehestofa
“witchdoctor”,whichlefthimwith“aweightofhorror”.59Junodalsooutlinedthevariouspunishments
whichmightbeinflictedonconfirmedbaloyiamongtheThonga:flogging,banishment,impalementor
drowning.Heconcludedthatithada“deadlyeffectonNativelife…acontinualsourceoftrouble,fear,
quarrels,sorrow…itruinsthevillages”.60
For some, the threat that witchcraft beliefs posed was not only to the well‐being of Africans. Neil
Macvicarbelievedthatsuch“superstitious”conceptionswerepregnantwiththepossibilityofdangerof
white people. “What harm is it doing or likely to do to Europeans?” he asked, “To my mind the
superstitionsof thenatives constitutes thedangerous feature innative life…Under the influenceof
superstitionsanemenlosetheirjudgment.61Notionsofmutimurderoftenpermeatedideasaboutthe
54Ibid.,p.52–53.55JohnMaclean,ACompendiumofKafirLaws&Customs(Pretoria:StateLibrary,1858),p.112.56Ibid.57SirGodfreyLagden,TheNativeRacesOfTheEmpire(W.CollinsSonsAndCompanyLimited.,1924),p.12.58Ibid.,p.10–11.59Kidd,TheEssentialKafir,p.176–178.60Junod,TheLifeofASouthAfricaTribe:PartII,p.535.61Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.668.
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32
“witchdoctor”.Kiddwroteaboutamissingwhitechild:“therewasnodoubtatallbutthatthenative
stolethechildtomakeportionsofitsbodyintobewitchingmedicines.”62MauriceEvans,whospokeof
the“witchdoctor”ashavingthepowerto“commandthesuperstitionsofthepeople”,63recountedthe
“especiallytragictale”ofa“littlewhitechildwhowasswallowedupinsomemysteriousway,lostamong
the natives and never heard of again, presumably killed by a witch doctor for muti otherwise
unobtainable”.64Macvicarwarned thatbeliefs inwitchcraft couldprovide the impulsenecessary for
rebellion:
anyleaderwhoiscleverenoughtoappealtosomedeeplyrootedsuperstitioncanmovehishearerstoacts
whichtheywouldneverotherwisecommit…EveryKafirwarhaditsfalseprophet,whoprofessedtobeable
tobewitchtheenemyandtoimpartstrengthtotheKafirstoovercometheEuropeans.65
Oneshouldnotforgetthatatthetimethattheseauthorswerewriting,memorieswerestillfreshofthe
BambathaRebellionof1906.Indeed,anumberofauthorsmentiontheepisodeexplicitly.66BothSean
ReddingandJeffGuynoteawidelyheldbeliefamongstwhitesocietythat“witchdoctors”hadprovided
“battlemuti” to the rebelsbefore theuprisingwith thepromiseof invulnerability to attack.67These
concernswillbetoucheduponagaininChapterIII,whena“snuffcraze”isreportedbyafearfulSub‐
NativeCommissionerin1917.
Anthropology’sChallenge?
Prominentideaswhichpositedwitchcraftbeliefsasirrational,depravedandbarbaricleftoversofthe
pastwhichcouldsimplybesupplantedby thepillarsof “civilization”wouldcometo find increasing
challengefromintellectualsasthetwentiethcenturyproceeded,principallyfromtheevolvingfieldof
anthropology, which sought to understand the finer dynamics of witchcraft beliefs. As the decades
progressed, understandings of witchcraft amongst intellectuals would increasingly throw off the
baggage of social Darwinism and scientific racism. The decline of evolutionist perspective and the
growingpurchaseofculturalrelativismwithintheacademycametofundamentallychangethewaythat
witchcraftwasapprehendedbyanthropologistsinthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury
62Kidd,TheEssentialKafir,p.151.63Evans,BlackandWhite,p.41.64Ibid.,p.41;p.5.65Loram,TheEducationoftheSouthAfricanNative,p.31.;OriginallypublishedinMacvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.668.66See,forinstance,Junod,“TheTheoryofWitchcraft,”p.1;MauriceSEvans,TheNativeProbleminNatal.(Durban:P.Davis,1906).67JamesStuartquotedinGuy,TheMaphumuloUprising,p.221.
The Witchcraft Problem
33
Recentscholarshipbyanthropologistsandhistorianshasdemonstratedthatwitchcraftisnotastatic
packageofirrational,primordialsuperstitions.Rather,itisarationalandshiftingidiomforexplaining
thepresentwhichdiffersinstructurefrompersontoperson.Ideasaboutwitchcraftformamalleable
explanatoryframeworkwhichisabletorespondtonewchallengesandmoralquandariesastheyarise,
and evolvewith them ‐ contestedbut currentdiscourses aboutmorality, power andwealth. These
authors have undermined the rigid distinction between the “traditional” and “modern” so often
posited.68The formand content ofwitchcraft idiomshavebeen constantly reconfigured throughout
historyasnewsocial“evils”presentthemselves.Ratherthanbeingfuelledbysomekindofprimordial
urge,authorsarguethataccusationsofwitchcraftarecatalysedbymaterialdeprivationandsharpening
inequality.Witchcraftbeliefsare,therefore,eminentlymodern.
Intheearlyyearsofthe20thcentury,however,anthropologyremainedbeholdentotheideasofracial
evolutionarythoughtwhichpredominatedatthetime.Anumberofanthropologistsstillperpetuated
theideathatwitchcraftwasproofofinnateblackirrationalityandcivilisationalbackwardnesswhich
rancontrarytotheforcesofmodernity.DudleyKidd,forinstance,portrayedthe“native”astheeternal
victimofthe“whimofspirits,capriciousnessofmonsters,anduncertaintyofnaturalprocesses”.69He
believedthatthesebeliefswereimmunetoreason:“Inthissoilwitchcraftcanluxuriate,fornooneisin
apositiontopointouttheabsurdityofthesuperstitions.”70HereportedwithbemusementhowAfricans
respondedtothesightofacamera:“theyusuallyrunawaywhentheyseethelens(oreye),declaring
thatthewhitemanisabouttobewitchthem.”71HealsodrewcomparisonswithEuropeanconceptions
ofwitchcraftwhichstillapparentlyafflictedAfricans:“Whodoesnotinstinctivelythinkofoneofthe
witchscenesinMacbeth?—Filletoffenny,inthecauldronboilandbake,eyeofnewtandtoeoffrog…”72
Thislist,heremarked“wouldexactlysuitSouthAfricanwitches”.73Nevertheless,eventhis“scientific
68 See, for instance: PeterGeschiere,TheModernityofWitchcraft:Politicsand theOccult inPostcolonialAfrica(London: University Press of Virginia, 1997); Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff, “Occult Economies and theViolenceofAbstraction:NotesfromtheSouthAfricanPostcolony,”AmericanEthnologist26,no.4(2000):279–309; Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff, “Privatising the Millenium: New Protestant Ethics and the Spirits ofCapitalism in Africa, and Elsewhere,” Afrika Spectrum 35 (2000): 293–312; Jean, Comaroff, John Comaroff,“NaturingtheNation:Aliens,Apocalypse,andthePostcolonialState,”SocialIdentities7,no.2(2001):233–65;JeanComaroff and John Comaroff, “Alien‐Nation, Zombies, Immigrants, and Millennial Capitalism,” South AtlanticQuarterly 101 (2002); Luise White, “The Traffic in Heads: Bodies, Borders and the Articulation of RegionalHistories,”JsoutafristudJournalofSouthernAfricanStudies23,no.2(1997):325–38;IsakNiehaus,“CoinsforBloodand Blood for Coins: Towards a Genealogy of Sacrifice in the Transvaal Lowveld, 1930‐1993,” 2011,http://hdl.handle.net/10539/9380;CharlanneBurke,“TheyCutSegametsiIntoParts:RitualMurder,Youth,andthePoliticsofKnowledgeinBotswana,”AnthropologicalQuarterly73,no.4(2000):204–14.69Kidd,TheEssentialKafir,p.130.70Ibid.71Ibid.,p.144.72Ibid.,p.150.73Ibid.,p.151.
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34
racist” recognised the frequent fallacy that afflictedwhite understandings ofwitchcraft: “it is quite
commontohearEuropeanstalkofthewitchdoctorasapersonwhousesmagicforevilpurposes;they
seemtothinkthatheisasorcererorwizard”.74Inreality,Kiddargued,“thewitchdoctoristheprotector
ofsociety,andhisworkistodetecttheworthlesspeoplewhoareinjuringothersbymagicalartsor
sorcery”.75
TheSwiss‐Frenchmissionary,HenriAlexandreJunod,wrotein1905that“whitepeople,asarule…do
notunderstandproperlywhatiswitchcraftforthenatives”,andcametoadvancearemarkablydetailed
account of “witchcraft belief” amongst the Thonga.76 He recounted how witchcraft accusations
developed,howtheywereoftenunderpinnedbyjealousyandrivalry,andhowtheywerepromptedby
suspicions of illicit wealth accumulation, by the onset of serious illness, or by sudden inexplicable
deaths.77Junodshowedhow“objectiveproof”wassoughtthroughthe“diviner”,detailingtheprocessof
divinationused to confirm thepresence ofwitchcraft and “smell out” the guiltyparty.78Hemade a
crucialdistinctionbetween“black”and“whitemagic”:wherethefirstwasharnessedforcausingharm,
thesecondprovidedprotectionagainstsuchharm.79Hedidnotemploytheterm“witchdoctor”,but
ratherspokeof“magicians”,highlightingtheirmultiplerolesasrainmakers,exorcists,bone‐throwers,
and“smellersout”.80
Junodshouldbecreditedforhavingbroughtfargreaterinsightintothewaythatwitchcraftfeaturedin
Africanlife.Despiteofferingacomparativelysensitiveaccountforhistime,henonethelessdidnotdrift
entirely away from sensationalist understandings ofwitchcraft, seeing fit to declare thatwitchcraft
beliefswererootedinpastpracticesof“cannibalism”andprovidedproofof“theterriblehatredofwhich
the Native mind is capable”.81 His religious sensibilities should be born in mind when reading
declarationslike:““WitchcraftisflourishingamongstSouthAfricanheathendommorebrilliantlythan
anywhere on earth!”82. And the broader intellectual context – in which ideas of social Darwinism
predominated – should be rememberedwhen reading a speech he delivered in 1920, in which he
insistedthatthe“fundamentaldifferencebetweentheEuropeanandtheBantumind”wasthattwentieth
74Ibid.,p.155.75Ibid.,p.156.76Junod,“TheTheoryofWitchcraft,”p.1.77Junod,TheLifeofASouthAfricaTribe:PartII,p.509–516..78Ibid.,p.528–529.79Ibid.,p.475.80Ibid.,p.518.81Ibid.,p.534–535.Hecontinued:“Ifsomepeopleventuretoaccusemembersofthesetribesofsuchawfulactsasthoseofkillingandeatinghumanbeings,itisbecausetheyknowthataNativewhohateswouldnotshrinkfromanythingtosatisfyhisdesireofvengeance”82Junod,“TheTheoryofWitchcraft,”p.1.
The Witchcraft Problem
35
century Europeans possessed “the scientific spirit, whilst Bantus are still plunged in the magic
conceptionofNature”.83
Inlaterdecades,MonicaHunterWilsonprovidedastudyofwitchcraftbeliefsinPondolandwhichdid
not employ evolutionary explanationsor terrifyinghyperbole.Wilson showed thatwitchcraft had a
social function:“[itwas]tosomeextentanintegratingforce inthecommunity…thedangerofbeing
‘smeltout’forwitchcraftisasanctionforsocialbehaviour”.84AndcontrarytotheideathatAfricanswere
caughtupinamaelstromofsupernaturalfears,shearguedthat“normalpeopledonotliveinconstant
terrorofwitchcraftorsorcery,asissometimesmaintained”.85Sheinsistedthatnoteveryillness,death
oraccidentwasattributedtowitchcraft.WilsonalsoprovidedsubstantialanalysisofAfrican“doctors”,
which she divided into twomain kinds: “herbalists” (amaxwhele) and “diviners” (amagqira).86 She
portrayedthetasksundertakenbyherbalistsaswide‐ranging:treatingillnesseswithherbs;providing
medicinestoinducepregnancy;protectingagainstlightning.87Wilson’sanalysisdispelledthemyththat
Africanpeoplewereallunderakindofhypnoticholdexercisedbydiviners.Althoughshewasimpressed
by the charisma of some of the diviners she met (“their emotion infects the audience… even the
ethnologistfeelsacompulsiontobeliefwheninacrowdedhutfullofpeoplerhythmicallyexpressing
theirbelief”88), shenoted thatnodivinerwasregardedas infallible, and thereexistedevidenceofa
“critical attitude” towards them, just as onemightmake a distinction between a good and a lousy
doctor.89
Junod and Wilson’s work demonstrated the diversity and utility of the various metaphysical
practitionersthatexistedintheAfricanvillage.Theychallengedtheutilityoftheterm“witchdoctor”
andshowedthatthesecharacterswereregardedasprotectorsofsupernaturalorder,notsimplythe
villains,cheatsandfraudstheywereoftenportrayedtobeatthetime.However,inthechaptersthat
follow,itwillbearguedthatthisdistinction–aswellasthemultiplicityofrolesundertakenbydifferent
traditionalpractitioners–waslargelyignoredintheapplicationofthelaw.Manyadministratorsstill
seemtohaveregardedthe“witchdoctor”assimplyaconnivingcharlatan.
83QuotedinSaulDubow,“TheIdeaofRaceinEarly20thCenturySouthAfrica:SomePreliminaryThoughts.”(presentedattheAfricanStudiesInstitute,UniversityoftheWitwatersrand,April1989),p.23–24.84Wilson,ReactiontoConquest,p.317–318.85Ibid.,p.272.86Ibid.,p.320.87Wilson,ReactiontoConquest.88Ibid.,p.345.89Ibid.,p.347.
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Itisdifficulttoascertaintheextenttowhichanthropologicalthinkingseepedintogovernmentdiscourse
andpractice.DubowpointsoutthatanethnologicalwingoftheNativeAffairsDepartment(NAD)was
createdin1925‐6underG.P.Lestrade.MajorHerbst,theSecretaryforNativeAffairsfrom1923,argued
thatethnologywasnecessary“bothfromthepointofviewofpurescientificknowledgeandtoservethe
morepracticalendsofnativeadministration”.90Commissionsofenquiryandpermanentestablishments
ofthebureaucracyemployedtheconceptofculturefurnishedbytheethnologicalproductionsofthe
NADasjustificationforsegregation.Theseworkswereunderpinnedbytheideathatonecould“know
the native” and therefore “classify” him.91 And it seems that in the production of this “knowledge”
evolutionaryconceptionsstillheldsway.Lestradewasaco‐authoroftheNECreport,which,itwillbe
remembered,in1932spokeofwitchcraftintermsofthe“deadhandoftribalism”and“darkfutures”.92
Conclusion
Thischapterhassoughttorevealsomeprominentdiscoursesthatencircledthe“witchcraftproblem”,
asespousedbyofficialsandintellectualsintheearlytwentiethcentury.Itseemsthatnoteventhemost
sensitivewritersapprehendedwhat“witchcraft”inSouthAfricaactuallywas.Junod’sdeepanddetailed
evaluationofwitchcraftonlyseemedtoconfirmhisideasofAfricancivilisationalbackwardness.DrNeil
Macvicar’slengthyexperiencelivingamidstwitchcraftbeliefsdidnotchangehismindabouttheneed
toextinguishwitchcraftbeliefsanddissolvethepowerofthe“witchdoctor”.AndMonicaHunterWilson
continuedtoviewwitchcraftasamoreorlesshomeostaticphenomenon.
Muchofwhatwasutteredaboutthesubjectintheearlytwentiethcentury–whetherbycommissions
of enquiry, statesmen or segregationist ideologues – advanced sensationalist condemnations of
witchcraftbeliefs,provingthatracistevolutionaryconceptionsofcivilisationalbackwardnesswereslow
todie.Humanitarianreasonswereoftenespousedasthemotivationfortryingto“stampout”witchcraft
beliefs. Ideas that witchcraft beliefs induced fear, stunted ambition, halted the spread of western
medicine, provoked violence and prevented Africans from progressing along the path towards
“civilisation” were voiced in many accounts. In some accounts can also be discerned fears of the
perceivedlinkbetweenwitchcraftandpower,principallythepowerofthe“witchdoctor”,characterised
astheembodimentofirrationality,abletoexercisea“hold”overAfricanpeoplewhichcouldbeputto
dangeroususes,suchaswhitemutimurderor,even,arebellionagainstcolonialorder.Thesewritings
90Dubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheidinSouthAfrica,1919‐36,p.90.91AdamAshforth,ThePoliticsofOfficialDiscourseinTwentieth‐CenturySouthAfrica,OxfordStudiesinAfricanAffairs(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1990),p.27.92Hollowayetal.,“ReportofNativeEconomicCommission1930‐1932,”p.12,para.82.
The Witchcraft Problem
37
demonstratethattheinfluenceofthebestavailableanthropologicalthinkingatthetimemadeverylittle
headwayinchangingperceptionsaboutwitchcraftandthe“witchdoctor”.
Junodwrotein1905that“thenativemindhastakenaspecialpleasureindevelopingbeyondalllimits
the wonderful fancies of witchcraft. White people have very little idea of the richness of their
imaginationinthatdomain”.93Yetitseemsthatwhenitcametoideasof“witchcraft”andthe“witch
doctor”–termswhichfeaturedcentrallyincolonialwitchcraftlaws–itwastheimaginationofsome
whiteintellectualsandstatesmenwhichwasgivenfreereintoinventallmanneroffantasies,apparently
withoutmuchfearofcontradiction.
In concluding this chapter, it is perhapsworth noting two aspects of belief inwitchcraft thatwere
overwhelminglyneglectedby thesourcescited.Firstly,noneof theaccountsacknowledged that the
increasinglyoppressivewhiteruleoftheearlytwentiethcenturynotonlyfailedtoextinguishbeliefsin
witchcraft,butmayevenhaveplayedanintegralroleinfosteringit.Anumberofcontemporaryauthors
arguethatthegovernmentitselfcametobeviewedasasourceofwitchcraftduringtheearlytwentieth
century.Reddingarguesthattheactionsofthestate,includingtheexactionofpollandhuttaxes,were
perceivedasformsofsorcery,eventhoughofficialsrarelydiscerned“anydirectrelationshipbetween
how theyweregoverningand thebelief inwitchcraft…manyAfricansdid indeed see this threat”.94
TimothyLanesimilarlyarguesthattheintrusiveactionsofthemodernisingstatefrom1900to1930
cametobeunderstoodinthe“languageofwitchcraft”.95Iftheseassertionsaretrue,thereiscertainly
nomentionofitinthesourcesIhaveanalysed.Ofallthesetextsfromtheearlytwentiethcentury,itis
only inHunter‐Wilson’sReaction toConquest that any suggestion ismade thatwhite officialswere
incorporated into the calculus of witchcraft. One informant is said to have remarked: “All ubuthi
[substances used for sorcery orwitchcraft] comes fromEuropeans. They are the real…witches or
sorcerers”… “It is the European, the Government, who ukuthakatha”.96 The state’s prohibition of
witchcrafttrialsmayhavehelpedtofosterthisbelief.YetthestateofficialsandintellectualswhomI
investigatedregardedthemselvesasentirelyexternaltothematrixofwitchcraftbelief.
Secondly,inattributingwitchcraftasavestigeofevolutionarybackwardnesspeculiaroftheAfrican,the
figurescitedabovepositarigidracialisationinbeliefstructureswhichdoesnotseemtohaveexistedin
reality. Significant evidence adduced in subsequent chapters demonstrates that, far from having
“progressedbeyond”such“superstitions”,somewhitepeoplewereconvincedoftherealityofwitchcraft
93Junod,“TheTheoryofWitchcraft,”p.1.94Redding,“SorceryandSovereignty,”1996,p.256.95Lane,“Witchcraft,ChiefsandtheState,”p.125.96Wilson,ReactiontoConquest,p.316–317.
Joel Pearson
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and solicited the services of diviners on occasion. The rigid ontological distinction implied by the
authorscitedabovebetween“superstitiousAfricans”and“enlightenedEuropeans”willbeshowntobe
fundamentallyfalse.
The investigation undertaken in this chapter has remained largely in the realm of discursive
constructions about African beliefs in witchcraft, demonstrating the continuing salience of colonial
cultural imperialism in the rhetoric of prominent figures aroundmatters ofwitchcraft.While high‐
minded rhetorical proclamations and sensationalist portrayals offer little concrete evidence of how
witchcraftactuallycametobepolicedontheground,thedelineationofthe“witchcraftproblem”above
sets the stage for the subsequent chapters inwhich the kind of actions undertaken to address this
problemareexamined.Thisoffersameanstocomparetheextenttowhichpolicingonthegroundfell
shortofthegovernment’sstatedpositiononwitchcraftbeliefs.
ChapterII:WitchcraftLawinOperation
Targetingthe“WitchDoctor”
Fromtheendofthenineteenthcentury,countriesacrossBritishAfricapromulgatedlegislationtodeal
with localbeliefs inwitchcraft.As the legal analyst, SirGranvilleSt. JohnOrdeBrownenoted inhis
surveyofanti‐witchcraftlaws,thereweresome“curiousdiscrepancies”betweenthelawsofBritain’s
variouscolonies:“eachcountryappearstohaveworkedoutitsownsalvation,andthevariationinresult
is surprising”.1 The Kenyan witchcraft ordinance, for instance, imposed severe punishments on
1SirGranvilleSt. JohnOrdeBrowne, “WitchcraftandBritishColonialLaw,”Africa: Journalofthe InternationalAfricanInstitute8,no.4(1935):p.481.
29.Anypersonwhoimputestoanothertheuseofnon‐naturalmeansincausinganydiseaseinanypersonorpropertyorincausinginjurytoanypersonorpropertyorshallnameorindicateanotherasawizardorwitchshallbeliableuponconvictiontoimprisonmentwithhardlabourforaperiodnotexceedingfiveyears.
30.Anypersonwhohavingnamedorindicatedanotherasawizardorwitchshallbeprovedtobebyhabitorreputeawitchdoctororwitchfindershallbeliableuponconvictiontoimprisonmentforlife.
31.Anypersonwhoemploysorsolicitsanywitchdoctororwitchfindertonameorindicateanotherasawizardorwitchshallbeliableuponconvictiontoimprisonmentwithhardlabourforoneyear.
32.Anypersonprofessingaknowledgeofso‐calledwitchcraftortheuseofcharmswhoshalladviseanypersonapplyingtohimhowtobewitchorinjurepersons,animalsorotherpropertyorwhoshallsupplyanypersonwiththepretendedmeansofwitchcraftshallbeliabletoimprisonmentwithhardlabourforaperiodnotexceedingtenyears.(Themarginnotelabelsthisclauseas:“witchdoctorsupplyingadviceforwitchcraftwithintenttoinjure”.)
33.Anypersonwhoontheadviceofawitchorofhispretendedknowledgeofso‐calledwitchcraftshallwithintenttoinjure,anypersonorpropertyshallbeliableuponconvictiontoimprisonmentwithhardlabourforaperiodnotexceedingtenyears.
34.Anypersonwho forpurposesofgainpretends toexerciseoruseanykindof supernaturalpower,witchcraft, sorcery,enchantmentorconjuration,orundertakestotellfortunes,orpretendsfromhisskillorknowledgeinanyoccultsciencetodiscoverwhereorinwhatmanneranythingsupposedtohavebeenstolenorlostmaybefoundshallbeliableuponconvictiontoimprisonmentwithhardlabourforaperiodnotexceedingoneyear
‐‐TransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904
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40
“pretendedwitchcraft”,butonlycametooutlawaccusationswhenitwasredraftedin1925.2Richard
Wallerarguesthatthiswasbecause,inKenya,theprimarythreattocolonialrulewasperceivedtocome
from“charismaticindividuals…whoseclaimstosupernaturalpowerthreatenedtoprovideafocusfor
communityresistance”.Thetermsemployedintheordinancethusaimedtoreintheseindividualsunder
colonialcontrol.3Bycontrast,insomestatesofCentralAfrica,theBritishfirstpunitiveactionssoughtto
suppressaccusations.Wallersuggeststhiswasbecausemediatingaccusationshadbeenperceivedasa
keysourceof royalpower”–anotherapparent rival towhite rule.4Witchcraftwasnotpunishedby
officials simply because itwas an impediment to “progress and enlightenment”, but because itwas
“powerful,andinthewronghands”.5InWaller’sestimation,then,humanitarianreasonswerefarless
determinantinthecreationoflawsthanthedesiretocreatedocileAfricanbodies.
InSouthAfrica,bothaccusationsofwitchcraftandtheuseof“pretendedwitchcraft”werecriminalized.
Whether these prohibitions were informed by humanitarian impulses, as stated, or were rather
informedbycalculationsofpowerisnotcertain.YetwhatdoesappearcertainisthatinSouthAfrican
witchcraftlaw,thefigureofthe“witchdoctor”cametobetargetedearlyon.Chanocknotesthat,inthe
caseoftheTranskeianPenalCode,enactedin1886asActNo.24oftheColonyoftheCapeofGoodHope,
legislatorsexplicitly“‘importedsections…solelywiththeviewtosuppressingthenativewitch‐doctor”.6
TheCodeoutlawedthelevellingofanaccusation,theprofessingof“aknowledgeofso‐calledwitchcraft”,
and thehiring of a “witch‐doctor orwitch‐finder”. Theheaviest penaltywas, however, reserved for
anyone“provedtobebyhabitorreputeawitch‐doctororwitchfinder’”–oneyearsimprisonmentwith
orwithouthardlabourand/orflogging.ThiswouldbeincreasedtotwoyearsbyaProclamationin1919,
after anumberofmagistratesvoicedcomplaintsabout the inadequacyofpunishmentat theofficial
TranskeiWitchcraftConference.7TheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904providedaneven
harsherpunishmentforconvicted“witchdoctors”–fromalloftheaccountsIhaveread,theharshestin
allofBritishAfrica:theycouldfindthemselveslockedawayforlife.
Inthischapter,Iinvestigateinstancesinwhichthelawcametobeappliedinthecolonialcourtroomin
theearlytwentiethcentury.Iconsiderwhether,inthelawsapplication,divinerswerepredominantly
targetedbywitchcraftlaw.ImoreovertestNiehaus’contentionthatthelawwaslargely“symbolic”,and
evaluateAshforth’ssuggestionthatthelawwasonlyappliedincaseswhere“popularhealersemerged
2Waller,“WitchcraftandColonialLawinKenya,”p.262.3Ibid.,p.262.4Ibid.,p.262–263.5Ibid.,p.260–261.6CitedinChanock,MakingofSALegalCulture,p.326.7SABJUS276,2/474/19OfficialConference1919:AmendmenttotheTranskeianCodeRe.WitchcraftorSmellingoutWitchcraft,1919.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
41
whoseemedadanger tocolonialorder”.Thiswillbeundertakenbydrawingonabodyof archived
criminalcasesfromtheearlytwentiethcentury.
TheNationalArchives inPretoriahouserecordsofcaseswhichcamebeforetheTransvaalSupreme
CourtCircuitDivisionintheearlytwentiethcentury.8Between1910and1935,thirtysevencaseswere
recordedinthecriminalregisterofthiscourtinwhichtheprovisionsoftheWitchcraftOrdinancewere
applied.TheSupremeCourtwasnotanappealcourt,butareviewcourt:judgesreviewedtheevidence
collectedthroughthe“preparatoryexamination”conductedbylocalmagistratesandpassedsentence.
AccordingtoMartinChanock,onlythemostseriouscasesweresentuptotheSupremeCourt,generally
attherequestofthepublicprosecutor–roughlyfivepercentofallcases.9Ifitistrue,asJusticeTindell
suggestedinthe1924caseofR.v.SeweloNepawe,thatwitchcraft‐relatedcaseswere“comingbeforethe
[magistrates] court everyday”, the thirty seven cases I have isolated from theTransvaal Provincial
Division(TPD)criminalcaseregisterprobablyrepresentonlyatinyfractionofthecasesthatwould
havecomebeforelowerlevelcourts.10Whilemagistrate’srecordswouldprovidefargreaterscopefor
quantitativeanalysis,these37SupremeCourtcasesnonethelessprovideasenseofboththekindsof
scenarioswhichgaverisetotheapplicationoftheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904and
themannerinwhichtheywereadjudicated.
ASmellingOut
InthecaseofR.v.ZuluMadumalane,courtrecords indicatethatsometimeinApril1913,agroupof
peoplewhoresidedatPiesanghoeknearLouisTrichardtapproacheda“witchdoctor”andaskedherto
divinethecauseofdeathofanumberoftheirfamilymembers.Afterreceivingfiveshillingsandagoat
in payment, ZuluMadumalane allegedly threw thedivining bones (what court records identified as
“dolos”)andindicatedthatanoldwomanofthevillage,Nyalalumbe,wasawitchresponsibleforthe
deaths.AmongthepartywhovisitedMadumalanewasRadzilane,whosometimelaterissaidtohave
gonetoNyalalumbe’shutand“hackedhertopieceswithanaxebecausehebelievedhertobeawitch
andhadcausedthedeathofhisrelatives”.11
Radzilanewasarrestedandsentencedtodeathbythecolonialjudiciary.On28September1913,Zulu
Madumalane was also arrested and detained in the Pietersburg prison. On 18 October, she was
8TheTransvaalSupremeCourtwasbasedinPretoriabutcircuitedthroughmajortownsacrosstheprovince.ThewitchcraftcasesIanalysewerevariouslyconvenedinBarberton,Bloemhof,Christiana,Ermelo,Lichtenburg,LouisTrichardt, Lydenburg, Middelburg, Nylstroom, Pietersburg, Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Rustenburg, Volksrust,WolmaranstadandZoutpansberg..9Chanock,MakingofSALegalCulture,p.118.10R.v.SeweloNepawe,1924TPD414At418.11R.v.ZuluMadumalane,1914TPD314at334.
Joel Pearson
42
committedfortrialbythelocalmagistrate,ErnestStubbs,andchargedwithcontravenings.30ofthe
TransvaalWitchcraftOrdinance:“ZuluMadumalane…didwrongfullyandunlawfullynameorindicate
oneNyalalumbeasawitch,shethesaidZuluMadumalanebeingbyhabitorreputeawitchdoctoror
witchfinder”.
DuringStubbs’“preparatoryexamination”whichtookplaceoverseveralmonths,thepublicprosecutor
calledelevenwitnessestothestand.Sixmenwhoclaimedtohavebeenpartofthegroupthatvisited
Madumalane–includingNyalalumbe’sson–testifiedthatMadumalanewasa“witchdoctor”andthat
shehadindicatedNyalalumbeasawitch.12Alsoonthestandwasa“nativeconstable”whotestifiedto
havingarrestedtheaccused“onachargeofwitchcraft”.Hestatedthattheaccusedhadsaiduponarrest:
“ItistruethatIindicatedthewomanasawitch,sheisawitch”.13
Madumalane’smother, father,sisterandauntwerealsocalledtotestify,notaboutthedetailsof the
incident,butaboutMadumalane’shistoryofdivination.Herfatherexplainedtothecourtthatasayoung
girl,Madumalanehadfallenillandonlyrecoveredsixteenyearslaterafterthe“spiritshadcommuned
with her andmade it known to her that the only possiblemeans of recovering her health was by
becomingaWitchDoctorandhavingwithhertheinfluenceofthebones.”14Herotherrelativessimilarly
testifiedtohavingseenMadumalanegoingintoatranceandthrowingthebonesonmanyoccasions.
ZuluMadumalanepleadednotguilty.Shewasundefendedduringthetrialandseemstohaveaddressed
thecourtonlyonce:“Elevenpeoplecametomelastyear,theyrequestedmetothrowthebones–Idid
so.FrommybonesIcouldseethewomanNyalalumbewhomIdidnotpointoutwasawitch.Isaid:‐
‘Youhavegotawomanwithyouwhoisawitch’.Ididnotnameorindicateher.Negudogwarepliedthat
theyhadathiskraalthrowntheirownbones,andthattheyhadshewnthatNyalalumbewasawitch.I
didnotreply.”15
WhenasittingofthePietersburgandZoutpansberglocalcircuitdivisionoftheTransvaalSupremeCourt
convenedinJune1914underJusticeKrause,thecaseofR.v.Madumalanecameupforreview.Itwas
nowKrauseandanallwhitejurywhowoulddecideuponguilt.Thistime,onlythreewitnesseswere
calledtothestand:the“spokesman”forthegroupwhohadconsultedMadumalane,thesonoftheslain
Nyalalumbe, and Madumalane’s father. The first two repeated that the accused had indicated
Nyalalumbe;thelastonceagainconfirmedthatshehadlongpractisedasa“witchdoctor”.16Theaccused
12Ibid.,At331–33;335–337.13Ibid.,At333.14Ibid.,At337.15Ibid.,At335.16Ibid.,At319–320.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
43
wasagainundefended,butthistimeshechallengedthewitnesses:“DidIpointheroutatall?”17Shehad
noquestionsforherfather,however.Madumalanerepeatedthestatementshehaddeliveredmonths
earlierinthemagistrate’scourt,thistimeadding:“Ithinktheyarechargingmefalsely,becausethey
killedafewpeopleattheirhouse.Itisnottrue”.18
Thejuryclearlydidnotagree,findingherguiltyofcontraveningsection30oftheWitchcraftOrdinance.
JusticeKrause’sjudgmentisincludedinthecaserecords:
Tellherthatthejuryhavefoundherguilty,thatshesaidthatNyalalumbewasawitch.Andinconsequence
ofheractionNyalalumbewasmurdered…Sheknowswellenoughthatshecannotdivineandpretendto
readthedolos,andthestoriesshetoldherfathersheknowswellenougharelies.Andbytheallegedpowers
shepossessesshemakesprofitoutoftheignoranceofthekaffirs.Sheknowsthatsheknowsonlyasmuch
astheanyotherperson,andnomore,andthatthedoloscantellhernothing,andwhatshetoldthepeople
arelies.Nowsheisadangerouspersonamongthenatives,andbecauseshecausedthedeathofapersonI
amgoingtopunishherveryseverely,thatitmaybeawarningtoothernativeswhomakeuseofthesame
practice.Sentence:lifeimprisonment.19
“TheBiggestNonsenseintheWorld”
ThecaseofR.v.ZuluMadumalaneisoneofthemostdramaticIhavepiecedtogetherfromvoluminous
courtrecordsandtestimoniesstoredintheNationalArchives.InrecountingMadumalane’scaseinsuch
detail,myaimwastoshowthemechanicsofaparticularjudicialengagementwithadivinationwhen
they came before the court. In the Supreme Court, cases of “smelling out” appear to have been
adjudicated by men who sat far above the dynamics of witchcraft beliefs, clothed in the garb of
benevolentpaternalism,passingsentenceovermatterstheyknewverylittleabout.Itseemsthat,just
as so many of those authors cited in the previous chapter, the judges of the Supreme Court
understandings of the cases that came before them were clouded by misconceived concepts of
“witchcraft”andthe“witchdoctor”.
Nineteenofthesecasesinvolvedchargesunders.29ors.30oftheOrdinanceforpointingout“witches”
or“wizards”.Witnessnarrativesoutlinethesamebasicschema:relativesofasickordeceasedperson
consulted a diviner to find out the cause of illness or death; for a fee of cattle or cash, the diviner
performedadivinationritual,whichgenerallyincludedthrowingthe“dolos”or“diviningbones”;the
17Ibid.,At321.18Ibid.,At321–322.19Ibid.,At320.
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44
divinerthenpointedoutaparticular“witch”or“wizard”,generallybyname,andwaslaterarrestedfor
doingso.20Inallofthesecases,theaccusedwasidentifiedasa“witchdoctor”.
InhiscriticismofcolonialwitchcraftlawinBritishAfrica,SirG.St.JOrdeBrownecondemnedthefact
thatthecolonialjudiciaryregarded“magicasmerelyaformoffraud,bymeansofwhichvariouskinds
ofcheatvictimizeofterrorisetheirdupesfortheirownnefariouspurposes.Nodiscriminationisshown
betweenthedifferentformsofwitchcraft”.21Similarly,intheTransvaalSupremeCourt,judgmentswere
markedbyastupendousabsenceofclarity.Itwasfrequentlydeclaredthatthelawdidnotallowfor“this
kind of thing”, but judges did not care to go into the finer specifics. They frequently betrayed their
profoundignoranceaboutmattersofsupernaturalinsecurity,healinganddivination,whichtheyoften
indiscriminately lumped together as “witchcraft”. None, for instance, credited diviners as providing
protection against witches. In R. v.NavalwanaDusa& Levona Vilagazi, two accused diviners were
chargedwith“witchcraftasdefinedunderOrdinance26/1904”.22Similarly, in the1917s.29caseof
RisengaShabane, JusticeBristowedeclared: “Tell theaccusedhehasbeen foundguiltyofpractising
witchcraft.Headmitshethrewthebones…hepretendedtofind[thecauseofdeathofachild]bymeans
ofthosebones,andthatiswhatismeantbywitchcraft.”23Accordingtowitnesstestimony,Shabanehad
beenaskedtodivinethecauseofdeathofayounggirlandpointedoutanoldwoman,Nesishembeu,as
beingawitch.Ifthelearnedjudge’swordsweretranslatedbacktoShabaneaccurately,theymusthave
soundedabsurd.Throwingtheboneswaspatentlynot“whatismeantbywitchcraft”.
JustasKrausecharacterisedMadumalane’sactivitiesasmerepretence,mostjudgesreduceddivination
toawilycharadeperformedbyopportunistsseeking toexploit the “superstitiousnatives”andearn
livestockandcasheasily.ConsiderthiscondemnationfromthelearnedJusticeCurlewis:
Iknowthekaffirsbelieveinthisdoctorshipofyours.Itisthebiggestnonsenseintheworldthatapersonbythrowingthedoloscantellwhohadkilledaperson…Youalwayslookoutthatyouarepaidwellforit.Ifyouwenttowork,youwouldnotbeabletoearnmoneyinthiseasymanner…Iknowkaffirsstillbelieveinit;theyarefoolishenoughtobelieveinit.Iftheyonlyknewthatthedoctorknowsnomorethantheythentheywouldnotgotohim…Whenyoucomeoutofprison,youmuststopthrowingdolos.Ifyouwantsheep,ormoney,youmustgoandworkforthem.24
20Theterminologyisworthnoting:theyappearinthetranscriptionsofwitnesstestimony.YetwitnesseslargelyidentifiedthemselvesasXitsongaorBavendaandwouldsurelynothaveusedtheterm“witchdoctor”;rather,theirtestimonymusthavebeentranslatedintotheseflattenedterms.21SirGranvilleSt.JohnOrdeBrowne,“WitchcraftandBritishColonialLaw,”p.484.22R.v.NavalwanaDusa&LevonaVilagazi,1917TPD67at74.23R.v.RisengaShabane,1917TPD188At190.24R.v.Mpaupau,1914TPD389At416.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
45
Justice Cregcrowski similarly opined: “I suppose as long as people are foolish enough to believe in
witchcraft therewillbepeoplewhowillbewiseenough,orcriminalenough, tomakemoneyoutof
them.”25
OrdeBrowne condemned the failureof the “Europeanofficial attitude” todifferentiatebetween the
figuresofthewitchandthediviner:“TotheAfrican,suchastandpointmustbemostbewildering,since
itconfusesthegoodandthebad,andregardsthephysicianandthepoisonerasequallyreprehensible”.26
InmanyoftheSupremeCourtcases,divinersapparentlydidnotbelievetheyhaddoneanythingother
than their duty. In a remarkable twelve cases, the accused diviner pleaded guilty to the charge of
smellingout.27ThedivinerHwandhla, for instance,undefendedathis trialbeforeBristowe in1912,
pleadedguiltytothechargeunders.29.Whengiventhechancetospeak,hesaid:“Ihavenothingto
say”.28Hewasnonethelesssentencedtosixmonthsimprisonmentwithhardlabour.Thefollowingyear,
Mpaupausimilarlypleadedguiltytoas.29charge,stating:“Ihavenothingtosay.Iwasaskedbythetwo
parties to make a pronouncement. I threw the bones and read them”.29 A policeman testified that
Mpaupauhaddeclareduponhisarrest:““Ihavefaithinmyjudgment,thesetwonativesarewizards”.30
RasengaShabanewasunfortunateenoughtobearrestedonceagainin1923onanothersmellingout
charge. Witness, Kangale Nbutala, indicated that after their group had consulted Shabane, he had
expressed concern over the possibility of arrest: “when you get home youwillwant to getme into
trouble”.Thegroupapparentlyagreed:“Weallsaidnowewillnotsayanythingaboutit”.31Somehow,
though,Shabanefoundhimselfonceagainbeforeawhitejudgeandjury.Havingapparentlylearnedof
theprejudicialoperationofthecourtroomfromthelastexperience,thistimeShabanehiredalawyer,
Atty Bergh. (The vast majority of those who faced charges under s.29 or s.30 were, by contrast,
undefendedincourt).WhileShabanepleadedguiltytothes.29charge,Berghappliedforthecasetobe
dismissedsince,contrarytothewordingofthelaw,Shabanewasnot“pretending”toimputewitchcraft
atall:“thereisnoevidencetoshowthataccusedhimselfdidnotbelievewhathetoldthem”. Justice
25R.v.NavalwanaDusa&LevonaVilagazi,1917TPD67at72.26SirGranvilleSt.JohnOrdeBrowne,“WitchcraftandBritishColonialLaw,”p.484.27 See:R.v.Mpaupau, 1914TPD389;R.v.Hwandhla, 1912TPD371;R.v.Mdandas Jack, 1915TPD660;R.v.Navalwana Dusa & Levona Vilagazi, 1917 TPD 67; R. v. Jacobus Malusi, 1918 TPD 337; R. v. MuhlungupiShikwengane,1921TPD57;R.v.MoyaKushatuDekudeku1923TPD;R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155;R.v.ShingainghaiChaka, 1924TPD575;R.v.SeweloNepawe, 1924TPD415;R.v.MatjeNdlunu, 1931TPD; R. v.NgungwaResemga,1932TPD.28R.v.Hwandhla,1912TPD371,At380.29R.v.Mpaupau,1914TPD389,At412.30Ibid.,At408.31R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155,At167.
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Morice is noted to have “refused the application”.32 Judges, for the most part, were unable to
countenance genuine belief in these kinds of supernatural powers, and simply sidestepped prickly
contestationovertheclaimedauthenticityofdivination.
“ByHabitorReputeaWitchDoctororWitchFinder”
Ineverycase,prosecutorsappeartohavedirectlyaskedwitnessestoconfirmthattheaccusedwasa
“witchdoctor”.Frequently,“witchdoctor”paraphernaliawassubmittedasfurtherevidence.Inthe1914
trial of R. v.Matsilele Tsandengoma, charged under s.29, the various tools of the divination were
producedduringcourtproceedings:thebonestheaccusedthrew(“ExhibitA”),theroothechewed(“B”),
andthesjambokherubbedthechewedrootonto(“C”).33InR.v.NavalwanaDusaandLevonaVilagazi,
anothers.29case,twowomenwereconfirmedbywitnessesasbeingwitchdoctorsonaccountoftheir
“dress”,offeredasevidence intheirprosecution: twoanklets, threeassegais,amedicinebag, jackals
tails,Sakabulafeathersand“headgear”.34Itisnotclearwhythisevidencewasdeemednecessary.After
all,as.29chargemerelyrequiredproofthatanimputationhadbeenmade–thewordingofthesection
didnotspecifythattheaccusedhadtobeproventobea“witchdoctor”.Itwasonlyins.30cases,which
couldattractthesentenceoflifeimprisonment,theaccusedhadtobeprovedtohavebeen“byhabitor
reputeawitchdoctororwitchfinder”.
In1927,EdgarBrookesrecountedthe illustrationtoexplain“habitorrepute”providedbytheCape
Commission of 1883,which established the Transkeian Penal Code fromwhich thewording of the
TransvaalOrdinancewasderived:
B.isemployedbyA.,theownerofakraalinGriqualandEast,totellhimwhyhischildC.issufferingfrom
measles.B.accusesD.ofhavingbewitchedthechildbymeansofacharmwhichD.hasreceivedfroma
baboon. B. is proved to be by habit and repute awitch‐finder. B. is liable to imprisonment under this
section.35
ButthisprimitiveformulationseemstohavebeenchallengedbyjudgesintheTranskeiinsubsequent
decades.Inthe1918caseofR.v.Tiki,JusticeKotzeinsistedthat“Toestablishahabittheremustatleast
besufficientevidencetothateffect…thattheremustbeevidencethattheaccusedisaccustomedtoact
assuchandmakesordinaryandusualcallingandpracticeofit”.36Whetherthismeantthattheaccused
32R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155at169–170.33R.v.MatsileleTsandengoma,1914TPD209at223.34R.v.NavalwanaDusa&LevonaVilagazi,1917TPD67at78.35EdgarHarryBrookes,TheHistoryofNativePolicyinSouthAfricafrom1830tothePresentDay.(Pretoria:J.L.vanSchaik,1927),p.215.36SABJUS276,R.v.Tiki,includedinOfficialConference:WitchcraftAmendmenttoTranskeianCodeReWitchcraftorSmellingout,1919.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
47
had tohaveaprovenhistoryof findingwitches,ormerelya reputation forbeinganykindofmagic
practitioner is notmade clear. This case, alongwithR. v.Tshungwana, another 1918 case inwhich
chargesweredismissedagainsttheaccusedonthesamegrounds,apparentlypromptedconsternation
amongstthejudiciary.Ina1919conferenceofTranskeianjudicialofficers,manycalledforthe“habitor
repute”phrasetobestruckout.JusticeSampsonarguedthat“theprovingofahabitofwitchcraftinthe
Transkeibyseveralactsisalmostanimpossibility…therewillbehardlyeveradecisiononthequestion
ofhabit,becauseyoucannotgetwitnessestocomeforward…”.37Lawadvisersbelievedthatremoving
thephrasewouldnothelpmatterssince“theevidencetoprovehabitandreputewillbeverymuchthe
evidencestillrequiredtoprovethattheaccusedisawitchorwizard”(theypresumablymeant“witch
doctor”).Instead,aProclamationwaspassedin1919whichincreasedthepunishmentforanimputation
ofwitchcraftfromonetotwoyearsintheTranskei.38
ItisnotclearwhetherjudgesintheTransvaalwererequiredtofollowthestipulationslaiddowninR.v.
Tiki.Theredoesseemtohavebeenagreatdealofinconsistencyindecidingwhethers.29ors.30applied,
however.Inmanycases,s.30wasimposeduponthosewithpreviousconvictionsunders.29.39Inthe
1923caseofR.vRasengaShabane,however,theaccusedhadalreadybeenfoundguiltyofthesame
chargethreetimespreviously,yethewasonlychargedunders.29.40InthecaseofZuluMadumalane,
proved“byhabitorreputeawitchdoctororwitchfinder”,noneofthewitnesstestimonyprovedthat
shehadsmeltoutwitchesinthepast–onlythatshehadahistoryofthrowingthebones,thatshefell
into trances, and that shewas identified as a “witchdoctor” – yet again a term that obscuredwhat
Madumalane’spracticesactuallywere.Itseemsthatareputationasa“witchdoctor”wasenoughtoearn
heralifesentence.
Forallitspretencesofobjectivity,theadjudicationofsmellingoutcasesseemstohavebeenundertaken
withadesperatelackofrigourandanenormousdegreeofinconsistency.Thejudgedoesnotseemto
haveevenvaguelyentertainedMadumalane’scontentionthatshewasbeingscapegoatedbythosewho
gavetestimonybeforethecourt.Shewasprovedtobea“witchdoctor”,andthatwasenoughtooverride
anysenseofreasonabledoubt.Thefactthatherfamilywascalledintotestifyaboutherlonghistoryas
a“witchdoctor”addedcruelindignitytowhatmustalreadyhaveseemedlikeafarcetoMadumalane.
37SABJUS276,OfficialConference:WitchcraftAmendment toTranskeianCodeReWitchcraftorSmellingout,1919.38SABJUS276,OfficialConference:WitchcraftAmendment toTranskeianCodeReWitchcraftorSmellingout,1919.39InthecaseofR.v.MatsileleTsandengoma(1914TPD209),JusticeBristowenotedthattheaccusedhadbeenwarnedoftheillegalityof“witchdoctoring”before.InthecaseofR.v.MuhlungupiShikwengane(1921TPD57at59),JusticeDeWaalnotedthattheaccusedhad“beenbeforethecourtthreetimesforthesamething”.40R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155..
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Theirstatementsmaywellhavebeenelicitedtodefinitivelyprove“habitorrepute”andtherebyqualify
herforthemaximumsentence.
BroughtBeforetheCourt
Inveryfewsmellingoutcasesisitmadeclearhowthematterarrivedincourt.InR.v.SugumbuliNkosi,
forinstance,threepeopleallegedlysmeltoutbytheaccusedallexplicitlydeniedapproachingthepolice.
Thesmelt‐out“wizard”PonyaneMasekoindicatedthathehad“madenocomplaintaboutthematter”
and that it was onlymuch later that “the police sent forme to come to the Gem and there took a
statement”.41NombangoMnisisaid“IamsurprisedthepolicecalledmeasIhadmadenocomplaint”,
whileStuurmanMasekosaidhe“[didn’t]knowwhocalledinthepolicetoinvestigatethecase;Ididn’t”.42
Itispossiblethatthesewitnessesdidnotwanttoadmitincourttohavingcalledthepoliceonadiviner
forfearofpossiblerepercussions.InR.v.MdandasJack,forinstance,anumberofwitnessestestifiedto
being“afraidoftheaccused”becausehecouldpointthemoutasbeingwitches.43
Itmay also have been true, however, thatmany simply did notwant to embroil themselves in the
colonial legal order. In 1935, D.O. Frank Melland, who had experience of administering a similar
witchcraft law in Zambia, noted that “villagers feared entrapment by the senseless legalities of the
Ordinance,fortheirwayoftalkingaboutaggressionandgeneralwrongdoingmightunpredictablyturn
themintoaccused”.44
Inanumberofcases,policemenappeartohavetakenanactiveroleinapprehendingthe“witchdoctors”
intheirareas,yetitisnotcertainiftheiractionswerespurredbycomplaintsmadebylocalswhodid
notwishtobenamed.Insomecases,however,accusedwitchesortheirfamilymemberstestifiedto
havingapproachedthepolice.InR.v.SeweloNepawe,thewifeandsonofasmelt‐out“wizard”reported
themattertothepoliceafterhehadrunawayandapparentlyneverreturned.45Inthe1923caseofR.v.
RasengaShabane,anaccused“wizard”MgwambaneSitangofiledacomplaint“becauseChiefNetsianda
tookmythreechildrenandtwentygoatssayingthatIandmymother‐inlawwerewitchesandmust
leavehiscountry.Weleft”.46
Oneshouldbewaryofprojectingarigidontologicaldividewhichposits“believingAfricans”constantly
subvertingtheattemptsof“scepticalEuropeans”tryingtoimposetheirwhiteman’slaw.Thereality,it
41R.v.SugumbuliNkosi,1923TPD594at602–603.42Ibid.,At605;610.43R.v.MdandasJack,1915TPD660At675;679.44FrankHulmeMelland,“EthicalandPoliticalAspectsofAfricanWitchcraft,”Africa8(1935):p.498.45R.v.SeweloNepawe,1924TPD415at422–433.46R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155at165.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
49
seems, was far more complex.While many Africans would probably have agreed that these judicial
responsesrepresented“themostconspicuousinstanceofthesuperimpositionofthewhiteman’slawand
opinion,withoutanyconsiderationoftheAfrican’sview”,asOrdeBrowneinsistedin1935,itappears
thatforafew,thelawmayhaveofferedpotentialremedyfromaccusationstheyregardedasfalse.47
Itdoesnotseemthatallofthosewhotookthestandwereconvincedofthediviner’sdiagnosis.Whilea
hostof testimonies indicatedbelief that theverdictof the “smellingout”was correct, in anumberof
instances,witnessestestifiedtonotbelievingtheverdictofthediviner.Perhapsunsurprisingly,mostof
those alleged witches who took the stand insisted that they were wrongly accused, and sometimes
registered ambivalence about the reality ofwitchcraft. InR. v.Mdandas Jack,accusedwitchMakoma
stated:“Ibelieveinwitchcraft.IamnotsurethatIbelieveinaccused[diviner]”.48Inthesamecase,smelt‐
outJantjieindicated:“Iknownothingaboutwitchcraftmyself.Idon’tthinkitpossibletoknowanyname
withoutbeingtold.Ibelieveinthedoctorformedicinesbutnotfortellingpastandfutureevents”.49InR.
v.Shingainghai,witnessRedonga stated: “I believe inwitch doctorswhen they tell the truth, but the
accuseddidnot tell the truthwhenhe said I killed [a child].”50 Itwasnot only accusedwitcheswho
disputedtheresultofasmellingoutincourt.InR.v.MatjeNdlunu,forinstance,awitnessunrelatedto
allegedwitchstated:“Ididnotbelieveaccused...IdidnotbelieveModibawasawizard”.51
Thesewitnessesmayhavebeenhidingtheirtruethoughtsforfearofattractingtroublefromcoloniallaw;
ontheotherhand,thisscepticismmayhavebeengenuine.The“criticalattitude”thatWilsonpointedout
shouldbeborninmind.SuchanattitudewasattestedtobyIndunaMbulwanaMkonzainR.v.Sugumbuli
Nkosi,whoinsistedthat“Ifanativedoctorsmeltoutanativesomewouldbelieve,somenot.”52Forthose
whobelievedthemselveswronglyaccused,thelawmayhavebeenregardedasanaid.
HumanitarianAimsorPoliticalCalculation?
InnoneofthejudgmentscouldIfindanyexplicitmentionthattheaccuseddivinerwasarrestedoutof
concernsofthreatstowhiterule.AdamAshforth’sassumptionthatwitchcraftlawswereonlyemployed
againsthealerschallengingcolonialorderdoesnotseemtobeborneoutbythesecaserecords.Many
judgesstatedthatthelawwasbeingemployedforhumanitarianpurposes:theycondemnedtheviolence
thatemergedover“smellingout”proceedings,andwarneddivinersofthedisastrousconsequencesthat
47SirGranvilleSt.JohnOrdeBrowne,“WitchcraftandBritishColonialLaw,”p.435.48R.v.MdandasJack,1915TPD660at678.49Ibid.,At677.50R.v.ShingainghaiChaka,1924TPD575at582..51R.v.MatjeNdlunu,1931TPDAt6.52R.v.SugumbuliNkosi,1923TPD594at616.
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couldfollowthosetheyaccusedofwitchcraft.This,theyheld,wasthereasonwhythelawcouldimpose
theonerouspenaltyoflifeimprisonment.“Onecanunderstandwhythelegislatureprovidedthisserious
penaltyincasesofthiskind,”JusticeTindellstated,“Younativewitchdoctorsexerciseamostpernicious
influenceonthemindsofthenatives…youpointoutsomeunfortunatenative...Thenextthingisthat
nativedisappears.Somebodykillsthatnative.”53Judgesfrequentlyframetheapplicationofthelawin
termsofbenevolentpaternalism,concernedtoprotectthewell‐beingofAfricans.
Itisquestionablewhetherthelawwasthebesttoolwithwhichtoadvancehumanitarianconcerns.As
has been shown, it operated in away that often demonstrated a profound disconnection from the
realitiesofwitchcraft.Butoneshouldbewaryofdismissingthecrueltiesthatcouldfollowaccusations
ofwitchcraftassimplyacolonial fiction. It is truethat, inmostof thesecases,noseriousharmwas
indicated tohavebefallen theallegedwitch.54 InR.v.Shingainghai, the smelt‐out “wizard”Redonga
indicated:“Itisnotourtribalcustomtodoanythingtotheonewhoispointedoutasawizard.Nothing
hashappenedtome”.55Butinanumberofcases,accusedwitchesapparentlyenduredgreatsuffering.
Somewereforcedtofleeinfearfortheirlives.InR.v.Mpaupau,forinstance,accusedwitchChowChow
claimedthatthechief“chasedmeawaywithanaxe”.56InR.v.SugumbuliNkosi,awhitefarmer,MrPaul
Dunn,involvedhimselfinthesmellingoutprocedure.PonyaneMasekotestifiedthat“themasterchased
meawaybecausetheguesserhadsmeltmeout…Ihadahardlifeafterbeingsmeltout”.57Inthesame
case,anothersmelt‐outforwitchcraft,StuurmanMaseko,said:“Thebaassaidtothemissusformeto
leavethefarmandlookforanotherbaas…NownoneexceptMblauwcomenearme.Idon’tknowwhat
isthematter.Ifeelsoreaboutit.Iamold.Iknownothingaboutghosts”.58ThecasesofZuluMadumalane
andMatjeNdlunuaretheonlyinwhichtheaccusedwitchwasexecuted,however.
Statedhumanitarianaimsdonotofcourseprovethatconcernsofcolonialorderwereentirelyabsent
fromtheseincidents.Inabroadsense,colonialrulesoughttoobtainthemonopolyonviolence–orthe
illusionthereof–andpreventpeoplefromadministeringtheirownformsofjustice.Butinthedirect
sense,ofcausingruptureswhichposedapoliticalthreattocontinuingcolonialrule,noevidencecanbe
distilled from the court records. Inmost caseswe know nothing of the administrative storywhich
53R.v.SeweloNepawe,1924PD415at419 Seealso:R.v.MatsileleTsandengoma,1914TPD209at216. R.v.MuhlungupiShikwengane,1921TPD57at59.;R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155at157.54Inpassing,itisworthnotingthat,intheseSupremeCourtcases,thevastmajorityofthosesmeltoutwereinfactmen.55R.v.ShingainghaiChaka1924TPD575.56R.v.Mpaupau,1914TPD389at405.57R.v.SugumbuliNkosi,1923TPD594at604.58Ibid.,p.609.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
51
precededthearrivaloftheaccusedincourt,anditispossiblethatsomewerereinedinbythelawout
ofsuchconcerns.
Onesetofarchiveddocumentswhichmayprovidesomecluesaboutthepolicyofcolonialofficialsin
“smellingout”cases.In1906,theResidentMagistrateofLydenburgwrotetotheSecretaryforNative
Affairs(SNA)inPretoria,W.Windham,toaskhisadviceaboutamanwhohadapparentlyhadahistory
of “smelling out” witches in the area. “Kindly favour me with your instructions as to whether a
prosecutionshouldbeinstitutedornot”.59Afterhavingconductedsomeinquiries,theUndersecretary
forNativeAffairs,G.A.GodleyorderedatelegramtobesenttotheResidentMagistrateofLydenburg:
“Amofopinionthatthecaseshouldproceed”.60Alongwiththedocumentsisahandwrittennote:“from
thestatementsitwouldappearthatevenifaconvictionwerenotobtained,aprosecutionwouldhavea
deterringeffectupontheaccusedandothersofhisprofessioninthedistrict”.61On10August1906,the
DCforwardedanotetotheSNAwrittenbySub‐InspectorF.B.Hardy indicatingthat“thenativewas
convictedatthelocalperiodicalcourtandsentencedtothreemonthshardlabour”.62
This correspondence does seem to indicate that notions of deterrencewere prominent in deciding
whethertoprosecutealleged“witchdoctors”.Anumberofjudgesdoseemtohavebeeneagertomake
anexampleoutof“witchdoctors”.InR.v.Mpaupau,JusticeCurlewistooktheopportunitytoteacha
lesson:“Thelawforthisonceisthatthedoctorshipshallbeputastoptoamongthekaffirs,itisthecause
ofmuchmischiefamongstthem…Ihavehadthewitnessesbroughtintothecourtsotheycouldhear
what I have toldyou. Iwant them toknow that the lawdoesnot allowanyperson topractise as a
doctor”.63ForKrausein1914,thetrialofMadumalanepresentedtheopportunityto“sendawarningto
other nativeswhomake use of the same practice”. 64 It is unclearwhether thiswas informed by a
humanitarianconcernforthewell‐beingofAfricans,orbyaconcerntoaffirmcolonialpoweroverthese
practitioners, characterised as charlatans and cheats. In “civilisingmissions”, the two are not easily
disentangled.
It isnoteworthy,however, thatmost judgeschosenot to impose themaximumpenaltiesprescribed
underthelaw,eveninthecaseofrepeatoffenders.Inpassingjudgmentin1923forwhatwasRasenga
59SABSNA325,1706/06,LetterfromResidentMagistrate,LydenburgtoSecretaryofNativeAffairs,Pretoria,W.Windham.ForwardedstatementstakenbytheDistrictCommandant,Pilgrim’sRest.18May1906.60SABSNA325,1706/06,HandwrittenTelegramNotebyUndersecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,G.A.Godley.8June1906.61SABSNA325,1706/06,HandwrittenNotebyActingSecretaryforNativeAffairs.June1906.62SABSNA325,1706/06,ForwardedNoteofSuccessfulConviction,DistrictCommandant,PilgrimsResttoResidentMagistrate,Lydenburg,.10August1906.63R.v.ZuluMadumalane,1914TPD314at323.64InR.v.Mpaupau,1914TPD389at416–417.
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Shabane’sfourthconvictionundertheOrdinance,ActingJusticeMoricestated:“Whathedidinthiscase
doesnotseemtohavecausedanygreatharm.SoIwon’tgivehimabiggersentencethantheonethat
wasgivenlasttime…Thesentenceofthecourtistwoyearsimprisonmentwithhardlabour”.65R.v.Zulu
MadumalaneandR.v.MatjeNdlunuarealsotheonlycasesinwhichasentenceoflifeimprisonmentwas
imposed. In both cases, the presiding judges made it clear that the onerous punishment of life
imprisonmentwasbeingimposedbecausetheallegedwitchhadbeenmurdered.Inallothercasesin
whichasuccessfulconvictionwasachievedunders.30,presidingjudgesnotonlyresistedimposinglife
imprisonment,buttheydidnotexceedthemaximumpunishmentoffiveyearsstipulatedundertheless
serious s.29 charge.66 Many apparently decided to show restraint. Justice Bristowe told Matsilele
Tsandengoma,arepeatoffenderconvictedunders.30:
Heknowsthatthisisillegal.Hehasbeenwarnedofitsbeforeandheknowsthatitisregardedasaserious
offence,andthepenaltytowhichheisliableunderthestatuteislifeimprisonment.ButIdonotintendto
sentencehimtoanythinglikethat…hewillbesentencedtofouryearsimprisonmentwithhardlabour.67
InthecaseofR.v.Shingainghai,JusticeKrause:“Iwillgivehimanotherchance…ifyoucomebeforethe
courtagainitwillgoveryhardwithyou;bothhislegswillbetiedandhewon’tbeabletogofreeagain.
This time the court will be merciful to him… He will get twelve months imprisonment with hard
labour”.68Ofcourse,thisinnowaydetractsfromthefrequentlyunjustoperationofthecolonialcourt.
However,itdoesraisefurtherquestionsaboutwhetherconsiderationsofcolonialorderwerealways
trulyatthebasisoftheapplicationoftheWitchcraftOrdinance,asAshforthsuggests.
“PretendedWitchcraft”Cases:SkelmsandHumbuggers
Itwasnotonly“smellingout”casesthatcamebeforetheTransvaalSupremeCourt.Eighteencaseswere
prosecuted under section 34 for the “pretended” use of “supernatural power, witchcraft, sorcery,
enchantment,orconjuration”.Inmanycases,thechargewasbroughtagainstAfricanhealerswhohad
diagnosedillnessesandprescribedremedies.Butavarietyofotheractivitiesattractedas.34charge.
PhilemonRanqueearnedfivechargesunderthissectionfordiagnosingillnesses,andoneforhaving
claimedtolocatethemissingsheepofacertainJohannesTerblanchebythrowingthe“dolos”.69In1917,
WilliamSebambowaschargedforhavingsoldapowderwhichhepromisedwouldpreventthievesfrom
entering a room.70 Justice Curlewis seems to have struggled to define exactly what the crimewas:
65R.v.RasengaShabane,1923TPD155at157.66MatsileleTsandengomaandMuhlungupiShikwenganieachreceivedfouryearsIHL;JacobusMalusiandMoyaDekudekureceivedeighteenmonths;MashapolaMapenekesreceivedjustoneyear.67R.v.MatsileleTsandengoma,1914TPD209at218.68R.v.ShingainghaiChaka,1924TPD575at577.69R.v.PhilemonRanque,1918TPD448at451.70R.v.WilliamSebambo,1919TPD170at174..
Witchcraft Law in Operation
53
“pretendedtoexercisewitchcraftorconjurationandtocharmproperty”.71In1918,MganuNdhlovuwas
chargedfordiscoveringandremoving“bewitching”itemsfromthehutsofsickpeople–goats’horns,
burned sticks, human hair, locusts – for a payment of cash and livestock.72 In 1921, Mpokani
Mundagazanewaschargedfordiviningthecauseoftwodeaths,havingtoldamanthat“thespiritsofhis
forefathers”hadenteredthebodiesofhisdeceaseddaughterandsister.73JudgedeWaalwasvaguein
spellingoutthecrime:“sheislivinginacivilisedcountry…thiskindofthingthelawdoesnotallow”.74
In1923,ScotchmanMmatalafacedtwocountsunders.34,onefordiagnosingtheillnessofJohannes
Mphela, the second for providingmedicine to boost crop yields.75 In 1927,William Nkobene was
chargedforsellingarootwhichhepromisedwouldreturnlostobjectstotheirownerwhenburned.76
Adding to the amorphous, indefinite nature of the charge, in nine cases in which medicines were
prescribedbytheaccusedwiththepromiseofcuringanillness,achargeforcontravenings.39ofthe
Medical, Dental and Pharmacy Ordinance 29 of 1904 was filed in the alternative. The Ordinance
outlawedtheundertakingof“actsspeciallybelongingtothecallingofageneralmedicalpractitioner”–
aclausewhichwouldbereinscribedin1928bys.34(a)ofLaw13.Itseemsthatthejudiciarywasnot
quite certain how to dealwith scenarios of “supernatural” healing, forced to undertake intellectual
somersaults across the boundary between “legitimate” medical practice and the “pretence” of
supernaturalpowers.Thereseemstohavebeenlittleconsistencyindecidingwhichofthesecharges
applied.InthecaseofR.v.PhilemonRanque,theaccusedreceivedachargeunders.34andoneunder
s.39inthealternative:theformerforhavingdeterminedthecauseofSimunkaUtito’sillnessthrough
thebones,thesecondforhavingprescribedaremedytoher.77ButwhiletheaccusedinR.v.William
Comettehadsimilarlydiagnosedanailmentandprovidedmedicineforit,theincidentonlyattracteda
chargeundertheMedicalOrdinance.78Bycontrast,AndriesMotojanieallegedlydivinedthecauseof
illnessandadministereda“certainliquid”onsixseparateoccasions,butwasonlychargedunderthe
WitchcraftOrdinance.79Itseemsthat,inmanycases,thejudiciarywasfarfromcertainaboutwhatthe
accusedhadexactlydonewrong.
71Ibid.,At178.72R.v.MganuNdhlovu1918TPD100.73R.v.MpokaniMdungazane1921TPD19.74Ibid.,At21.75R.v.ScotchmanMmatala,1929TPDUnnumbered.76R.v.WilliamNkobene,1927TPDUnnumbered.77R.v.PhilemonRanque,1918TPD448at459.78R.v.WilliamComette,1927TPDUnnumbered.79R.v.AndriesMotojanie,1928TPDUnnumbered.
Joel Pearson
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Ashforthnotesthatunderthevariouswitchcraftlaws,divinationwasoutlawed–apracticethatforms
“theheartofhealinginAfrica”.Thus,allformsofhealingwereeffectivelyoutlawedbyanti‐witchcraft
law,includingtheTransvaalOrdinance.80TheWitchcraftandMedicineOrdinanceappearstohavebeen
analternativeorsupplementarytoolforclampingdownonhealers.Ashforthnotesfurtherthathehas
“beenunabletofindaccountsoftheprosecutionofhealersforcontraveningthislegislation.Nodoubt
healershavebeentargetedfromtimetotimeinvariousdistrictsofSouthAfrica,probablywheretheir
activities intruded into political matters of complicated the everyday activities of white
administrators”.81YetinthecasesIhavesourced,thisclaimisnotsoclearlyborneout–noneoftheir
activitiesappeartohavebeenespeciallythreateningtowhiteadministrators.Inanumberofcases,it
wasthosewhohadfeltdeceivedbytheaccused–amongthem,anumberofAfricanpeople–ratherthan
concernedofficialswhocalledinthepolice.82
A series of letters from 1911 does, however, seem to show that there is some truth to Ashforth’s
contention.On15thAugust,theResidentMagistrateofPietRetief,W.F.Peachey,wrotetoEdwardDower,
theSecretaryforNativeAffairsinPretoria,aboutthecaseofR.v.Sipata.83Theaccuseddivinerhadbeen
chargedunder s.34 forhaving administeredmedicine for “preventing the effectof lightning”over a
period of eight years, but he also received a charge in the alternative under s.39 of the Medical
Ordinance.Themagistratewrote “Ihaveserved inseveraldistricts in theTransvaalbuthavenever
heardofthisLawbeingputintoforceagainstnatives”,andinquiredastowhethertheOrdinanceapplied
since “a number of prosecutionsmay be expected andmany innocent persons are bound to suffer
unmeritedpunishment”.84DowerwrotetotheSecretaryforJusticetoaskforadvice:“Ibegtostatethat
ithasnotbeenconsidereddesirableinthepasttointerferewiththeactivitiesofNativeWitchDoctors…
solongastheiractionsdonotbecomemischievousorresultininjuriousconsequencestoindividualsor
arelikelytocreatedisturbances”.85HealsosubmittedthoughtstoHenryBurton,theMinisterofNative
Affairs,arguingthatthepractiseoftheTranskeishouldprevailintheTransvaal:
80Ashforth,Witchcraft,Violence,Democracy,p.286.81Ibid.82InR.v.DavidMlofuso(1922TPD460at490),forinstance,SolomonKumalostatedthathereportedMlofusotothepolicebecausehehadapparentlyfailedtoremovethecauseofillnessinKumalo’sfamilyaspromised:“thedevilhadnotbeencleared.Accusedtoldmehehadalicencetopracticemedicine.Ididnotthinkhehadalicencetokillspooks”83SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromW.F.Peachey,ResidentMagistrate,PietRetief,toEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairsPretoria,ForwardedCopyofRexv.Sipata,15thAugust1911.
ThiscasewasnotlistedintheTPDcriminalregistersIexamined.84SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromW.F.Peachey,ResidentMagistrate,PietRetief,toEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairsPretoria,ForwardedCopyofRexv.Sipata,15thAugust1911.85SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,toSecretaryforJustice,Pretoria,7September1911.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
55
It isconsideredinequitabletoendeavourtodepriveNativesinNativeareasoftheservicesoftheirown
practitionersmany ofwhose native remedies are beneficial to their patients… [In theTranskei]Native
doctorsandherbalists[are]notbeprosecutedfortheactofpractisingalthoughtheyremainliableunder
theGeneralCriminalLawfortheresultoftheiractionsand[are]unabletosueforpaymentoftheirfees…I
wouldrecommendthispolicy…IamnotinfavouroftheNatalpolicyofrecognitionbyasystemoflicences
whichdoesnotappeartoofferanyguaranteeofefficiencyorcheckonchicanery.86
Burtonwroteanoteofagreement:“Thisisanextremelydifficultmattertodealwithfairly,reasonably
andwithoutanomalousresults…thesepractitionersshouldbewinkedatwhen therearenoproper
qualifiedmedicalmen available but not otherwise. How to draw the line? ... I agreewith the view
adoptedinthismemo”.87BurtonexpressedthesethoughtstotheMinisterofJusticeonthe9thOctober,
andreceivedthefollowingreply:“Whilethereisnodoubtthats.39ofOrdinance29of1904isapplicable
toallpersonswhetherblackorwhite,hequiteagreesthatprosecutionsagainstnativesshouldnotbe
institutedasarule…publicprosecutorsshouldconsulthiminparticularcasesastheyarise”.88
OfficialsoftheNADandtheJusticeDepartmentseemtohaveagreedthatitwassometimesbetterto
“wink”athealersthanapplytheMedicalOrdinanceuniformly. ItdoesseemthatAshforthiscorrect,
therefore,inattributingconcernsaboutpublic“disturbances”assometimesmotivatingtheprosecution
of healers, but Dower’s concern for “injurious consequences to individuals” should also be
acknowledged. It isnotclearwhetherthispolicypersistedthroughoutthedecades,but if itdid, this
wouldseemtoindicatethatofficialsdidindeedprefertoturnablindeyewhenitcametotheactivities
of“witchdoctors”–althoughwecannotascertainwhetherthesameheldtrueforcasesof“smellingout”.
Inthes.34casesIhavesourced,itisnotclearwhetherhumanitarianimpulsesorconcernsoflawand
order served asprimarymotives forprosecution. Like the smelling out cases, the circumstancesby
which these cases camebefore the court is not alwaysmade clear. Butwhere it is, the prospect of
“disturbances”doesnotseemtohavefeaturedatall.Mostseemtohaveinvolvedcasesofpersonalharm.
InR.v.DavidMlofuso,SolomonKumalostatedthathereportedMlofusotothepolicebecausehehad
apparentlyfailedtoremovethecauseofillnessinKumalo’sfamilyaspromised:“thedevilhadnotbeen
cleared.Accusedtoldmehehadalicencetopracticemedicine.Ididnotthinkhehadalicencetokill
86SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairs,toHenryBurton,MinisterofNativeAffairs,Pretoriaentitled“DoctorsandHerbalists–Practisingof”,includinghand‐writtennotebyBurton,3October1911.87SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairs,toHenryBurton,MinisterofNativeAffairs,Pretoriaentitled“DoctorsandHerbalists–Practisingof”,includinghand‐writtennotebyBurton,3October1911.88SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSecretaryforJustice,Pretoria,toEdwardDower,SecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,4November1911.
Joel Pearson
56
spooks”.89ThiscaserecordistheonlyoneIcouldfindinwhichthepolicewerecalledinduetoafailure
onthepartofthehealertoactuallyheal.
In a number of other cases, the accused was reported to the police for other crimes, and only
subsequentlycametobechargedunders.34.For instance,DumaziNgwanamanugawasnot initially
arrested for “pretended witchcraft”, but rather culpable homicide. He had rubbed an unknown
concoctiononawomanwiththepromiseofpregnancy,butshebecamesickanddiedshortlyafter.90
Herhusbandtestifiedtohaving“arrestedaccusedandreportedtothepolice…mywifewasayoung
healthywomanbeforethis”.91Butsincethepowderwasmeantto“breakthespellofwitchcraft”which
hebelievedwaspreventingthewomanfromfallingpregnant,andwasadministeredwith“thebeating
ofdrumsandthekillingofagoat”,Ngwanamanugawaschargedinthealternativeofcontravenings.34.92
In1927,WilliamNkobenewasinitiallyarrestedafterhehadallegedlyattemptedtorapeatwelveyear
oldgirl.Themother,whomNkobenehadbeentreating,madeitclearwhyshehadcalledthepolice:“I
hadacceptedyouforadoctor.Icomplainedaboutyourtreatmentofmychild,notaboutyourdoctoring
me”.Yetitwasfordoctoring,nottheallegedrape,thatNkobenewouldultimatelyserve18monthsin
prison:hewasfoundguiltyoffourchargesunders.34forhavingprescribedvariousliquids,powders,
rootsandsnakeskinstocurepeopleoftheirailments.In1933,WilliamMohalewasarrestedforhaving
stolena tinof lardononeoccasion,andsuitcases, clothes,quiltsandrazorbladesonanother.93 Jon
Sekudu,whohadcalledthepoliceafterthelossofhistwotiesandashirt,providedtestimonywhich
justifiedanadditionalchargeunders.34:“hesaidhewouldgivememedicinesthatmybaaswouldraise
my wages… he also gave me medicine that I could fight well and put some black ointment in my
wristbands…tomakemestrong...MybaasdidnotraisemywagesandIcouldnotfightbetter.Theothers
beatme.”94
Inmanycases,witnessesidentifiedtheaccusedas“liars”and“thieves”.Butinsomecases,witnesses
testified to the efficacy of the treatments they received. Thiswas not countenanced by the judges,
however.Forinstance,despiteawitness’ insistencethatScotchmanMmatale’s“medicinecuredme”,
JusticeKrausecondemnedhimas“askelm,becauseyoucannotcurepeople,andyouhumbugthemwith
yourso‐calledmedicine...“Ifyoukeepcommittingtheseoffencesweshallhavetotieyouup.”95Inthe
89R.v.DavidMlofuso,1922TPD860at890.90R.v.DumaziNgwanamanuga,1917TPD271at283.91Ibid.,p.286.92Ibid.,At271.93R.v.WilliamMohale,1933TPDUnnumbered.94Ibid.95R. v. ScotchmanMmatala, (1929 TPDUnnumbered); Also, in the case ofR. v.WilliamNkobene, (1927 TPDUnnumbered)awomantestifiedthatthetreatmentofblackpowdershadmadeherdaughter“quitewellagain”,andanotherclaimedthathis“bottlewithwaterymedicine”hadcuredherofheartdisease”.ButJusticeTindellneverthelessdeclared,“Youpretendedthatyouusedsupernaturalpowers,andyoudoctoredthesepeopleandgot
Witchcraft Law in Operation
57
judgmentsoftheSupremeCourt,theaccusedarealltarredwiththesamebrush,portrayedastricksters
andswindlers.Butnonearecharacterisedasagitators.Iwasnotabletofindevidenceinanyofthese
caseswhichsuggestthattheaccusedevenremotelyposedapoliticalthreat.
In two cases, charges under s.34were instituted against fortune tellers. In 1912, Hadjee Jackson –
describedasa“MalayMale”–receivedfourcountsofcontravenings.34:onecountforhavingdiagnosed
thecauseofMarthaCatherinevanStaden’sillnessthroughdealingcardsandburningpowders;another
forhavingallegedlyrubbedpowder into the foreheadofGertPieterHenderson,encouraginghimto
inhalesmoke,andsellinghimcharmstobothwinboxingmatchesandensuresuccess“inallhislove
affairs”;and two forhaving told the fortunesof twoothers.96Achimuthoo–an“Asiaticmale”–was
anotherunfortunatefortunetellerimprisonedforhistrade.97
The law’s apparent prohibition of fortune tellers seems to have raised some concern amongst
“spiritualisticmediums”inJohannesburg.InSeptember1906,twoyearsaftertheWitchcraftOrdinance
hadbeenpassed,G.O.GriffithsfromGermistonwrotetotheAttorneyGeneraloftheTransvaaltoinquire
abouttheinterpretationofthelaw“relatingtowitchcraft”:
TherearetodayverymanySpiritualistsintheTransvaal,someoftheprincipaltenetsoftheirbeliefandpracticeis‘communionbetweenspiritsinthebodyandspiritsoutofthebody’…Irecentlyheardofonerecognisedmediumbeingvisitedbyapersonwiththeintentionofplayinga‘trap’undersection34oftheOrdinance.IpresumeheisamemberoftheDetectiveforcecommissionedbysomeonetoundertakesuchwork.Ifthisisacorrectconclusion,itisveryhardthatpeoplewhoarehonestintheirconvictions,should have the most sacred portion of their religious observance submitted to the inquisition ofobsceneandirreligiouspersons.Iwouldfeelextremelyobligedifyouwillinformmehowthelawlooksuponthemediums.98
ThereplyfromtheAttorneyGeneral’ssecretarydidnothelpclearupthisissueofinterpretation:“I
amdirectedtoreferyoutoyourownLegaladviserastheAttorney‐Generalcannotadvisemembers
ofthepubliconpointsoflaw”.99BothHadjeeJacksonandAchimuthooreceivedchargesunders.34
aswellastheMedicalOrdinance,indicatingthatperhapsfortunetellerswhodidnotalsodiagnose
illnessesandprescriberemedieswereleftalone,althoughthisisnotcertain.
moneyfromit,anddidthemnogood”.Thejudgeofferedawordoffatherlywisdom:“Iadviseinfuturetodosomehonestwork”.96R.v.HadjeeJackson,1912TPD98at100.97R.v.Achimuthoo(1922TPD535);R.v.AppanaGurana(1922TPD176).98SABLD3988/06/134,LetterfromG.O.GriffithstoAttorneyGeneral,InterpretationofWitchcraftOrdinanceRe:SpiritualisticMediums,6September1906.99SABLD3988/06/134,LetterfromAttorney‐General’sOfficetoG.O.Griffiths,InterpretationofWitchcraftOrdinanceRe:SpiritualisticMediums,18September1906.
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AstheMinisterofJusticeindicatedtoSNADower,thelawdoesseemtohaveappliedto“allpersons
whetherwhiteorblack”.Twowhitemaleswerealsochargedwith“pretendedwitchcraft”.Inthe1921
caseofR.v.MichaelPetrusAdriaanOberholzer,theaccusedwasrevealedtohavedupedanumberofsick
people intobelieving thathe coulddetectbewitchmentand sourcemedicine to remove it.100 Inone
instance,Oberholzerissaidtohaveperformedadramaticritualtodiagnosewhatailedafarmer’swife:
he invertedhispockets, coveredhimselfwithwater,shookecstaticallyanddeclared finally“I’vegot
him!”.Oberholzertoldthefarmerthathiswifehadbeenbewitchedbyaservant.Fortheprincelyfeeof
£60,hesentthefarmerabottleof“medicine”fromJohannesburg.Thefarmertestifiedthatitdidhis
wife“moreharmthangood”andcalledthepolice.101TheaccusedadmittedbeforetheSupremeCourt
thathewasaconartist:“[Oberholzer]hascomeoutandswornthathedoesnotbelieveinthisvery
thing”declaredJusticeStratford.102
Inthe1929caseofR.v.JamesSmith,theaccusedwaschargedunders.34forhisvariousexploitsaround
theTransvaal.Heissaidtohaveconsulteda“littlebook”todiagnosethecauseofanumberofwhite
people’s illness. In the incidents described in court testimony, Smith invariably discerned
“bewitchment”asthecause,promisedtoreturnwithacure,receivedpaymentandneverreturned.103
Heperformeda similardisappearingact afterhavingclaimed thathe coulddivinewhereadigger’s
moneywasburiedforthepriceof£4.104 JusticeKrauseberatedSmithforhavingtakenadvantageof
“poorpeople,peoplewhoarereallysuperstitious,peoplewithwhomyoucandoasyoulike”.105
SmithandOberholzer,wereapparentlyabletoconvinceagreatmanywhitepeoplethattheyhadbeen
bewitched,andtheyhandedoversubstantialamountsofmoneyinthehopesofobtainingacure.These
casesrevealthefallacyofcharacterisingbelief inwitchcraftasan“Africansuperstition”.Therearea
numberofindicationsthatwhitepeopleconsulteddivinersonoccasion.Inaletterentitled“Barbarism
Competing with Civilisation”, Israel Mbono wrote to Chief Native Commissioner of Johannesburg,
warninghimof“anumberofEuropeanswhovisitnative‘Witchdoctors’bynightandtakethemintheir
carstotheirhomestotraceouttheirtroublesandallowthemtodoctorthem,whichisagreatdangerto
whitepeople”.106InR.v.NavalwanaDusaandLevonaVilagazi,awhitefamilyisnotedtohaverequested
the use of the divining talents of the two accused to ascertain the whereabouts of their missing
100R.v.MichaelPetrusAdriaanOberholzer,p.289–290.(1921TPD242).101Ibid.,277–284.102Ibid.,At245.103R.v.JamesSmith,(1929TPDUnnumbered).104Ibid.105Ibid.106SABNTS9465,19/362,LetterfromIsraelMbonoB.A.Centitled“BarbarismCompetingwithCivilisation”,toChiefNativeCommissioner,Johannesburg,19February1938.
Witchcraft Law in Operation
59
livestock.107Inanumberofinstances,whitefarmerswereinvolvedin“smellingout”procedures.InR.v.
SugumbuliNkosi,itwasallegedlyawhitefarmer,MrPaulDunn,whohadcalledonNkositoperform
divinationtodiscoverwhowasbewitchinghislabourers.Theprocedurewasperformedjustbeyond
Dunn’s stoep, and he is alleged to have instructed the participants to clap rhythmically, as he did
himself.108
In the cases of Smith and Oberholzer, there does seem to have been a distinct racial bias in their
sentencing,however.DavidMlofuso,foundguiltyin1922ofonlyonecountunders.34,receivedayear’s
prison sentence; Oberholzer, found guilty of three counts in 1921, received just twomonths. Both
AndriesMotojanieandSmithwerefoundguiltyofsixcharges;Motojaniewassentencedtothreeyears
inprison,whileSmithreceivedjustsixmonths.
Thereseemstohavebeengreatinconsistencyinsentencinggenerally.Onafewoccasions,themaximum
sentenceofoneyearimprisonmentwithhardlabourwasimposed.ActingJusticeJeppe,forinstance,
intimatedthat,tohis“regret”,hecouldimposenomorethanoneyearimprisonment“andIcannotadd
lashes”.109Whentheaccusedwasfoundguiltyofmultiplechargesundersection34,theydidgenerally
spendmoretimeinprison.WilliamNkobene,forinstance,received18monthsinprisonforhisfour
counts.110Previousconvictionsalsoplayedaroleindeterminingsentence.111JusticeBarrymadeitclear
thatWilliamMokwenawouldreceive themaximumsentencebecausehehadspent threemonths in
prisonforthreepreviouscharges.HeurgedMokwenato“leavethiswitchdoctoringalone”.112
Anumberofjudgeschosenottoimposethemaximumpenalty,decidingtobe“merciful”.Insentencing
WilliamSebambotosixmonthsimprisonment,forinstance,CurlewisJstated:“Ihavemadeupmymind
togiveyouonemorechance.Thecrimesonwhichyouhavenowbeenconvictedarenotseriousintheir
nature as far as injury to the natives is concerned”.113William Comette received just four months
imprisonmentforachargeunders.34.Ofallthesentences,JusticeDeWetimposedthemostlenient:
WilliamMohalereceivedjustfourteendaysinprisonforhavingsoldmedicinetoimprovethefighting
107R.v.NavalwanaDusa&LevonaVilagazi,(1917TPD67at70–73).108R.v.SugumbuliNkosi,(1923TPD594at596)109R.v.DavidMlofuso,(1922TPD860at863).110R.v.WilliamNkobene,(1927TPDUnnumbered).111JusticedeWaalsentencedMpokaniMundagazanetothefullyearbecauseshehadbeenfoundguiltyofthesamechargeonfourpreviousoccasionsinthecaseofR.v.MpokaniMdungazane(1921TPD19at21).112R.v.WilliamMokwena,(1929TPDUnnumbered).113R.v.WilliamSebambo(1919TPD170at172).
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abilitiesofaboxer,althoughhealsoreceivedtwoyearsonthechargeoftheft.114Again,iftheaccused
posedseriousthreatstocolonialorder,thereisnomentionofitinthecourtrecords.
Conclusion:
Thisinvestigationintothe37caseschargedundertheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904
hasrevealedthatthelawwas,inmostcases,abluntandblindinstrument.Bothitsformulationandits
applicationsufferedfromanacuteabsenceofdefinition.Thefactthatdiviners,herbalists,soothsayers,
fortunetellersandself‐professedcon‐artistswereallincarceratedunderthesamelawtestifiestothe
woefulinconsistencyandirregularitythatplaguedtheoperationoftheWitchcraftOrdinance.Thevast
majorityofjudgesintheseSupremeCourtcasesdemonstrateddownrightignoranceaboutthenature
ofbeliefsofthosewhocamebeforetheircourt,summarilywritingthemoffassuperstitiousnonsense,
blinded to the complex dynamics of supernatural beliefs by a conceited sense of “rationalism” and
“benevolentpaternalism”.
ContrarytoNiehaus’suggestionthatthelawwasmerely“symbolic”,thecaserecordsshowthatitwas
employedonnumerousoccasionstoapprehendawiderangeofcharacters.Thes.34casesdemonstrate
thatitwasnotonlyso‐called“witchdoctors”whowereimprisonedunderthelaw,northatitwasonly
Africanswhocameto feel itseffects.Nonetheless, theredoesundoubtedlyseemtohavebeenabias
againstthesefiguresintheoperationofthelaw,asChanock’sfindingssuggest.Thisseemstobefurther
confirmedbythefactthat,whiletheOrdinancealsooutlawedtheemploymentofa“witchdoctoror
witchfinder”unders.31,nocasesseemtohavebeenprosecutedunderthischarge.Hadthischargebeen
putintoforce,mostofthosewhotestifiedinthesetrialscouldhavebeenimprisoned.Thecourtswould
havehadtoarrestcrowdsofpeopleatatime,peoplewhosetestimonytheprosecutionneededtoprove
casesagainst“witchdoctors”.
Intheencounterbetweenjudgeanddivinerinthecolonialcourtroom,thedramaticimbalanceofpower
wasdemonstratedwithwhatmusthavefrequentlybeenapprehendedasanimmenseinjusticebythe
accused,sentencedtoprisonforacrimetheymaynothaveregardedassuch.Agreatmanydiviners
pleadedguiltytothechargeof“smellingout”.Butwhiletheapplicationofcolonialwitchcraft lawin
theseSupremeCourtcasesdoesseemtohavebeenundertakenfrequentlywithagreatdealofblindness
tothedynamicsofwitchcraftbelief,recordsalsoindicatethatitdidnotalwayssimplyamounttoan
unwelcome impositionof “whiteman’s law”. In some s.34 cases, the accusedwasquite obviously a
criminal.Andinsomesmellingoutcases,itseemsthatAfricansthemselvescalledonthelawtoprotect
themfromallegationsofwitchcrafttheyregardedasfalse.Thelawseemstohaveenteredintolocal
dynamicsinavarietyofways,sometimesasanintrusiveandunwelcomeimposition,sometimesasa
114R.v.WilliamMohale,(1933TPDUnnumbered).
Witchcraft Law in Operation
61
tool thatAfricanscalledupon–although,perhaps, theresultsof thisappeal tocolonial lawmaynot
alwayshavebeenwhattheypredicted.
Thereissomeindicationthatsomejudgeshadmorenuancedunderstandingsofwitchcraftbeliefs–
althoughtheyconstitutedatinyminority.Onejudgmentinasmellingoutcasefrom1931standsoutfor
its relative sensitivity. InR. v.MatjeNdlunu, the accused allegedly pointed out a youngman as the
“wizard”whohad“sentlightning”tokillhisyoungerbrother.Theyoungmanwasthenmurderedwith
anaxebyhisownmotherandsister,bothofwhomweresubsequentlyhanged.115Thisistheonlyother
casebesidesR.v.ZuluMadumalaneinwhichsomeonewasexecutedafterhavingbeensmeltout.During
thetrial,thefatherofthedeceasedtestifiedthathedidnotthinkthatNdlunu,wholivedsomedistance
away,knewthat“bynativecustom,suchamaniskilled”.116Ndlunupleadedguiltytothechargeunder
s.30,andissuednostatementinhisdefence.117Inpassingsentence,JusticeBarrystated:
Whatthecustomisinthetribetowhichtheaccusedbecameattachedisnotclear.Itmayhavebeeneitherkillingorbanishment.Ithinktheaccusedshouldhaveknownwhatthecustomofthetribewas,and,ifitwasnothisintentiontohavethedeceasedkilled,heshouldhaveindicatedthenatureofthepunishment.Theconsequence[of]hisdecisionwasappalling:thedeceasedwaschoppedtodeathbytwoofhisfemalerelatives.ThesetwounfortunatewomenwhocarriedouthisordersweresentencedtodeathatthelastCircuit.InthesecircumstancestheCourtmusttakeaveryseriousviewofthecase…Thesentenceofthecourtisthathebeimprisonedforlife”118
BothKrauseandBarrysentencedtheaccuseddivinertolifeimprisonment.Nevertheless,therearesome
distinct differences in their statements. Compared to the judgment of Krause in the case of Zulu
Madumalane17yearsearlier,Barry’sjudgmentshowsgreaterunderstandingoftheprocessofsmelling
out, which he portrays as a routine part of “tribal life”, acknowledging that it was a “custom that
prevailedinthetribe”ratherthansimplyanactofduperyby individualopportunists.ForKrausein
1914,thetrialofMadumalanepresentedtheopportunityto“sendawarningtoothernativeswhomake
useofthesamepractice”.119Barry,bycontrast,seemstohaveusedtheopportunitynottocondemn
divinationwholesale, but towarn thatmore careneeded tobe takenwhendivinersdelivered their
diagnosissoastoavoidwitchkillings.PerhapsBarrywasexceptional,andignorantcondemnationslike
thoseadvancedbyKrausecontinuedtopredominateSupremeCourtjudgments.ButperhapsSupreme
Courtjudgeshadbecomemoresensitivetothedynamicsof“witchsmelling”asthedecadesprogressed.
ThelastcaseIfoundintheavailableregisters,R.v.Mohale,includestheonlyjudgmentinwhichdoubts
areraisedastothewisdomoftheWitchcraftOrdinance:“thelegislaturewantstostopthepracticeof
115R.v.MatjeNdlunu,,(1931TPDUnnumbered).116Ibid.,At4.117R.v.MatjeNdlunu,(1931TPDUnnumbered).118Ibid.119R.v.ZuluMadumalane,(1914TPD313at323).
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62
bone‐throwing,”statedJusticedeWet,“Rightlyorwrongly,theywantittostop.”120Itisimpossibleto
determine whether these doubts became more widespread or even deepened as the decades
progressed,asWallerandFieldsnoteofjudges,magistratesandDistrictOfficersincentralAfrica.
In the court records, I could find no evidence to support Ashforth’s contention that the law was
employedinthesecasesoutoffearsforthestabilityofcolonialorder.Althoughjudges’understandings
of witchcraft dynamics were shown to be often gravely misinformed, they espoused humanitarian
reasonsfortheapplicationofthelaw,andmanyjudgeschosetoexerciseleniency.Whileconsiderations
ofpublicorderandthethreatofdisturbanceswerenotalwaysexplicitlymentionedinthecourtroom,
however,archivaldocumentsdoleadustobelievethat,insomecases,suchconcernsbroughtthetrial
tothecourtinthefirstplace.Archivalcorrespondencewhichdetailsthe“backstories”ofthes.29case
ofMatlotlomana, and the s.34 caseofR.v.Sipata indicate thatnotions of public “disturbances” and
“deterrence”mayhavefeaturedincalculationsaboutwhethertoimposetheWitchcraftOrdinancein
thefirstplace.InveryfewofthecasesoftheSupremeCourtareweprovidedwithsuch“backstories”,
anditisindeedpossiblethatlocalmagistratesmayhaveperceivedthreatstolocalcolonialrulewhen
they decided to have the accused arrested. In the chapter that follows, however, greater context is
providedof instancesinwhichthelawcametobeapplied.It isdemonstratedthatconsiderationsof
colonialordercouldfeatureacutelyinthewaythatwitchcraftbeliefsweremanagedbylocalofficialsin
theearlytwentiethcentury.
120R.v.WilliamMohale,(1933TPDUnnumbered).
ChapterIII:WitchcraftManagement
InR.v.Shinghainghai,JusticeKrausegavetheaccusedsomeadvice:“Ifthepeoplecometohimagainto
throwthedol‐os,thenhemustsay:‘Look,thelawisstrongerthanIam–thelawismymaster;andifI
throw the dol‐os the lawwill beatme’”.1 Itwas perhaps easy for these high‐minded justices of the
Supreme Court to advance such claims – as they circuited through the Transvaal, theywould have
remained largely disconnected from the complexities of colonial rule at the “grassroots” and the
dynamicsofbeliefsinthesupernatural.ItwasthelowerlevelmagistratesandNativeCommissioners,
thosetaskedwithensuringthepreservationofcolonialruleinthefarflungregionsoftheSouthAfrican
countryside in the early twentieth century, for whom beliefs in witchcraft posed some perplexing
problemsforwhichtherewerenoreadyanswers.Forthesemen,thesupposed“mastery”ofthelaw
musthaveseemedfarmoreillusorythanitwasforthelearnedJusticeKrause.
In thisChapter, Idescend fromthe levelof theTransvaalSupremeCourt to investigate thekindsof
challenges faced by magistrates and Native Commissioners in matters of the supernatural on the
“frontlines”ofcolonialruleintheTransvaal.IexamineastringofarchivedNativeAffairsDepartment
(NAD)correspondencewhichsuggeststhat,forthelocalrepresentativesofcolonialrule,decidinghow
todealwithmattersofthatwhichwasperceivedas“witchcraft”wassometimesamatterofpragmatic
calculationinthefaceofagreatdealofuncertainty.Thecentrepieceofthediscussiontakestheformof
a1917“snuffcraze”thatconfrontedabaffledSub‐NativeCommissionerofBarberton–acasestudy
which demonstrates something of the difficulty that local colonial officials experienced in trying to
police so‐called “native superstitions” andmaintainwhatwas often littlemore than the illusion of
colonialpowerinremoteregionsoftheSouthAfricancountryside.Theseofficialscouldexpectlittleby
wayofactiveassistancefromtheirsuperiorsattheNAD,anotoriouslyweak,poorlyadministeredand
1R.v.ShingainghaiChaka,(1924TPD575at577).
“Whiletheseaofhistoryremainscalm,theruler‐administratorinhisfrailbark,holdingonwithaboat‐hooktotheshipofthepeople,andhimselfmoving,naturallyimaginesthathiseffortsmovetheshipheisholdingonto.Butassoonasastormarisesandtheseabeginsto
heaveandtheshiptomove,suchadelusionisnolongerpossible.Theshipmovesindependentlywithitsownenormousmotion,theboat‐
hooknolongerreachesthemovingvessel,andsuddenlytheadministrator,insteadofappearingarulerandasourceofpower,
becomesaninsignificant,useless,feebleman”
‐ D.A.LowquotedinFields,1982,p.580.
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ill‐resourced department, situated far from the “frontlines” of colonial rule. While the Transvaal
WitchcraftOrdinancewassometimescalledintoeffect,itbynomeansconclusivelysolvedtheproblems
facingtheseisolatedofficials.Itseemsthattheboastfulaimsofcivilisingrhetoricwereratherharderto
achieveinreality.Forthese“menonthespot”,witchcraftbeliefsraisedquestionsforwhichtherewere
apparentlynoreadyorpermanentanswers.
Snuff,SuperstitionandInsurrection
Overthecourseof1917,theSNCoftheBarbertondistrict,GuyDudleyWheelwright,notedincreasing
alarmat the saleof snuff toAfrican villagersbymen from “thePortuguese territory” –present‐day
Mozambique.InatelegramtoSNABarretton19March,Wheelwrightindicatedthat:
afterseveralattemptsmanagedtoarrestaPortugueseNativewhohadbeenadministeringaformofsnuff
toNativesinthisdistrictwhichsnuffisclaimedtohavethepowerofmakingNativesimmuneagainstdeath
fromallcauses.AsthereareseveralchiefsconcernedWheelwrightwishestoseeyouasfromFriday30
Instant.Ihavenopoliticalfearsfromresultofsnuffalreadyadministered.2
Ideasabout“invulnerabilitymuti”havealonghistoryinSouthAfrica.JulieWellsrecountsthefrequently
espousedmythabout the1819battle forGrahamstownandChiefMakana’sallegeddoctoringofhis
troops with promises that the bullets of the British would “turn to water”. Wells argues that the
allegationstemmedfromtheworkofThomasPringlein1827,whichlaidthefoundationforviewingthe
Xhosachiefandinyangaas“actingoutofreligioussuperstition”and“stretchestheboundsofcredibility”.
Likesomanyotherfrontiermyths,sheargues,the“bullets‐to‐water”narrativeservedtoobscurethe
“centralissueoftheconquestofXhosaland”.3StoriesaboutAfrican“wardoctoring”lingeredthrough
the subsequent decades. Redding and Guy both note its salience in the 1906 Bambatha Rebellion.
Redding notes that the Natal colonial official, James Stuart, wrotemore than once of the recurring
rumourthat“bulletsfiredatNativesbyEuropeanswouldnot‘enter’”.4JeffGuyquotesStuart’swarning
of1906:“thereisnoact,passiveinitsnature,whichaNativecancommitthatbetrayshostileintentions
moreplainlythanbeingdoctoredforwar.Oncesuchceremoniesareheld,allthatremainsistoawait
the signal for a simultaneous rising”.5 While Guy notes that strengthening rituals were sometimes
2SABNTS9465,516/14/17,TelegramfromSub‐NativeCommissionerG.D.Wheelwright,Barberton(Hereafter“SNCBarberton”)toSecretaryforNativeAffairsEdwardBarrett,Pretoria(Hereafter“SNAPretoria”),19March1917.3JuliaC.Wells,TheReturnofMakhanda:ExploringtheLegend,ThinkingAfrica(Scottsville:UniversityofKwaZulu‐NatalPress,2012),p.54–55.4JamesStuartinRedding,“ABlood‐StainedTax,”p.46.5JamesStuartquotedinGuy,TheMaphumuloUprising,p.221.
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performedbyZuludoctorsbeforebattle,hepointstoan“overwhelmingtendency”onthepartofofficials
likeStuarttoreduceallritualsto“war‐doctoring”,betrayingadeepsenseofparanoia.6
Itseemsthatthepotencyofmythsaboutwarmutiand“murderousfrenzies”didnotcompletelydissolve
overthecourseofthetwentiethcentury.Dr.NeilMacvicar’sominouswordsfrom1909mayhavehad
considerablepurchaseinthecontextofwhatwasoftentimesperceivedasprecariouswhiterule:“Every
Kafirwarhaditsfalseprophet,whoprofessedtobeabletobewitchtheenemyandtoimpartstrength
totheKafirstoovercometheEuropeans”.7In1915,C.T.Loramheldthatwhenitcameto“blackperil
outrages”,the“chiefpredisposingcausesarethebarbarismandsuperstitionoftheNativepeople”.8A
lettersentbytheChiefMagistrateofTembulandtotheRegionalMagistrateinTsoloinJuly1931,for
instance,includedacopyofanextractfromtheKaffrarianWatchmendated26September1881,which
describedhowrebelleadersintheTranskeirebellionbelieved“doctoring”weaponscouldmaketheir
troopsimpervioustogunfire.9Thefactthatthisarticlewasdeemedpertinentenoughtowarrantbeing
senttotheMagistratefiftyyearsafteritsinitialpublicationindicatescontinuingofficialanxietyabout
the potential disturbances that African “superstitions” could invoke. The notion of “superstitious
uprisings”wasraisedaslateas1957,duringtheHouseofAssemblydebatesthattookplacearoundthe
SuppressionofWitchcraftAct,forinstance,anumberofspeakersvoicedconcernofthepotentialfor
“superstitious beliefs” to lead to uprising. Dr. D.L. Smit of the United Party, for instance, reminded
legislatorsofthe“thefamouswizardMakana”whomadeassurancestohistroopsthat“thewhiteman’s
bullets would be turned aside”.10 The words of Senator R.G.P. Pretorius were nothing less than
apocalyptic:
Thedangerexistsforallofus–notjusttheNativesalone,butalsofortheEuropeans–thatshouldawitch‐
doctorarisewhowieldsgreatinfluenceassomehavewieldedinfluenceinthepast…whocomeswiththe
messagethattheWhitemanmustbedrivenintothesea…theywillsimplykillusoffbecausewepossessa
whiteskinwhichtothemisthemarkofCain.11
6Ibid.7Loram,TheEducationoftheSouthAfricanNative,p.31.;OriginallypublishedinMacvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.668.8Loram,TheEducationoftheSouthAfricanNative,p.58.9Footnote54onRedding,“SorceryandSovereignty,”1996,p.261.10Hansards,HouseofAssemblyDebates,28January1957,Column246.11Hansards,SenateDebates,13February1957,Column725.
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In1917,SNCG.D.Wheelwrightappearstohaveharbouredsimilarfears.12Whenhereportedthathehad
“nopoliticalfearsaboutsnuffalreadyadministered”,heindicatedthepossibilityoffuturetrouble.
“TheTroubleWillSoonFizzleOut”
Over the course of several months, SNCWheelwright grew acutely anxious about the danger that
seemedtoforeshadowAfricanbeliefsinwitchcraft,fearswhichheconveyedfrequentlytoBarrettina
flurryofletters.Butinspiteofhisconcerns,Wheelwrightwasinformedattheoutsetthathewasonhis
ownindealingwiththematter.HisrequestforavisitbytheSNAwasrebuffed:“Regretdonotseehow
occasionforvisitarisesoutofsnuffincidentasoffendercanonlybedealtwithinaccordancewithlaw.
IfhoweverWheelwrightisvisitingPretoriashouldnaturallybepleasedtoseehim”.13
What emerges in subsequent letters is a significant disjuncture between the reactions of central
governmentadministratorsandtheirmanonthe“frontline”.WhileWheelwrightwrotewithincreasing
concern about the scale of the “snuff craze”,which carriedwith it an air of insurrection, Pretoria’s
reactionremainedmuted.Amonthafterhisfirsttelegram,hewroteonceagaintotheSNA:“thisselling
ofsnuffhasbeengoingonforaconsiderabletime…Ithinkitmustbeacceptedthatthesellingofthis
snuffisbeingdoneonaverylargescale.”14Thistime,Wheelwright’sconcernwasconveyedalltheway
tothetopechelonsofgovernment,reachingthedeskofGeneralLouisBotha,thePrimeMinisterofthe
Union.BarrettinformedBotha:“MrWheelwrightfeelsthatNativesconvincedoftheirsecurityagainst
death from all causes (including bullet wounds) might be more likely to give trouble than those
consciousofbeingmerelymortal”.15PerhapstheSNAhadnotcompletelydiscountedthepossibilityof
anuprising.Butinresponse,Bothaexpressedhopethatthe“troublewillsoonfizzleoutbutisgladto
knowthatyou[Wheelwright]areonthewatch”.16
Wheelwrightcouldexpectlittlematerialhelpfromhissuperiors,itseems.Evenwhenhepointedout
that“thesaleofsnuffwasgoingon inotherdistrictsbesides theBarbertonone”,havingapparently
reachedPilgrim’sResttoo,theresponseoftheDepartmentwasdistinctlyunderwhelming.17On8May
1917,SNABarrettsentalettertoColonelDamant,theResidentMagistrateofLydenburg,notifyinghim
12ItisnotclearwhetherWheelwright’sfearsweredrawnfromthishistoryofmyths,orwhetherhehadhadpersonalexperiencewithsuchnotions.Ihavebeenunabletofindanyevidencethatsuggeststhatanysuch“superstitious”uprisingtookplaceintheareaaroundthattime.13SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoSNCBarberton,23March1917.14SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontoSNAPretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,19April1917.15SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoSNACapeTown,21April1917.16SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoSNCBarberton,1May1917.17SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontoSNAPretoria,“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,3May1917.
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thatWheelwrighthadbeen“feelinguneasy”aboutthe“secretsaletolocalnativesofacertainsnuff”and
instructingDamantandhisofficialstobe“quietlyonthewatch”.18
TheguidingphilosophyoftheNADhadlongbeenonewhichemphasisedthevirtuesofthe“personal
touch”asopposedtooverlycentralisedbureaucraticmanagement. Indispensingcolonialrule inthe
SouthAfricancountryside,Evansargues,“itwasstronglyfeltthatprescriptiveproceduresinterfered
withtheimportanceplacedondiscretion,experience,and‘usingone’swits’.”19Itwasuptothe“manon
thespot”tosolveproblemsasquickly,quietlyandcheaplyaspossible.20Assuch,colonialrulewasfar
moreadhocandopportunisticthanBritishimperialideologywouldadmit.
JeffPeiresarguestheruleofnativecommissionerswas“agiganticconfidencetrick…euphemisedby
the rhetoric of benevolent paternalism.”21 In reality, Dubow notes, the NAD was “weak and poor,
managing to attract only a tiny fraction of the state’s total expenditure” ‐ the “Cinderella of the
ministerialfamily”.22IvanEvanssimilarlyarguesthattheNADwas“barelycapableofaddressingthe
tasksfacingit”andthat,throughoutthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury,itcontinuedto“languishin
obscurity”.23NativeCommissionerMajorErnestStubbsdescribedtheNADasadepartment“without
honour”, lacking “both adequate organisation and, even, a real head”.24 Magistrate C.L.R. Harries
describedthevariousSecretariesforNativeAffairs:thefirst,EdwardDower,was“capableandcharming
man, but unfortunately his insatiable thirst detracted considerably from his virtues as an efficient
officer”;thenext,J.B.Moffatt,diedontheverydayheacceptedthepost;M.C.Vos,quitafterjust6months.
AndofEdwardBarrett,Harrieswrotethat“amoreunfortunateelectioncouldnothavebeenmade”.25
BarrettcertainlyseemstohaveprovidedlittlerealhelptoWheelwrightinhistimeofapparentdistress.
Receivingnomorethanmoralsupportfromhissuperiorsinthedistantcapital,Wheelwrightwasleftto
decidehowtohandlewhatheclearlyperceivedasanescalatingcrisis.
Wheelwright’sTroubledCrusade
Subsequentcorrespondencedescribeswhatseemstohavebeenakindofcat‐and‐mousegameinwhich
Wheelwright,callinginthehelpoflocalpolicemen,attemptstoapprehendthesnuffsellersandcharge
18SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoResidentMagistrate,Lydenburg,8May1917.19Evans,BureaucracyandRace,p.164.20Ibid.,p.10.21JeffPeires,“NostalgiaandtheNativeCommissioners:AHundredYearsintheOldTranskei,”Kronos35,no.1(November2009):242–47.22Dubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheidinSouthAfrica,1919‐36,p.77.23Evans,BureaucracyandRace,p.13–14.24Dubow,RacialSegregationandtheOriginsofApartheidinSouthAfrica,1919‐36,p.77.25C.L.R.Harriesquotedinibid.,p.79.
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them under s.34 of the TransvaalWitchcraft Ordinance. Over the course of six months, five snuff
peddlersaroundtheBarbertonareawereapprehended,chargedandconvicted:KololoaliasMealies
wasimprisonedon14thMarch1917;Pahlana,MbikoandTumbileon24thApril;andHlatwinion31st
August.Eachwaschargedforhaving“wrongfullyandunlawfullyadministeredcertainsnuff,pretending
toexercisesupernaturalpowerinthatsuchsnuffwouldmakethemimmunefromallformsofdeath
except by natural causes”. Each received a sentence of sixmonths imprisonmentwith hard labour.
Wheelwright’s letters indicate that itwas hewhoordered the arrests, presided over the trials, and
passedsentenceontheguilty.A“one‐manband”ofcolonialjustice,Wheelwrightwasthedrivingforce
at every level of attempts to police the supposed “snuff craze” – a lone crusader against the
“superstitiousbeliefs”of“thenatives”.
YetitseemsthatWheelwright’sstrugglewasbesetbychronicuncertaintyandoccasionalboutsofpanic.
Inmanyofhisletters,thetrepidationofthesolitarycommissionerinthisremotedistrictispalpable.In
onesenttotheSNAinMay1917,WheelwrightenclosedthestatementofKololo,thefirsttobearrested.
Init,heindicatedthatanumberofotherpeoplefromthePortugueseTerritoryhadreceivedsnufffrom
their“witchdoctorChief”,M’dumapanzi,whohadorderedthemtodistributeitintheTransvaal.The
problem, it seemed, was bigger than he had first thought. In the letter he submitted to Barrett,
WheelwrightunderlinedinredinkportionsofKololo’sstatementforhis“deepconsideration”:“[Chief]
Makagesarequiredsomesnufftogivetohisnativessothattheycouldnotbekilledinanyway”;“…they
mustalltakealittleofthesnuffsothatnoonewouldbeabletokillthem”;“Mdumapanzisentalotof
nativesintotheTransvaalwithsnuff”;“Iknowthesnuffmakesnativessothatnoonecankillthem.I
sawSugaSuga,wholivesatmykraal,trytopoisonanativewhohadtakenthesnuff,butitonlymade
himcry;“M’dumapanzisaidwhenIgetbackhewillsendmoresnuff…”;“Ihavetakensnuff.Theycould
not kill me at my home”.26 Wheelwright clearly apprehended these statements with significant
trepidation,yetthereisnorecordofthisletterhavingreceivedareplyfromtheSNA.
Wheelwrightappearstohaveregardedthechiefsascrucialplayersinthe“snuffcraze”,andinhisletters
totheNADheindicatedthathehadmetwith“hischiefs”onanumberofoccasionstotryandgettothe
bottomofthematter.ChiefMakakezaissaidtohaveinformedWheelwrightthatmanychiefsfurtherup
ontheborder“hadalltheirnativestreated”:ChiefMbudulaallegedlyorderedtheadministeringofsnuff
toallofhisfollowers,asdidChiefMatamuofSchoemansdal.27Wheelwright’slocaladministrationtried
to intervene in theseepisodes,but inboth thesellersapparentlyevadedarrest.Even though“every
effortwasmadetocatchtheseller”,Mbudulahelpedthesellerevadearrestbyhavinghim“secretly
26 SABNTS9465, 4321/F.1079, Letter from SNCBarberton to the SNAPretoria, “Sale of Snuff by PortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,3May1917.27SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontotheSNAPretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,19April1917.
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conveyed” back to the Portuguese territory;Wheelwright had ordered police to wait around Chief
Matamu’s kraal for the seller to arrive, but he “was evidently warned and they, the natives, were
successfulineffectinghisescape”.28Wheelwrightnonethelessinsistedthat“Itismyintentiontohave
themarrestedonthefirstpossibleopportunity”.29
Amonth later,Wheelwrightonce againwrote to inform the SNA that a “moreor less educated and
advanced native” namedMahashi had informed him that followers of Chief Tulamahashiwere also
sellingsnuff,thistimewiththeaddedpromiseofcatchingthievesifitwassprinkledonfields.“Itold
Mahashithatanativewithhiseducationshouldknowbetter”.30ThistimeWheelwrightwasapparently
more successful: police were dispatched to Tulamahashi’s kraal and arrested “three natives”.
Wheelwrightonceagainwarned“mostofmychiefstorefrainfromhavinganythingtodowiththissnuff
business”.31Yetitseemsthatsomechiefsremainedobstructive.IndescribingtheAugust1917arrestof
Hlatwini,whohebelievedwasthe“lastofthesnuffsellers”,Wheelwrightindicatedthathehad“had
considerabletroubleingettingholdofthismanowingtohisoperationsbeingcarriedonatnighttime
andheappearstohavehadtheassistanceofmanyHeadmenwhododgedthepolice”.32AfterHlatwini
wasconvicted,Wheelwrightapparently“severelyreprimanded”thethreeheadmenwhohebelieved
hadassistedthepeddler.WhileWheelwrightapparentlyneverwastedanopportunitytodispensehis
own “enlightened”opinion,he appears tohavebeen theone in thedarkon this issue, struggling to
formulateaneffectiveresponse,obstructedbythosewhoweremeanttoanswertohisdemands.
At no point does Wheelwright offer us insights into why he believed the chiefs were proving so
uncooperativeonthisissue.33Inonemeeting,ChiefMakekezahadapparentlyinsistedthatifhedidnot
administer the snuff, “all his tribewould die”.Wheelwright did not, however, ask the chiefwhy he
28SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontotheSNAPretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,19April1917.29SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontotheSNAPretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,19April1917.30SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNC,BarbertontotheSNA,Pretoria,“SaleofSnuffbyTransvaalNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,7May1917.31SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontotheSNAPretoria,“SaleofSnuffbyTransvaalNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,7May1917.32SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNCBarbertontoSNAPretoria,5September1917.33Wheelwrightencounteredagreatdealofintransigenceonthepartof“hischiefs”.Ifindeedthesnuffwasaningredientinawitch‐cleansingmovement,thechiefs’orderstoadministerittotheirpeoplemayhavestemmedfromtheirdesiretoreclaimanimportantsourceofpower–akeysourceofchieflylegitimacystemmedfromtheirabilitytoprovidesupernaturalsecurity.AnumberofsourcesindicatethatchiefsinnorthernNatalexpressedfrustrationatnotbeingabletopunishwitches.A1909articleintheRandDailyMailnotedthatchiefsfromtheUbombodistrictcomplainedtomagistratesthe“greathardshipthattheywerenotallowedtohavewitchdoctors…becausewhenanoffencewascommittedtheyhadnobodyto‘smellout’theoffenders,whomtheycouldpunish,andsomaintainpublicorder”–orderwhichthegovernmentapparentlyexpectedthemtomaintain“Natives’Grievances:UsesofWitchDoctors,”RandDailyMail,February19,1908.
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believedthis.Instead,he“toldhimatthetimethathewasveryfoolish”.34Wheelwrightapproachedthe
problemwithwhathemusthaveconsideredsensible“European”rationality.Heevensenta“specimen
ofkaffirsnuff”foranalysisbythepolicelaboratoriesinJohannesburg(“whenfedinsmallquantitytoa
rat thematerial produced no toxic symptoms”).35 YetWheelwrightwas also caught up in his own
superstitiousmyth,andheattributedfarmorepowertothesnuffthanitactuallyhad.Poringovercourt
testimonieswitha redpen, searching forhintsofdanger,Wheelwright saw thesnuff,not simplyas
tobacco,asthelabtestsconfirmed,butasapotentingredientthatcouldinciterebellion.36
Wider research suggests that the snuffwasmore likely a toolused in “witch cleansing”. In1916, the
explorerKeithRenniereportedtheuseofsnuffinbothMozambiqueandthelowerLimpoporegioninthe
activitiesoftheso‐called“Murimimovement”,a“widespreadanti‐witchcraftrevitalizationmovement”.
AccordingtoRennie,thesnuffwasbelievedtobeameanstoridcommunitiesofwitches:“Thosewho
practisedwitchcraftaftertakingitwouldsplitopenanddie”.37ThesefindingswerereiteratedbyHenri
Junodin1924.38
This link is furthersuggested inofficialcorrespondence fromnorthernNatal that followedasimilar
“snuffcraze”intheUbomboDistrictofnorthernNatalin1918,notfarfromBarberton.Officialsreported
that snuff was being administered by peddlers originating from Portuguese East Africa. Like
Wheelwrightbefore,MagistrateOxley‐Oxlandbelievedthatthesnuffmightbeconnectedwithrebellion.
Hehadreceivedareportaboutawhitestoreowner,MrJ.Nunn,reportedhearingworryinginformation
aboutsnuffinthearea:“thenativestatedthatthebullet,insteadofkillingthepersonitwasintended
for,would…killthepersondischargingthefirearm”.39AttherequestoftheChiefNativeCommissioner
(CNC)ofPietermaritzburg,MagistrateOswaldFynneyconductedhisowninvestigation.Hewrotethat
thesnuffwasbeingtoutedasameanstoexposewitches,andthatthechiefshad:
34SABNTS9465,LetterfromSNCBarbertontotheSNAPretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”,19April191735 SAB NTS 9465, 4321/F.1079, SNC Barberton forwarded Report from Government Chemical Laboratories,Johannesburg,tothePublicProsecutor,Barberton,1June191736Yettherealitiesconfrontingremainedmorethanhistoolsofunderstandingcouldfathom.Aninexplicableoccurrenceinoneofthecourtproceedingsonlyaddedtotheutterlybafflingcircumstances:“ThenativeJuwawa,whogaveevidenceagainsttheaccused,towardstheendofhisevidencewasovercomeandcouldbarelyspeakanddidnotknowwhatwasthematterwithhim.Thisnativebecameworseandwasadmittedtothehospitalyesterdayanddiedduringthenight.”Wheelwrightdoesnotadmittobeingspooked,butitsurelysentshiversdownhisspine.WheelwrightinstructedtheDistrictSurgeontocarryoutapost‐mortemonJuwawa’sbodyinsearchofarationalexplanationforhisuntimelypassing.SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,Forwardedcaseof“Rexv.Pahlana,Mbiko&Tom”fromSNCBarbertontoSNAPretoria,10May1917.37QuotedinTerenceRanger,“ReligiousStudiesandPoliticalEconomy,”inTheoreticalExplorationsinAfricanReligion(London;Boston:KPI,1985),p.309.38QuotedinIbid.,p.310.39SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromRiflemanD.Thackeray,S.A.M.R.toMagistrateOxley‐Oxland,UbomboDistrict,Natal,2August1918.
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arrangedatconsiderablecost,thateachmemberofhisTribemayhavetheprivilegeofakindoftrialby
ordeal…[snuff]willbeadministeredtoallthosewhodesiretoestablishtheirinnocence.Thissnuffwillhave
noeffectwhateverontheinnocent,butaguiltypersonhavingtakenitinordertothrowoffsuspicion,will
dieatthetimeofthecorn’sripening.Shouldaninnocentpersonneglectthisopportunity,however,he,his
family,hisestatewillbecomethevictimsofwildanimalsspeciallyinspiredtoharassanddestroy.Itwillbe
seen,therefore,thattheChiefscoresallround.Thosehavinganyguiltyknowledgewillalmostinevitably
declarethemselvesinsomewayandbehoundedout…whiletheinnocentwillhavecontributedtheir3/‐to
theChief’smoneybag.”40
FynneyassuredtheCNCthatalltalkofrebellionwasthe“absurd”inventionof“rumourmongers”.41
Withalargenumberofmalarialdeathsblamedonwitchcraft,Fynneyconcludedthatthesnuffwasjust
ashrewdployonthepartofthechiefstotakeadvantageofthesebeliefsfortheirowngain.Fynney’s
maybeacynicalreadingofthesituation,ofcourse–chiefsmayhavegenuinelybelievedthatthesnuff
couldstampoutthewitchcraftafflictingtheircommunities.
ThedevelopmentsthatWheelwrightwitnessedwithgreattrepidationdoseemtofitwithtimingand
descriptionsgivenofthewitch‐cleansingmovementsoftheregion.Anumberofwitnessesinthetrials
Wheelwrightconductedevenpointedoutthislinkspecifically.AtthetrialofKololo,forinstance,Magugu
testified: “I had heard that the accused administered snuff to prevent witches from bewitching a
person”.42 ThefearsMakekezaexpressedtoWheelwrightofwidespreaddeathsmaywellhavebeen
linkedtotheprevalenceofmalaria–apersistentprobleminthearea.Wheelwrighthimselfindicates
this:“IaminformedthatsomeofthenativesunderchiefMbudulawhotookthissnuffhavesincedied
fromnaturalcausesandMalarialFever.Thisshouldtosomeextentbreakanybelief theyhad inthe
snuff”.43Yetheapparentlyfailedtodrawthelinkbetweenwitchcraftanddisease,remainingfixatedon
theallegedpromisesofinvulnerability.
Wheelwright’sfinalcorrespondenceendswithsomethingofatriumphaltone,expressingcertaintythat
anybelieftheheadmenmayhavehadinthesnuffhadbeen“brokenupasallofthemweresuffering
veryseverelyfrommalarialfeverandothercomplaints,inspiteofhavinggonethroughtheceremony
oftakingthesnuff”.44Oneheadmanadmittedthathenolongerbelieved“inthehealingpowerofthe
40SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromMagistrateOswaldFynneytoChiefNativeCommissioner,Natal,entitled“TakingSnuffAsMedicinebytheNatives”,4September1918.41SABNTS9465,4321/1079,LetterfromMagistrateOswaldFynneytoChiefNativeCommissioner,Natal,entitled“TakingSnuffAsMedicinebytheNatives”,4September1918.42 SAB NTS 9465, 4321/F.1079, SNC Barberton Forwarded Court records ofRex v.Kololo to SNA Pretoria, 5September1917.43SABNTS9465,4321/1079,Letter19April1917fromSNC,BarbertontotheSNA,Pretoria,entitled“SaleofSnuffbyPortugueseNativestoNativesintheBarbertonDistrict”.44SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNC,BarbertontoSNA,Pretoria,5September1917.
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snuffasIhavebeenilleversinceItookit”.45ThefinalresponseoftheSNA,whohadthroughoutthe
predicament provided not a single truly useful piece of advice: “My dearWheelwright… I have to
congratulateyouonthesuccessofyoureffortstostampoutthenuisance”.46
Fromreadingtheseletters,oneisstrucklessbyasenseof“success”thanoftheimpotenceofthecolonial
administrationintryingtopolicemattersofthesupernatural.Farfrom“knowingthepeople,speaking
thelanguage,[andbeing]acquaintedwiththeirneedsandshortcomings”,giftswhichBarrettattributed
toallNADofficials,Wheelwrightemergesasaconfusedmaninaworldofsmokeandmirrors,blind‐sided
byhis“subordinates”,leftadriftbyhissuperiors,enraptinhisownfearfulsuperstitions.47Incidentally,in
thewakeoftheUbombosnuffincidentayearlater,WheelwrightwascontactedforadvicebytheChief
NativeCommissionerofNatal.Afarcryfromhisearlierfearfuldespatches,Wheelwrightinformedthe
Ubombomagistratethatsuchbeliefswere“notanunusualabsurdity”amongAfricansandthattherewas
therefore“nonecessitytoworryaboutitatpresent”.48PerhapsWheelwrighthadcometounderstand
moreofthedynamicsofAfricanbeliefsinthesupernatural;perhapshealsorealisedthatofficialsactually
hadverylittlepowertodoanythingaboutit.
CuriousHappeningsandtheLimitsofColonialRule
The task facing native commissioners and magistrates in trying to police African beliefs in the
supernaturalseemstohavebeenincrediblydifficult.Withlittleactualpowertointrusivelyintervenein
witchcraftcases, itseemsthatmost, likeWheelwright,hadtoreflecttheethosoftheNAD:toexercise
discretion and “use one’s wits”.49 Archival documents seem to suggest that local officials lacked the
capacitytoeradicatewitchcraftbeliefs,andwereforcedtoadoptthekindof“watchfultolerance”that
KarenFieldsspeaksofinheranalysisoftheuseofwitchcraftlawincolonialcentralandeastAfrica.In
Fields’estimation,Britishofficers“backpedalled”fromtheirinitiallyvigorouscivilisingideologybecause
theylackedboththepopularlegitimacyandthemanpowerandresourcestorulebyforcealone.50Forceful
interventioncouldexposetheweaknessofthecolonialadministration,revealingthe“confidencetrick”of
colonialrule.“Watchfultolerance”presenteditselfasapoliticallyexpedientwayfor“colonialismonthe
cheap”toapproachtheproblemofwitchcraft:officialskept“asharpeyeondevelopments”,yetabstained
45 SAB NTS 9465, 4321/F.1079, SNC Barberton Forwarded Court records ofRex v.Kololo to SNA Pretoria, 5September1917.46SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNA,PretoriatotheSNCBarberton,19September191747Evans,BureaucracyandRace,p.167.48SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromMagistrateofNongomatoChiefNativeCommissioner,Natal,24September191849Evans,BureaucracyandRace,p.164.50Fields,“PoliticalContingenciesofWitchcraftinColonialCentralAfrica:CultureandtheStateinMarxistTheory,”p.569.
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fromintrusivepolicing.51ItseemsthatthestanceoftheSouthAfricangovernmenttowitchcraftmatters
may have had something in commonwith this expedient strategy.Had high‐level state officials been
wholeheartedlycommittedtotheirstatedcivilizingmission–andindeedhadtheresourcestoprosecute
it–theirresponsemighthavebeentoadvocatefargreaterintervention.Instead,evenwheninsurrection
wassuspectedinBarberton,forinstance,SNCWheelwrightwassimplyinstructedbythePrimeMinister
to“be,asheappearstobe,onthewatch”.52
TheactionsavailabletomagistratesandNativeCommissionerswere,itseems,embarrassinglylimited.
The limitsofcolonialaction inmattersof thesupernaturalwerenoted inthecorrespondenceofD.W.
Hook, the SNC of Graskop who, in 1922, was sent by the SNA to calm what was described as a
“superstitious scareamongstnative labourers” atRosehaughEstate, a farm justnorthofpresent‐day
Polokwane.Itseemsthatafamilyoffarmworkershadbecomealarmedaftersometwentymemberof
theirfamilyhaddiedinashortspaceoftime,whichelicited“afirmconvictionthatsomeevilagencyisat
work”.53Hookhopedthathisvisitwouldhavea“pacifyingeffect”,butinhislettertotheSNA,henoted
thattherewaslittleelsehecoulddointhefaceof“magicandthingspertainingtothesupernatural”other
than insist thatbelief inwitchcraftwasa“sillyconviction”andencouragethe labourerstogobackto
work:“ImaysaythatitisextraordinaryinthispartofthecountrytofindtheNativepopulationsodeeply
imbuedwithsuperstition…Itisperhapsasimplemattertodealwithatangiblecauseforrestlessnessand
Ifeelyouwillreadilyunderstandthatverylittleinthewayofefficaciousredresscanbegiventoyour
complaintbeyondtheactionIhavealreadystated”.54
HooknotedthattheRosehaughlabourerswere“seriouslysuggesting”thattheyshouldbeallowedtovisit
“nativedoctors”inthePortugueseTerritory,butissaidtohavetoldthemthat“suchacoursecouldnot
possiblybeconsentedtoasacquiescencetosuchprocedurewouldbetantamounttorecognitionbythe
DepartmenttofanevilwhichtheGovernmentfirmlyresolvedtoendeavourtostampout”.55Itshouldbe
rememberedthatthePortugueseTerritorywasover100kilometresaway,andonewhytheyfelttheneed
totravelsuchagreatdistancetofindadiviner.Anumberofotherdocumentsindicatethat“witchdoctors”
inthePortugueseTerritoryremainedaproblemforlocalofficials.In1926theSNCofSibasabelievedthat
asaresultoftheactivitiesofadoctorinthePortugueseTerritory,a“gravecrimemightbecommitted
51Fields,“PoliticalContingenciesofWitchcraftinColonialCentralAfrica,”p.568;p.588.52SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoSNACapeTown,21April1917.53SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromD.W.Hook,Sub‐NativeCommissioner,Graskop,toSecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,ForwardedcopyoflettertoSirWalterHamilton‐Fowle,30August1922.54SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromD.W.Hook,Sub‐NativeCommissioner,Graskop,toSecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,ForwardedcopyoflettertoSirWalterHamilton‐Fowle,30August1922.55SABNTS9465,4321/F.1079,LetterfromD.W.Hook,Sub‐NativeCommissioner,Graskop,toSecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,ForwardedcopyoflettertoSirWalterHamilton‐Fowle,30August1922.
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when Native superstition and belief are taken into consideration”.56 In 1941, the Assistant Native
CommissionerofBarbertoncomplainedthatlocalsweretravellingtothePortugueseTerritorytoconsult
“witchdoctors”,and“onthepartiesreturn,theevilsofWitchcraftarebroughttobearonthepeoplewithin
theUnion”.57 Yet in both cases, it seems that the “troublemakers” remained out of reach of colonial
authorities.
ItispossiblethatmanychosetovisitthePortugueseTerritoriesforfearofthelegalrepercussionsfacing
themintheTransvaal–theapplicationoftheWitchcraftOrdinance.Justhowpotentthethreatoflegal
interventionwas is impossibleto judgefromthesourcesI interrogated.Buttheroleof thepolice in
thesesituationsdoesbegfurtherconsiderationhere.Verylittleisrevealedabouttheroleofpolicemen
inthearchivalcaserecordsandcorrespondenceIhavefound,yetitwasundoubtedlyintegraltohow–
orif–witchcraftbeliefscametobemanagedinthesesituations:policemen.Inanumberofcourtcases,
wegetthesensethatpolicewerenotentirelypassiveinwitchcraftmatters.InthecaseofSugumbuli
Nkosi,MblauwNgwenyatestifiedthatwhileapplyingforpassestotraveltoadiviner’skraal,thepolice
had asked what the purpose of their visit was which they had revealed.58 Ngwenya recalled the
policeman’swordsas:“Iseeyouaregoingtolookforadoctor;ifthatissoyouwillgetintotrouble”.59
Thepartywereallowedtogoontheirway,and it is impossible tosay ifanythingresulted fromthe
exchange.
WheelwrightisnotedtohavemadeuseofAfricanpolicemen.Manyofthepolicewhotestifiedbefore
the Supreme Court to having arrested diviners were identified as “native constables”.60 In recent
scholarship,anumberofauthorshavepointedtothehesitancyofblackpolicetogetinvolvedinmatters
ofwitchcraftforfearoftheretributionofdiviners.61Onegetslittlesenseofwhattheattitudeofthese
56SABNTS9465,3/394,LetterfromV.Addison,NativeCommissioner,Potgietersrust,toJohnS.Allison,SecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,“ActivitiesofSikwamukefromPortugueseTerritories”,ForwardingtestimonyofGebuzaaboutSikwamuke,8March1926.57SABNTS9465,3/394,LetterfromAssistantNativeCommissioner,Barberton,toSecretaryforNativeAffairs,Pretoria,“NativeWitchDoctorsinPortugueseTerritory”,9May1941.58R.v.SugumbuliNkosi1923TPD594.59Ibid.,At612.60Inanumberofsmellingoutcases,testifyingpolicemenindicatethattheyhadapprehendedtheaccused.InthecaseofR.v.Hwandhla(1912TPD371at378),“NativeConstable”Kataindicatedthathehadreceivedinstructionsto“arrestaccusedforpractisingwitchcraft…Ihaveknownaccusedforthelastthreemonthsasbeingadoctor.N.C.MdungazitestifiedthathehadarrestedthedivinerMpaupau“asaresultofinvestigationscarriedoutbymyself.IchargedhimwithpractisingwitchcraftandpointingoutcertainnativesTatiesaandChow‐Chowaswizards…andlodgedhiminthelocallock‐up”.(R.v.Mpaupau1914TPD389at408).InR.v.MdandasJack(1915TPD660at681),N.C.Willemtestifiedtohavinggonetotheaccused“hutandfetchedhimtothepolicestation.Arrestedhimthereforpractisingwitchcraft.Ihaveknownhimabout5yearsandhedoesnotdoanyworkandIhaveheardthatheisawitchdoctor”.61See,forinstance:KPeltzerandPMakgoshing,“AttitudesandBeliefsofPoliceOfficerstowardsWitchcraft(boloi)andTheirInterventionRoleintheNorthernProvince,SouthAfrica,”CrimActaCriminologica14,no.2(2001):100–107;T.Petrus,“DefiningWitchcraft‐RelatedCrimeintheEasternCapeProvinceofSouthAfrica,”InternationalJournalofSociologyandAnthropology3,no.1(2011):1–8.
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policemen from the early twentieth century was in the criminal cases, but their presence does
demonstrateanadditional layertothepolicingofwitchcraftwhichisobscuredbycaricatureswhich
positthelawasbeingsimplythe“Eurocentric”impositionofscepticalwhitemen.Theymaysimplyhave
been following orders – on the other hand, theymay have regarded “smelling out” as a genuinely
dangerousactivitythattheyneededtostop.
Policepresenceinwitchcraftmatterswasnotentirelyinsignificantintheearlytwentiethcentury,and
that itmay have operated as something of a deterrent to “smelling out”. Yet this certainly requires
furtherresearch.Ontheotherhand,mostoftheseproceduresmightsimplyremainedunreportedand
undetected.Anumberofaccountsthroughouttheearlytwentiethcenturypointtotheunwillingnessof
Africanstoreportmattersofwitchcrafttothepolice.In1909,NeilMacvicarnotedthatintheTranskei,
diviners pointed outwitches “in such away thatwhile the people concerned cannotmistake their
meaningyettheycannotbeincriminatedshouldthematterbebroughttothecourt”.62Theideathat
Africanswere fearful of “witch doctors” and therefore hesitant to approach policewas also echoed
throughoutthedecades.In1909,theRandDailyMailreportedthat“nonative,notevenaneducated
one,woulddaretobetrayabonethrower,ortogiveevidenceincourtagainstone, forfearofbeing
bewitchedorpoisoned”.63In1938,inresponsetoIsraelMbono’swarningsabouttheactivitiesof“witch
doctors”,theChiefNativeCommissionerofJohannesburgnotedthattheiractivitieswereprohibitedby
law,butthat“Thedifficulty,however,isthatitiswellnighimpossibletoprocureevidenceagainstwitch
doctors.Ifanyspecificcasesofthepracticeofwitchcraftshouldcometoyournoticeyouwouldbedoing
apublicserviceinreportingthemtotheSouthAfricanPolice”.64In1948,aletterwassenttotheSNA
fromJusticeLewisoftheTranskeiancircuitcourt:
It isoncepossibly inahundredcases thatawitchdoctor isbrought to justice. Ispeak frommyownexperience, but the experience of my colleagues on the bench is the same, the experience of allmagistrates in the Transkei is the same, and the experience of all officials of the Native AffairsDepartmentintheseterritoriesisthesame…itisonlyintherarestofcasesthatoneofthemisbroughttojustice,becauseoneknowshowreluctantnativesaretogiveevidenceagainstwitchdoctors”.65
If Lewis is correct in asserting that the same situation obtained across all “native areas”, Transvaal
colonialofficialsmayhavefoundeffectivelypolicingwitchcraftbeliefssignificantlyobstructedbythe
unwillingnessofthoseoverwhomthey“ruled”toreportsituationstothepolice.
62Macvicar,“NativeSuperstitionandNativeEducation,”p.665.63“NativeWitchcraft,”RandDailyMail,May18,1909,p.3.64SABNTS9465,19/362,LetterfromIsraelMbonoB.A.C,toChiefNativeCommissioner,Johannesburg,11August1938.65SABNTS9465,19/362,“WitchcraftGeneralFile:TranskeianTerritoriesWitchcraft”,LetterfromSecretaryofNativeAffairstotheSecretaryofJustice,forwardingremarksofHon.Mr.JusticeLewis,1948.
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Conclusion
Thischapterhassoughttorevealsomethingofthecomplexlandscapeofbeliefsinwhichlocalcolonial
officialswerethrownintheearlytwentiethcentury,sometimesencounteringmystifyingchallengesfor
whichtherewerenotalwaysreadyanswers.Archivaldocumentsshowthatitwaslargelyuptonative
commissioners and magistrates – the “men on the spot” – to formulate strategies to manage the
questions posed by beliefs in witchcraft. This was frequently in a context in which chiefs proved
intransigentandtheirsubjectsunwillingtocooperatewiththecolonialgovernmentinmattersofthe
supernatural.TheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinanceNo.26of1904didonoccasioncometobeseenasa
tooltoapprehendtroublesomediviners.Inthecaseofthe1917“snuffcraze”,thelawwascalledinto
extinguishfearsofapotentialuprisingagainstcolonialrule.Here,then,wefindsomeconfirmationof
Ashforth’ssuggestionabouttheuseofwitchcraftlawforapprehending“dangeroushealers”.Yetitis
alsoclearthatthelawcouldnotprovideapermanentsolutiontoperceived“superstitious”threats,nor
wasthemostappropriateresponseinothermattersinvolvingwitchcraftbeliefs.Throughouttheearly
decadesofthetwentiethcentury,witchcraftbeliefscontinuedtoposeconundrumstocolonialofficials.
It shouldbeemphasised that theunderstandingsof localmagistratesandNativeCommissionerson
mattersofwitchcraftwerebynomeansuniform.TheresponseofC.N.C.Fynneytothesnuffincidentsin
Ubomboin1918weremarkedlydifferentfromthoseofSNCWheelwrightinBarbertontheprevious
year.WhereWheelwrightsawpotentialrebellion,Fynneysawmerelyascambyopportunisticchiefs.In
most of the correspondence, the NAD officials who feature do seem to share the assumption that
witchcraftbeliefswereridiculousandirrational.Buttheremaywellhavebeensomewhohadamore
sensitiveapproach.PietRetiefRegionalMagistratePeachey,whowasquotedinthepreviouschapteras
having expressed concern over the wisdom of prosecuting healers under the Medicine Ordinance,
demonstratedthatnotalllocallevelofficialsevincedthesameunderstandingswithrespecttonotions
ofhealingandwitchcraft.Oneseriesoflettersshowsacomparativelygreatdegreeofempathyonthe
partof anNADofficial inBushbuckridge in1937.TheAdditionalNativeCommissioner (ANC) there
raisedconcernstotheSNAaboutthefamilyofamanwhohadbeenconvictedof“practisingwitchcraft”.
TheANCbelievedthatsincetheconvictwastheonlymaleandsolebreadwinner,hisextensivefamily
maysuffer“destitution”whilehewasservingfiveyearsinprison–themaximumtermprescribedunder
s.29.66 (TheSNAreplied“themattershouldbedeferreduntilsuchtimeasyouaresatisfiedthat the
66SABNTS7650,152/331,LetterfromAdditionalNativeCommissioner,Bushbuckridge,toSNAPretoria,Re:FearsofDestitutionoftheFamilyofaSmeltOutDiviner,14May1937.
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dependents are destitute”).67 The particularities of the characters and contexts involved should be
remembered when making assessments about the engagements of the local state with matters of
witchcraft.
67SABNTS7650,152/331,LetterfromSNAPretoriatoAdditionalNativeCommissioner,Bushbuckridge,Re:FearsofDestitutionoftheFamilyofaSmeltOutDiviner,20May1937.
gagementswithmattersofwitchcraft.
Conclusion:
LordHaileyinsistedthat“thesubjectofwitchcraftistheoutstandingproblemofthelawgiverinAfrica”.1
Wherestatecraftandwitchcraftbeliefsintersect,perplexingencountersoftenresult.Thisstudysetout
to examine how colonial witchcraft legislation was implemented in the early twentieth century,
revealinghowmattersofperceived“superstition”weredealtwithmoregenerallybystateofficialsof
varyingauthorityintheTransvaal–ornot,aswasoccasionallythecase.
Investigatingsomeprominentscholarlyworksandofficialutterancesfromtheearlytwentiethcentury
revealedbroadmisconceptionsabout thenotionsof “witchcraft”and the “witchdoctor” in theearly
twentieth century. These obscuring terms, laden with notions of civilisational backwardness and
irrationality,seemtohavepredominatedinstatediscoursethroughouttheperiod,despitetherising
challenge posed by anthropologists. Many prominent intellectuals and officials continued to view
witchcraft as a primordial belief that needed to be stamped out, and “witch doctors” as nefarious
personages whose apparently pernicious influence needed to be undermined. Many advanced
ostensibly humanitarian reasons for why beliefs in witchcraft needed to be extinguished. Others
pointed to the dangers that witchcraft beliefs could potentially pose for colonial order. These two
concernsseemtohavebothshapedthewaythatwitchcraftwaspolicedonthegroundbycolonialjudges
and grassroots officials., although it is unclear which was the more determinant in prompting
administrativeandjudicialaction.
1LordHaileyquotedinChanock,MakingofSALegalCulture,p.321.
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79
ArchivalcaserecordsdemonstratethattheTransvaalWitchcraftOrdinancewasnotmerely“symbolic”,
asNiehaussuggests,butcametobeappliedtoadiversesetofcharacters–withvaryinglevelsoffaith
intheirownproclaimedpowers.Whileinamajorityofcases,theaccusedwasidentifiedasa“witch
doctor”, thiswasnotalwaysthecase.The lawimprisonedawidevarietyofcharactersengaged ina
diversityofactivitieswhichsometimesevincedonlyatentativelinktonotionsofthesupernatural.It
seemsthat,attimes,theWitchcraftOrdinanceoperatedasameanstoapprehendthosewhodidnotfit
neatlyintoexistingcriminalcategories,asWallersuggestsofcolonialKenya.2Nevertheless,thesecases
alsodemonstratethatthelawdidoperatewithadistinctbiasagainstdiviners,asChanocksuggests,who
formedthevastmajorityofthosebroughtbeforetheSupremeCourtas“theaccused”.Manyofthem
apparentlydidnotrecognisethatwhattheyhaddonewasacrime.Mostpleadedguiltytothecharges
whilejudgesoftenindiscriminatelycondemnedtheiractivitiesasduperyandchicanery.
Noneof thosesentencedunder theWitchcraftOrdinance in thesecasesseemtohaveposedexplicit
danger to colonial order, however. Neither witnesses nor judges of the Supreme Court made any
mentionofpotentialagitation.Inpassingsentence,judgesinsteadjustifiedtheapplicationofthelawon
supposed humanitarian grounds, expressing concern over the allegedly damaging effects that the
“smellingout”ofwitchesandthe“pretenceofwitchcraft”couldostensiblyevoke.Theyfrequentlyspoke
inthelanguageofbenevolentpaternalism,employingthehigh‐mindedrhetoricofthecivilisingmission
whichinsistedthatwitchcraftbeliefsneededtobestampedout.
Questionsofdeterrenceandupholdingtheimageofcolonialpowerwerenotentirelyabsentfromthe
application of the law, though. This was demonstrated by investigating seams of correspondence
betweenNADofficials,whichindicatedthatthelawwasnotalwaysfollowedasamatterofcourse,but
insituationswhere“danger”or“disturbances”wereperceivedtobeapossibleresult.Suchfearsseem
tohaveinformedthedecisionbySNCWheelwrightinBarbertontoemploytheOrdinanceinabidto
neutralizethe1917“snuffcraze”,whichheperceivedtobeapotentialthreattocolonialrule:thesaleof
snuff which he mistook as a potent ingredient of rebellion. Ashforth’s contention is not baseless,
therefore, although questions of the “injuriousness” to African individuals were also apparently
considered.Theonlymeansbywhichtherelativeweightofthesemotivatingfactorsinbringingabout
convictionsundertheWitchcraftOrdinancecouldbeascertainediswithgreaterinformationaboutthe
administrativeandjudicialstorywhichbroughtwitchcraftmattersbeforethecourts.Inonlyaveryfew
instancesdoarchivaldocumentsprovidesuchinsights.
WhetherundertakeninabidtoprotectAfricansfromtheirown“savagebeliefs”,ortodissolvepotential
superstitious threats to colonial order, the findings outlined above show that colonial legislative
2 Waller, “Witchcraft and Colonial Law in Kenya,” p.247.
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interventions in theTransvaalof theearly twentieth centurywere ill‐suited to resolve the complex
interpersonal conflicts that characterised beliefs in witchcraft. In the first instance, the laws were
premised on faulty assumptions about the nature of Africanmetaphysical beliefs, employing vague
terminologyabout“witchcraft”andthe“witchdoctor”whichwasutterlylackinginanyrigoroussense
oflegalprecision.Secondly,whentheywereappliedattheSupremeCourtlevelatleast,thiswasby‐
and‐large undertaken by judges who quite obviously demonstrated their failure to apprehend the
deeperdynamicsofwitchcraftbeliefs.OnerecallsJusticeKrausetellingtheaccusedZuluMadumalane
in1914thatherroleasadivinerwassimplythestuffofinvention,orWheelwrightinsistingthatachief
withaneducation“shouldknowbetter”.
TheportrayalsofwitchcraftIhavecomeacrossfromtheearlytwentiethcenturywhichemanatedfrom
multiple levels of witchcraft policing – from the Supreme Court judges to magistrates to Native
Commissioners–frequentlyperpetuatedthefallacythatbeliefsweresingular,homogenousandstatic,
a set of primordial blinkers which prevented Africans from perceiving reality as accurately or
scientificallyasthe“enlightened”Europeandid.Manymoreoverconflated(orperhapssimplyregarded
asinsignificant)thedistinctionbetweenmalevolentandharmfulmagic,employingtheterm“witchcraft”
as a catch‐all for a host ofmisconceptions about Africanmetaphysical beliefs, seeped in notions of
backwardness,stagnation,irrationalityandviolence.Thefigureofthe“witchdoctor”largelyemerges
throughoutofficialdepictionsasafraudandanopportunistwhohada“pernicious”holdoverAfrican
minds,upholding“witchcraftfaith”,preventingthespreadofwesternmedicine,andpotentiallywielding
his/herpowertoendangercolonialorder.Noneapparentlysawfittocreditthedivinerasasourceof
metaphysicalsecurity,demonstratingthatdevelopinganthropological insightshadlittleswayonthe
waythatthelawwaspoliced.
Nevertheless,weshouldalsoconsiderthattherewasamultiplicityofofficialperspectivesonwitchcraft.
NotallofthejudgeschosetoimplementtheprescriptionsoftheWitchcraftOrdinanceuniformly.While
somechosetobe“merciful”,othersexpressedtheirregretthattheycouldnotimposeharshersentences.
Theremayhavebeensomechangesintheattitudesofjudgesandasthedecadesworeon,assomeof
thelatterjudgmentsinthecasesIsourcedhintat.Thiscertainlyrequiresmoreempiricalsubstantiation
thaniscurrentlyavailableattheNationalArchives.
Similarly,notallmagistratesorNativeCommissionersseemtohavesharedthesameperspectiveon
howtodealwithwitchcraftbeliefs.WhereWheelwrightlaunchedacrusadeagainstsnuffpeddlersusing
theWitchcraftOrdinance,othersperhapsapproachedsuchincidentswithmorelevel‐headednessand
pragmatism,trying,likeSNCHookin1922,topacifysituationswhentheyarose.Lackingtheresources
and any significant interventionist organisational muscle, it seems that these officials were given
(sometimesuncomfortably)widepowersofdiscretiontodecidehowtoproceedasissuesofmalevolent
Conclusion
81
magicrearedtheirhead.Perhapswith increasingcognisanceof the limitsof theirreach,opinionsof
these“menonthespot”mayhavesignificantlychangedovertheirtenureasrepresentativesof local
officialdom.JustasWheelwrightcametomoderatehisinitiallyfearfulnotionsof“invulnerabilitysnuff”,
itseemsthatsomemayhavecometorealisethelimitsofcolonialcontrolofwitchcraftbeliefs,andbeen
forced to undertake calculated courses of action when incidents related to these beliefs emerged.
Sometimes,asinthecaseofdivinersoperatinginthePortugueseTerritoryforinstance,itseemsthat
whethertheylikeditornot,officialscoulddolittletostopthe“superstitious”activitiesofthosethey
claimedtorule.
Contemporary anthropologists and historians have shown thatwitchcraft is a shifting and evolving
idiom for explaining the presentwhich changes in structure. Case records and archival documents
elucidateabovehavefurtherchallengedtheassumptionthatbeliefinwitchcraftwasauniquelyAfrican
phenomenon, suggesting that such beliefs are instead highly individualised, syncretic, erratic and
inconsistent,anddonotnecessarilyaccordneatlywithracialclassification.Anumberofwhitepeople
were shown to have evinced faith inwitchcraft and participated in rituals of divination.Moreover,
questionswereraisedastothefervencyofbeliefsinwitchcraftbyAfricans,withsomewitnessesand
characters in archival correspondence indicating a critical attitude both towards ideas of the
supernaturalandtheroleofthediviner.Oneshouldthereforedesistfrompositingasimply“ontological
barrier”betweenAfricansandnon‐Africans–abarrierwhichfrequentlyemergestoday.Intryingto
craft any responses to witchcraft violence, it is crucial that the individualised nature of belief is
apprehended – cognisance which witchcraft law flatly failed to achieve during the early twentieth
century.
It seems that, in many ways, we still conceive of witchcraft in the racialised, evolutionary terms
furnishedby the colonial civilisingmissionover ahundredyears ago. If lessovertly condemnatory,
official rhetoric still frequentlyposits adistinctionbetween the “traditional” and the “modern”, and
insiststhateducationandChristianityarethemeansbywhichwitchcraftbeliefswillbeextinguished.
Niehaus argues that the Ralushai Commission of 1995, was underpinned by the assumption that
“witchcraft isanexpressionofauniqueanduniformAfricanculture”whosemoreperniciouseffects
couldbehaltedthroughschoolingprogrammesandtheworkofchurches.3Yetthesamesolutionswere
beingproposedasearlyasthemid‐nineteenthcentury,basedonthesameassumptionthatwitchcraft
beliefscannotwithstandtheforcesofmodernisation.
The findings of this study show that the extent to which the law can ever be an effective tool for
extinguishing the sources of witchcraft violence is highly doubtful. The simple assertion that it is
3 Niehaus, “Witchcraft as Subtext,” p.68.
Joel Pearson
82
primarilytheSuppressionofWitchcraftActNo.3of1957thatneedstobereformedinordertobring
resolutionto theseproblemsof thesupernatural isquestionable. Iagreewith the likesofHundand
Ludsinthataslongasbeliefsinwitchescontinuetoberegardedasbaselesssuperstitionsdivorcedfrom
modernrealities,astheActsuggests,wecannothopetofindasolutiontothewitchcraftproblemin
SouthAfrica.But inorder togetadeeperunderstandingof thecomplexitiesofevolving ideasabout
witchcraft,contemporaryinsightsonthe“modernity”ofwitchcraftbeliefsdemandsthatweexamine
their deeper social roots – material deprivation, social fragmentation, sharpening inequality, for
instance.Apermanentendtowitchcraftviolencecanonlyberealisedifthesesocialevilsareaddressed.
Atbest,newlegislationcanonlyaddressthesymptomsofthisdeepermalaise.
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Date
Case No. Name of Prisoner Indictment Remarks: Plea Verdict Sentence Place of Trial
1912.4.22 79 Nyana Umgani (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelling out Witch & Wizard as Cause of
Illness & Death Not Guilty Judge: Guilty 15 Months IHL Barberton
1912.8.7 161
Hadjee Jackson (“Malay Male”)
Four counts of C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04;
Or C.S. 39 of Ord. 29/04.
Selling Charms; Fortune Telling; Diagnosing Illness; Providing Remedies
CASE INCOMPLETE Guilty Jury: Not Guilty Discharged Pretoria
1912.9.25 211 Hwandhla
(“Native Male”) C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04
Smelling out Witch as Cause of Illness & Death
Guilty Judge: Guilty 6 Months IHL Lydenburg
1913.5.14 117 Mpaupau
(“Native Male”) C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04
Smelling out Wizards as Cause of Illness & Death
Not Guilty Judge: Guilty 7 Months IHL Pietersburg
1914.5.6 113 Mdandas Jack (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelling out Witch & Wizard as Cause of
Illness & Death Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 8 Months IHL Barberton
1914.6.5 237
Zulu Madumalane (“Native Female”)
C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04
Or C.S. 39 of Ord. 29/04.
Habitual Witch‐Finder; Smelt‐out Witch as Cause of Illness and Death ‐ Witch
Murdered as a Result Not Guilty
Jury: Guilty on first charge
Imprisoned for Life Pietersburg
1914.10.19 331 Matsilele Tsandengoma
(“Native Male”) C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04
Habitual Witch‐Finder; Smelt out Wizard as Cause of Illness and Death
Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 4 Years IHL Pietersburg
1916.10.3 6 Klaas Legoabi Macbuloane
(“Native Male”) C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04 CASE MISSING Not Guilty Judge: Not Guilty Discharged Nylstroom
1917.4.4. 35 (1) Navalwana Dusa (2) Levona Vilagazi (“Native Females”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Imputing Non‐Natural Causes of Lost
Livestock; Smelling out Witch as Cause of Illness and Disease
Guilty Judge: Guilty (1) 9 Months IHL (2) 4 Months IHL
Volksrust
1917.10.9 215 Risenga Shabane (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelling out Wizard as Cause of Illness &
Death Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 2 Years IHL Louis Trichardt
1917.10.10 218 Dumazi Ngwanamanuga
(“Native Male”) Culpable Homicide Or C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04
Selling Medicine to Break Spell of Witchcraft
Not Guilty Jury: Not Guilty Discharged Louis Trichardt
1918.4.26 55 Jacobus Malusi (“Native Male”)
C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04 Habitual Witch‐Finder; Smelt out Wizard
as Cause of Illness and Death Guilty Judge: Guilty 18 Months IHL Lydenburg
Medical, Dental and Pharmacy Ordinance 29 of 1904; (Later 34(a) of Law 13 1928) Section 39: performing “acts specially belonging to the calling of a general medical practitioner”
Witchcraft Ordinance 26 of 1904: Section 29: Imputing the use of “non‐natural means in … causing disease or harm witchcraft to another; Section 30: Imputing witchcraft and “by habit or repute a witch doctor or witch finder” Section 34: Claiming to “use any kind of supernatural power, witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment or conjuration”; telling fortunes; discovering lost property
Key: C.S.– Contravening Section; Ord. – Ordinance; IHL – Imprisonment with Hard Labour
97
Date
Case No.
Name of Prisoner
Indictment
Remarks:
Plea
Verdict
Sentence
Place of Trial
1918.6.11 245 Philemon Ranque (“Native Male”)
Five Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & Five counts Theft by False
Pretences & C.S. 39 Ord. 29/04
Selling Livestock He Didn’t Own; Diagnosing Illnesses; Supplying Remedies
Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 2 ½ Years IHL Potchefstroom
1918.10.5
236
Mganu Ndhlovu (“Native Male”)
Five counts of C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Selling Medicine to Break Spell of
Witchcraft Not Guilty
Jury: Guilty on all counts
2 ½ Years IHL + 6 Lashes
Ermelo
1919.5.20 152 William Sebambo (“Native Male”)
Theft and C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Doctoring Against Thieves Not Guilty Jury: Guilty Theft: 2 Years W/C: 6 Months
IHL Pretoria
1921.5.20 188 Mpokani Mundagazane
(“Native Male”) C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Diagnosing Cause of Death Guilty Judge: Guilty 1 Year IHL Zoutpansberg
1921.5.21 190 Muhlungupi Shikwengane
(“Native Male”) C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04
Habitual Witch‐finder; Smelt out Wizard as Cause of Illness & Death
Guilty Judge: Guilty
4 Years IHL Zoutpansberg
1921.11.4 383
Michael Petrus Oberholzer (“European Male”)
Three Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Imputing Witchcraft as Cause of Illnesses;
Providing Remedies. Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 2 Months IHL Christiana
1922.5.29
203
Achimuthoo (“Asiatic Male”)
C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & C.S. 39 of Ord. 29/04
Fortune Telling; Diagnosing Illnesses; Providing Remedies
Guilty on All Counts
Judge: Guilty
8 Months IHL and £30 Fine or in
Default 4 Months IHL on each
count.
Rustenburg
1922.6.6 221
Appana Gurana (“Asiatic Male”)
Two Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Diagnosing Illnesses; Providing Remedies
NO CASE RECORD OF TESTIMONIES Not Guilty
Jury: Guilty on Both Counts
18 Months IHL Bloemhof
1922.8.24 266 David Mlofuso (“Native Male”)
C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Doctoring Against Witchcraft Not Guilty Jury: Guilty 1 Year IHL Middelburg
1923.4.27 126 Sugumbuli Nkosi (“Native Male”)
Two counts C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelt‐out Wizard as Cause of Illness &
Death Not Guilty Judge: Guilty 5 Months IHL Ermelo
1923.5.9 151 Moya Kushatu Dekudeku
(“Native Male”) Three counts C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04 CASE MISSING Guilty Judge: Guilty 18 Months IHL Pietersburg
1923.5.14 161 Rasenga Tshabane (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelt‐out Wizard as Cause of Illness &
Death Guilty Judge: Guilty 2 Years IHL Louis Trichardt
98
Date
Case No. Name of Prisoner Indictment Remarks: Plea Verdict Sentence Place of Trial
1924.6.10 218 Shingainghai Chaka (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Smelt‐out Wizard as Cause of Illness &
Death Guilty Judge: Guilty 12 Months IHL Louis Trichardt
1924.10.17 335 Zemelo Nepane (“Native Male”)
C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04 Habitual Witch‐Finder; Smelt out Wizard
as Cause of Death Guilty Judge: Guilty 2 Years IHL Lydenburg
1927.9.6 375 William Comette (“Native Male”)
C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04; & Three Counts C.S. 39 of Ord.
29/04
Diagnosing Illness; Breaking “Spell of Witchcraft”
Not Guilty Judge: Guilt of First Charge; Not Guilty of Second
4 Months IHL Lydenburg
1927.11.5 496
William Nkobene (“Native Male”)
Four Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & Attempted Rape
Diagnosing Illness, Providing Remedies; Promising a Return of Stolen Property
Guilty Judge: Guilty 18 Months IHL Lichtenburg
1928.11.15 689 Andries Motojanie (“Native Male”)
Six Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 Diagnosing & Providing Remedies Guilty Judge: Guilty 3 Years IHL Wolmaranstad
1928.11.16 696 Samuel Pemo (“Native Male”)
Theft of Stock & Three Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04
Diagnosing illness Promising to Provide Remedies.
Not Guilty Judge: Guilty on Two Counts
10 Months IHL each on Two
Counts Christiana
1929.5.3 221 James Smith
(“European Male”) Five Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & One Count C.S. 34(a) Law 13 1928.
Fortune Telling, Diagnosing Illnesses, Prescribing Remedies
Not Guilty Judge: Guilty on
All Counts 2½ Years IHL &
£75 Fine Christiana
1929.6.26 369 Scotchman Mmatala (“Native Male”)
Two Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & One Count C.S. 34(a) Law 13 1928.
Diagnosing Illness; Providing Remedy; Selling Medicine To Boost Harvest;
Guilty Judge: Guilty on
All Counts 6 Months IHL Rustenburg
1929.11.3 546 Mashapola Mapenekes
(“Native Male”) C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04
Or C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04 Diagnosing Cause of Death; Diagnosing
Illness and Providing Remedies Not Guilty
Judge: Guilty –strong
recommendation to mercy
6 Weeks IHL for first charge; 1 Year IHL for
second charge.
Louis Trichardt
1929.11.15 655 William Mokwena (“Native Male”)
Two Counts C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & Two Counts C.S. 34(a) Law 13 1928.
Diagnosing Illness; Providing Remedies; Guilty Judge: Guilty 2 Years IHL Potchefstroom
1931.11.3 433 Matje Ndlunu (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Or C.S. 30 Ord. 26/04
Habitual Witch‐Finder; Smelt out Wizard as Cause of Death – Wizard Murdered As
A Result Guilty Judge: Guilty
Imprisoned for Life Pietersburg
1932.6.2 301 Ngungwa Resemga (“Native Male”)
C.S. 29 Ord. 26/04 Or C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04
CASE MISSING Guilty of First
Charge
Judge: Plea Accepted
2 Years IHL Louis Trichardt
1933.6.12 271
William Mohale (“Native Male”)
C.S. 34 Ord. 26/04 & C.S. 34(a) Law 13 1928.
Selling Medicine to Increase Wages Not Guilt Judge: Guilty of Witchcraft
14 Days IHL Rustenburg
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