alexander tatarko national research university ‘higher school of economics ’

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 A lot of studies have demonstrated that societies that have a special ‘relations resource’, which is expressed in mutual trust, solidarity and equality are more successful in their economic development, and people in these societies have higher levels of subjective well-being and health (Inglehart, 1999; Kennedy, Kawachi, & Brainerd, 1998).

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Alexander Tatarko National research university Higher school of economics The objective of this research was to assess one mechanism through which the individual level components of social capital that is individuals levels of trust and civic identity affect their economic behavior. A lot of studies have demonstrated that societies that have a special relations resource, which is expressed in mutual trust, solidarity and equality are more successful in their economic development, and people in these societies have higher levels of subjective well-being and health (Inglehart, 1999; Kennedy, Kawachi, & Brainerd, 1998). Macroeconomic effect of social capital: contributing directly to economic growth (Helliwell, Putnam, 1995; Knack, 2003), creating conditions for economic growth (Woolcock, 1998; Torsvik, 2000), increasing the share of investments in GDP (Knack, Keefer, 1997; Coates, Heckelman, 2003), reducing income inequality (Zak, Knack, 2001). However, the psychological mechanisms that underlay the effects of social capital on individuals intentions and behavior are not well understood. Social capital can have a direct impact on certain types of economic behaviour. Financial behaviour of people who have moved from one region to another is largely determined by the confidence level in a community where they have moved from, and not where they have moved to [Healy et al. 2001]. Confidence is associated with the fact that people are starting to use credits more actively [Knack & Keefer, 1997]. Furthermore it is associated with saving behaviour. It has been shown to influence saving behaviour in teenagers [Ssewamala et al. 2010]. In a study of the predictive ability of theory of social capital in relation to purchasing behaviour, it has been demonstrated that this theory is useful to predict consumer behaviour [Miller, 2001]. Measurements of the components of social capital for our research for individual level propositions. a) A central dimension in the conception and operationalization of social capital by most researchers is the degree of trust that members of a society have in one another and in the social system (e.g., Fukuyama, 1999; Putnam, 2001). In our research we have estimated generalized trust (Putnam, 2001). b) The next dimension of social capital is group identity. Group identity was considered earlier by other authors as one of components of the social capital (Nahapiet, Ghoshal, 1998). In our case it will be social identity or more exactly civic identity. c) The attitude toward social objects is impossible without their perception and understanding of them. Consequently, the study of social capital effects on economic behaviour and economic setting must necessarily involve the consideration of perceived social capital (Van Staveren, Knorringa, 2007). The higher the social capital (perceived social capital, level of general trust, positivity and strength of civic identity), the more less are the negative (by its sense) monetary attitudes (retention, inadequacy, security and power). The sample included 634 respondents (304 men and 330 women), aged 20 to 59, with a mean age of 38,4 years and a median age of 41. Respondents were recruited in seven different regions of Russia: Moscow Region- 16,5% of the sample, Irkutsk Region 16,4%, Kemerovo Region - 38%, Transbaikal Province - 14,6%, Republic of Bashkortostan 10,8%, Stavropol province 3,3%, Chechen Republic 4,0%. The sample was relatively highly educated, with 2.4% having completed general secondary education, 21.1% specialized secondary education, 21.5% partial higher education, and 55% higher education. Social capital 1. Perceived social capital: Respondents rated how typical five different behaviors that express cohesion and reciprocity are among the people in their environment (e.g., Behaving respectfully to one another). For that we have used five items on a 5-pt scale. 2. Civic identity (self-developed instrument). We assessed two aspects of civic identity, strength and valence, each on a 5-pt scale. - Respondents indicated the strength of their civic identity in response to the question: Do you feel that you identify closely with your country (Russia)? - They indicated the valence of their civic identity in response to the question: Which [one] of the following describes your feelings about your [Russian] nationality (pride, confidence, none, offence, shame)? 3. Generalized trust. We assessed individuals general level of trust with the following question from the World Values Survey: Generally speaking, do you feel that most people can be trusted, or that you cant be too careful in dealing with people? Monetary attitudes. We administered the Russian version of the Money Beliefs and Behavior Scale developed by Furnham (1984; Furnham & Levis, 1986). This scale consists of four sub- scales that he labeled Inadequacy, Power, Retention and Security. Goodness of fitQuestionsSRW Inadequacy Chi-square = 7.59; df=5; p=0.18; CFI=0.99; RMSEA=0.03 m51 I believe that I have very little control over my financial situation in terms of my power to change it m52 Compared to most other people that I know. I believe that I think about money much more than they do m50 Most of my friends have more money than I do m39 I believe that time not spent in making money is time wasted m47 I often argue with my partner (spouse. lover. etc) about money Power Chi-square = 3.94; df=2; p=0.14; CFI=0.99; RMSEA=0.04 m16 I often use money as a weapon to control or intimidate those who frustrate me m19 I sometimes feel superior to those who have less money than myself regardless of their ability and achievements m14 I sometimes buy friendship by being very generous with those I want to like me m13 If I have money left over at the end of the. month (week) I often feel uncomfortable until it is all spent Retention Chi-square = 1.0; df=2; p=0.61; CFI=1.0; RMSEA=0.000 m6 I often have difficulty in making decisions about money regardless of the amount m7 I am financially worse off than most of my friends think m4 I often say I cant afford it whether I can or not m23 In making any purchase, for any purpose, my first consideration is cost Security Chi-square = 0.68; df=2; p=0.71; CFI=1.0; RMSEA=0.000 m21 I firmly believe that money can solve all of my problems m28 The amount of money that I have saved is never quite enough m38 I worry about my finances much of the time m20 I believe that my present income is far less than I deserve, given the job I do. 0.52 ath diagrams of four models tested Chi-square = 43.7; df=30; p=0.051; CFI=0.98; RMSEA=0.027 Chi-square = 29.7; df=20; p=0.075; CFI=0.98; RMSEA=0.028 Chi-square = 35.1; df=29; p=0.21; CFI=0.98; RMSEA=0.018 Chi-square = 22.7; df=16; p=0.12; CFI=0.99; RMSEA=0.026 1. Confirming our basic hypothesis, we found that higher levels of social capital were associated with were negatively associated with negative (by its sense) monetary attitudes (Inadequacy, Power, Retention, Security). 2. Monetary attitudes as a means of influence and of protection and the desire to accumulate it make a person dependent on money and lead to constant concern about money. 3. As we have interpreted the findings of this research, they suggest that high social capital, by providing social support that serves as an alternative source of security, influence, and protection may reduce this dependence on money. 4. An important finding of the research is that the component of social capital that correlated most frequently and strongly with monetary attitudes was civic identity (sometimes together with trust). Money may serve as an alternative source of certainty and security when one loses faith in and commitment to the surrounding society as a source of meaning and security. 5. Generalizing from our findings, we postulate that the negative association between monetary attitudes and individual level social capital suggests that, when social capital decreases, people try to compensate by accumulating financial capital. This, in turn, leads to a shift in attitudes toward money toward a greater emphasis on money as a source of security. This interpretation of our findings may help to explain why societies with low social capital have more corruption and greater inequality.