Ludwig Boltzmann Forschungsstelle

für Politik und zwischenmenschliche Beziehungen

Salzgries 19/21,A-1010 Wien tel:431-533-4551 fax:431-533-4552 boltzpol@hotmail.com

EMPOWERMENT VON AFGANISCHEN FRAUEN FÜR

AFGHANISCHEN FRAUEN:

STRATEGIEN FÜR PARTIZIPATION UND INTEGRATION

IN POLITIK UND WIEDERAUFBAU

Empowerment of Afghan women by Afghan women:

Strategies for their participation and integration

in politics and reconstruction.

Doz. Dr. Cheryl Benard,

Dr. Edit Schlaffer

PROJECT REPORT

Wien, Jan, 2005

Team: Georgina Nitzsche Sarah Mchugh Joanna Godwin-Seidl

Graphics: Alexander Nitzsche

Contents

Project Report

1. Executive Summary

2. Introduction

3. Afghan Women – Partners for Change and Development

4. Part 1:

a. External influences

b. Internal processes

5. Part 2:

c. Curriculum for political education

d. Test phase in Afghanistan

e. Results and adaptation

f. Feedback

6. Conclusions and Outlook

Financial Report

7. Actual expenditures (complete record and receipts with ADA finance department)

g. Budget overview

h. Expenditures in project categories

Glossary of Terms

Appendices

Empowerment of Afghan women by Afghan women:

Strategies for their participation and integration

in politics and reconstruction.

Project Report

1. Executive Summary

The overall tendency in both developing and developed societies is to draw in the

expertise, energies and perspectives of women. On all levels, across cultures and

almost all countries, women are moving from informal positions of power and

influence, such as strong figures in family and communities, towards a formal and

constitutional recognition of their contribution to public life.

This monumental shift in societal paradigms is relatively new in historical terms

and the reason for such change can be linked to a combination of mechanical,

medical and intellectual advances that have freed up women from more traditional

roles. The history of modern democracy is a history of a continuing inclusion

process. The right to vote and basic rights were previously only generally

available to members of a particular group, whether class, race or religion. These

restricted rights paved the way for others to push for fairness, sometimes through

revolution or militancy and sometimes through reform. In this way, democratic

rights continue to evolve.

From the “suffragette” movement started in the late 19 th Century, where women in

England campaigned for the right to vote through to the Declaration of Human

Rights, the increasing sophistication of these formal and legal undertakings to

protect women and facilitate the full participation of women in society touches on

nearly all aspects of modern life. The overwhelming result has been a measurable

increase in prosperity and stability in those countries where women are more

active in public life.

This has not been the experience in Afghanistan. The path of women’s

emancipation has been similar to the board game ‘Snakes and Ladders”, with

advances and severe setbacks. Afghanistan’s nine previous constitutions failed to

take root. They were either not properly enforced or lacked domestic legitimacy.

Women have been both responsible for and victims of the changing regimes,

though some reforms were genuine - King Amanuallah and his Queen Soraya in

the 1920s, in awe of developments in Turkey, wanted to educate and liberate

women. These reforms proved impossible to maintain and precipitated a backlash

against the emancipation of women.

In the autumn of 2001, US air attacks supplemented by the so-called Northern

Alliance ground forces routed the Taliban from Kabul. Immediately thereafter, the

international community convened a conference in Bonn, where the important

parties to the conflict and other stake holders were assisted by United Nations and

international diplomats in formulating an agreement for the restoration of normal

governance and in creating a temporary government during the transition. Colin

Powell, then US Foreign secretary, stated publicly that the women of Afghanistan

were back on the agenda.

This is a period of ‘State-building’ and Afghanistan has a new Constitution.

Against so many expectations, women have showed a readiness to get involved

and there has been much support from men too. The participation far outreaches

the prevention attempts by various factions in certain areas. What makes the

developments different now is not only the supervision and funding from the

international community, but the sheer numbers and variety of external influences

which largely concede the need to accommodate the competing political groups.

The neo creation of many women’s groups, UN resolutions and so on are showing

a present period of forward movement.

This project by the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Politics and Interpersonal

relations (hereafter the ‘Institute’) examines the attempts and strategies used to

empower and formalise women’s emancipation and participation in civil society

and politics. Two areas in particular will be reviewed: the external influences and

the internal processes, documenting the activities of governmental agencies,

international organisations and independent groups, both internationally and on

the ground. The project also developed a resource book for training and

mobilising women to provide a primary understanding of the role of civil society

in the reconstruction processes and peace processes, their fundamental rights and

freedoms and to help identify their own roles therein.

The Institute concludes that the task enshrining the protection of women’s rights

is clearly being pursued by the national and international agenda. Afghan women,

despite severe lack of capacity in places, have shown tremendous positive spirit,

eagerness and are grateful partners of progress. Indeed it is the organisations on

the ground and individual women themselves who are demonstrating considerable

development. Women are re-entering the professions, places of education and

training. There are women’s newspapers and journals, community radio stations,

women in media and in sports – two women represented Afghanistan at the

Olympics in 20041.

In Afghan culture there is very little concept of the ‘individual’ as distinct from

their community. Therefore development strategies that target women and utilise

family mechanisms shaped by Afghan culture and traditions will have increased

outreach. It is these women who are helping to translate the new rights on paper

into rights into practice. It is these women who are the role models for the next

generation.

In order for these empowerment strategies to succeed, and to capitalise on

women’s capabilities in the nation building effort, there must be an environment

in which all Afghans, especially women, are assured of an influence on the

processes. Equally importantly, the environment must be one in which they have

responsibility for carrying the process forward2. Therefore the Institute urges the

continued and broad-reaching support of empowerment training for women across

Afghanistan.

1 Robina Muqimyar, 100m and Friba Rezhi, Judo attended the Olympic Games in 2004 BBC News22.06.042 International Labour Organisation Working Paper 4

2. Introduction

It is an established fact that in times of war, crisis and natural disaster, women and

children suffer comparatively more than men. Despite ten years of efforts to

combat this, United Nations research shows this to still be true: refugee women

are disproportionately affected by physical and sexual violence and abuse, and

have unequal access to humanitarian assistance3. The International Committee of

the Red Cross (ICRC) has published an extensive study exploring the problems

faced by women in wartime and the coping mechanisms they employ which

comes to the same conclusions.4

“International laws and policies on this issue abound: the problem is that they are inadequately implemented. Displacement magnifies social problems in general and violence against women in particular. The breakdown in social and cultural structures and norms, the separation from and loss of family members and traditional support networks, and failure to prosecute perpetrators of violence all work against the safety and security of refugee women.”5

Women often bear the brunt of material shortages, have an increased workload,

endure increased violence and discrimination aimed at them and suffer from

resulting psychosocial trauma. In Afghanistan, the position of women has for

decades been difficult due mainly to military action. In addition, Afghan women

are emerging from living under the rule of the Taliban, an experience which could

have crushed all imagination and aspiration from women’s lives.

Yet women in Afghanistan have demonstrated remarkable survival skills. Widows

are supporting large families; teachers are emerging from clandestine girls

schools; activists are organising high-visibility campaigns. The skills and spirit of

these women must clearly be harnessed for the effective rebuilding of a durable

Afghan state. This first part of this project examines the strategies of other

organisations to empower Afghan women in this role.

3 Refugee Women, 25 April 2002, UNHCR Global Consultations on International Protection4 Women Facing War, ICRC publication 2001, ref 07985 Refugee Women, 25 April 2002, UNHCR Global Consultations on International Protection

A family of weavers and their daughters in Besut II, Credit: Mabi Angar

The second part of the project was to produce an empowerment curriculum for

Afghan women to so that they may bring these qualities into politics and civil

society. However, Afghanistan is an interesting country with a wide variety of

different ethnic groups, languages and geographical terrain falling within its

borders. Consequently, it is impossible to make general assumptions about

Afghan women. Some Afghan women are nomadic while others were even 20

years ago living fairly cosmopolitan lives in the capital. The present Afghan

Ambassadress to Austria, for example, remembers a wonderful time in Kabul

when men and women spent the warm evenings in the cinema and in restaurants

and cafés eagerly discussing the themes of the day. This characterisation of Kabul

society seems fantastical now. There is a need to recognise the diversity of

capacities and aspirations that comprises half a nation.

3. Afghan Women – Partners for Change and Development

Nancy Dupree, a long-time advocate and expert on Afghanistan’s history and

culture now known as the ‘grandmother of Afghanistan’, describes the diversity of

Afghan women in the following way:

“It is useful perhaps to view the totality of Afghan women as a pyramid. The sound base is broad and consists of a majority who live in rural areas cherishing aspirations that are almost exclusively oriented towards children and family. Their needs lie in all aspects of basic and non-formal education, in health and in skills training for better family welfare. Here some progress, albeit slow, is taking place in a non-confrontational manner.

“At the tip are the small numbers of Western-oriented, assertive working women who have taken a leading part in the emancipation process begun in 1959 (sic). They have become accustomed to formal employment in mixed environments, often in association with foreigners who are now joined in battle on their behalf. These women call for the right to participate fully at all levels of decision-making. They bear the full brunt of Taliban ire.

“In the centre is a solid core of professional teachers, medical practitioners, engineers, judges, administrators, businesswomen, social workers and civil servants of every sort which has grown in magnitude and strength since the beginning of the century. Largely from the middle class, conservative but progressive families, these women neither wish to deny their society’s values nor compromise Islam. Over the years they have shown by their comportment that Afghan women can function in the public sphere with no loss of dignity to themselves, their families or their nation. Tragically, many have been lost to Afghanistan through resettlement. Many thousands remain, nevertheless and thousand of other are being trained even though opportunities for utilising their training look bleak. It is this strong central core that most urgently needs to be uncaged if Afghanistan is ever to recover and move forward” 6

The Soviet backed era (1979-1989) had in fact enabled a whole generation of

women to have access to modern education institutions, modern technology,

scholarships abroad and careers in non-traditional professions. Those are the

women who remember the taste of opportunity, albeit under another strong

regime. Among these women are those who have returned to Afghanistan

encouraged by Presidents Karzai’s pledge that all those who had professional

positions before the Taliban came could return and reclaim them. In this way,

women of different professions were able to come back into the public arena.

These women are ideal partners in the reconstruction processes because they have

so much to gain.

The process of reconstructions is likely to be embraced most by those women who

were already activated. This includes women who are already experts in civil

society, women running aid organisations and women returning from living

6 Nancy Dupree: Afghan Women Under the Taliban

abroad in more developed countries. It would make sense for the Project to target

women who are already initiated in politics such as women involved with local

Woluswal,7 Shuras8 and those women who those who attended the Loya Jirgas9.

These politically awakened women are a key audience. The lead up to the Loya

Jirgas demonstrated the incredible zeal of some women to be involved in the

political processes10. With the help of international and local organisations they

motivated others, joined in meetings and put their message out. They managed to

get themselves elected, travel arduous journeys and organise their family

responsibilities to attend the weeks-long council meetings. Before the

Constitutional Loya Jirga (CLJ) in December 2003, over 2,000 Afghan women

filled the Park Cinema11 in central Kabul12 to discuss how the newly drafted

Constitution impacted on the rights of women. This 3-day meeting was the

culmination of three months of activism by Afghan women from around the

country, and is a real example of a nascent grass-roots movement. The resulting

resolution was officially presented to the loya jirga and President Karzai. These

women activists and supporters are, then, clear partners in the uphill battle for

change in Afghanistan.

Reaction to women involving themselves in politics is, as might be expected in

Afghanistan, mixed. There have been many reactions to the presence of women in

the Loya Jirgas. Many thought them brave and an important force in determining

the political decisions. Others thought that at least half the women were no more

than elegant puppets of strong Afghan families and not at all representative of the

needs of Afghan women in general13. In their defence, women already involved in

politics struggle against familiar barriers14 such as the glass ceiling for promotion.

Activists can have a freedom of opinion and behaviour that women already in

political office do not.

7 Woluswal = district/local level unit of government administration8 Shura = lowest level of village consultation and decision making9 Loya Jirga = council of national representative 10 100 women of a total 500 delegates fort he December 2003 Loya Jirga11 Victoria Hobson and Constance Borde International Herald Tribune 18.12.0312 The entire article can be found at http://www.iht.com/articles/121864.html13 Medica Mondiale e.V, Report 8 January 200414 Institute interviews with a variety of professional women , lawyers, teachers and military personnel Sept 2003

In the corridors of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Kabul. Credit: Mabi Angar

Although urban and professional women are easier to reach, women in suburban

or rural settings must not be underestimated. Those women with strong positions

in the communities or who wield authority in large families are potential

educators and can influence behaviour for all the family. Women with excellent

local knowledge of local practices and resources can be very helpful when

revising local data for needs assessments.

With the political changes, Universities in Afghanistan are filling up again and

female students are enrolling in larger numbers than ever before. Nationwide,

17% of university students are now women. This figure is much higher in Kabul.

One obstacle has been providing dormitories for women: a USAID $10 million

reconstruction project to house 2,500 women students at Kabul University was

recently inaugurated.15 These young women will, in years to come, generate

change in Afghanistan. Addressing their political training needs now will prepare

them for academic /management and leadership positions later.

15 Free to Learn, by Angie Chuang, Stanford Magazine Jan/Feb 2005

It should be noted that although younger women can and do participate in the

public life, it seems to be the mature women who are most likely to help shape

Afghanistan in the future. This is because, as a general rule, Afghan women do

not experience much freedom outside the home during their childbearing years.

The custom of the groom paying a bride price and the importance of perceived

sexual fidelity by women combine to keep women at home for many years.

However, as the children become older and can take on household duties, women

are generally given more freedom. There is a reduction in the perceived threat that

other men might covet an older woman. Such a ‘middle aged’ woman may be

only thirty years old.

Women, proud of thier registration cards in Jalalabad, Credit: Stephanie Bleeker

Afghanistan is a country evolving, recreating itself. The best chance for the people

of Afghanistan is a future in which the democratic process is a natural part of life

and in which the contribution of women to society is recognised in formal

political authority as well as informally. This will not be an easy situation to

create after years of political changes and disagreement over the interpretation of

Islam. Nevertheless it is clear that Afghan women from all walks of life deserve

training and democratic empowerment skills which could be used at all levels: in

the political machinery, in grass roots civil society and - importantly - in the

home.

3. Part 1:

a. External influences - Organisations at International Level

The International institutions and organisations who were the main arm of the

Afghanistan lobby effort prior to the September 11 attacks fell largely into two

groups: the main United Nations organs, and initiatives founded by the Diaspora

of Afghans who fled their country in waves from the early 1980s. Their aims were

primarily that of aid and relief; distribution of food and shelter for example or

clinics for prosthetics. The groups led by the Diaspora were clearly more intent on

drawing international awareness and focussing media attention on the

deteriorating situation of Afghans. The groups on the ground had less room for

manoeuvre, both abstractly (with a failing and controlled internal media and fewer

resources) and literally (as successive regimes reduced the freedoms of women).

The urban and professional women were those most affected by changes in the

post-soviet regimes. Those working on the land or in Nomadic tribes continued

their work and movements, albeit with the effects of military action and of

drought. Urban and professional women had known education, training, and work

outside the home and so it was largely these women who powered the clandestine

civil society during the strictest Mujahadeen regimes. Some of these women ran

home schools for girls or organised meetings and rallys at considerable risk to

themselves. Perhaps the most memorable of these women was Meena, the founder

of the Revolutionary Association of Women in Afghanistan who was abducted

and killed in 1987. This feminist organisation was not only involved in aid but

also managed to reach out an international audience using sophisticated public

relations material. It showed this global audience a hidden world of gross human

rights abuses and women reduced to chronic poverty.

Literature began slowly to proliferate in the 1990s. Non-fiction works such as

Cheryl Benard’s ‘Veiled Courage – Inside the Afghan Women’s Resistance’16,

‘Zoya’s Story’17 and ‘With All Our Strength’18 began to take seriously the voice of

Afghan women. It will never be known what this movement would have achieved

if the US-led coalition of forces had not decided to make the Afghan Taliban

16 By Cheryl Benard with Edit Schlaffer A behind-the-scenes story of RAWA17 By Zoya, with John Follain and Rita Cristofari A tale of struggle and suffering under the Taliban and their predecessors18 Anne Brodsky’ s comprehensive history of this courageous women's organizations in Afghanistan

regime and the terrorist training camps the priority for removal in its newly

declared war on terror.

b. Internal processes

The Bonn Agreement - or more formally, The Agreement on Provisional

Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Reestablishment of Permanent

Government Institutions - suddenly gave the both the international and ground

lobby a clear goal. The steps outlined in the Bonn Agreement, such as the creation

of an Interim Government at an Emergency Loya Jirga or national council, and a

timetable for a new constitution and subsequent elections, enabled women to

concentrate on securing their rights and their own voice in the future of

Afghanistan.

Once the country ‘opened up’ again, many of the international groups moved

nearer or into Afghanistan. The line between international and local groups began

to blur. Local groups such as the Afghan Women’s Network, a consortium of

local NGOs, began to hold weekly meetings with representatives from

international organisations such the International Human Rights Law Group.

Their strategies follow a well-trodden path in women’s movements worldwide.

First, the linking of groups and strengthening of voices. Then constitutional

changes: full suffrage with quotas to ensure representation across the board.

Women were drawn back into the professions too and certainly in Kabul there are

a significant number of female teachers, lawyers, judges, women in the police

service and women working in government offices. The foremost strategy of the

women activists is to put into place the formal and legal recognition of rights into

the law according to international standards.19

As these campaigns for formal rights begin, so the next challenge for the women’s

movement is to turn them from legal rights to general social practice. The next

strategies involve campaigns to raise public awareness and systems to deliver

justice. Thus efforts to develop the legal framework including the criminal justice

19 The convention for the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, CEDAW, was ratified in Afghanistan in March 2003.

systems, access to education at all levels, and rebuilding health systems are part of

most organisations’ activities.

These strategies, though showing signs of success, are a top down, very formal

legal approach to emancipation and participation of women in society. This trickle

down approach will take a very long time to diffuse out towards the rural

population and in the meantime may even serve to aggravate the divide.

Local NGOs seems to be less formal and are remarkably resourceful. One former

journalist from Afghanistan, whilst a refugee, wrote, printed and distributed her

own magazine for women. Another reopened a kindergarten in the Kabul suburbs

to enable mothers to return to work. At the time of interview it was her goal to run

a training programme for women to be able to work in construction, agriculture

and poultry. A third was gathering empirical data about violence at home and had

conducted questionnaires with 1500 women, a staggering 650 of whom had

experienced serious violence.

It is a credit to the activists of Afghanistan that they have sought to organise

themselves and keep up the pressure and rate of change. By concentrating on clear

legal reforms, such as equality with men and access to education, the women’s

movement is putting strategic pressure on the government institutions. It is a

credit to the International Community that they have supported the grass roots

movements, rather than to move the agenda themselves. This style is perhaps in

response to a gradual process of lessons-learned in the various nation-building

efforts of the second half of this century.20. The so-called ‘light foot print’

approach, advocated by Lahti Brahmini when Special Representative of the

Secretary General in Afghanistan, has enabled greater emphasis to be placed on

local partnerships. BRAC, for example, is an International NGO that trains local

women to manage their own NGOs. UNIFEM co-ordinates meetings for a group

of approximately fifty of the most politically capable women in Afghanistan.

From small roots in survival strategies, to sophisticated global partnerships, the

women activists of Afghanistan21 are certainly on the way to achieving their goals.

20 Such as in Haiti, Rwanda, the former Yugoslavian states and in East Timor.21 Appendix Two gives a select inventory of existing groups and organisations in the West which are helping to foster the involvement of women in diplomacy, in internal or international politics in Afghanistan

5. Part 2:

c. Curriculum for political education

The creation of a political development curriculum is not a new phenomenon in

Afghanistan, where authorities in the past were eager to educate the people into

accepting their own ideology. This project is the first known attempt to bring

political education about democracy to women in South Asia. However, the

Institute is aware that there is a fine line between education and indoctrination.

International development agencies are now questioning the wholesale

transplantation of the political/ cultural format of one country into another.

The people of Afghanistan must develop indigenous methods for solving their

problems that are compatible with their own social set up, geography and eco-

system. The International Labour Organisation’s Working Paper 422 makes a

strong case in its executive summary stating: ‘It is also essential that any changes,

especially those in relation to women, are not forced from the perspective of a

western individualistic agenda, but take account of Afghan family values and are

not in opposition to them’. ’Therefore, for the Institute, this curriculum was

intended foremost as an empowerment tool and not as a manual for democracy. It

is the Institute’s firm belief that Afghan women themselves know best what is

possible in their society, but that international organisations can share their

experience and knowledge to support development in a respectful, non-

judgemental and non-aggressive way. The aim then was to create a resource book

by which Afghan women could be inspired to find their own way and their own

brand of democracy.

The secondary goal was to make this Handbook practical for Afghan women in

the context of their daily life; only then could the Handbook be fully used by and

for Afghan women. The Handbook needed to be practical to handle physically and

to contain material that was relevant to practical life.

With these two aims in mind, the Handbook ‘Our Country – My Role’ was

created covering the following topics:

1. The history of female democratic participation and the right to vote.

22 Capitalizing on Capacities of Afghan Women: Women’s Roles in Afghanistan’s Reconstruction and Development ISBN NO. 92-2-112921 -7

2. Role models, in Afghanistan and worldwide.

3. Information on UN decisions, CEDAW and human rights.

4. Positive examples of Political Activists.

5. Concrete steps – how can meetings be organised, how to convince local decision makers, hoe to do lobbying.

6. Relevant stories of Afghani activists.

7. Networking possibilities – how to obtain national and international support.

8. Organisational steps - how to: Formulate goals, Obtain support, Resolve internal group conflict, Reach a consensus, Overcome setbacks, Use the media and other communication outlets.

These topics introduce the history, the main pillars and key tools for women in a

modern democratic society, but more importantly demonstrate the pathways to

change in a realistic but encouraging light.

In order to understand the practical realities of Afghan life, the international co-

ordinator, Georgina Nitzsche, travelled to Afghanistan to conduct field research in

Kabul and the neighbouring provincial town of Parwan. A variety of women were

interviewed and observed in the workplace, marketplace, in the fields and at

home. Their occupations ranged from Minister to washerwoman, their ages from

grandmother to granddaughter.

National newspapers and

periodicals aimed at women

were analysed for their design,

tone and message.

From these observations and

information gained, a careful

picture was developed of the

daily issues for women.

Interviews with representatives from several NGOs23 and International

Organisations24 and material from Afghan literature confirmed this understanding

and helped to identify the target audience of the curriculum as well.

23 NGO = Non-Governmental Organisation 24 Afghans for Civil Society, Swiss Peace, Asia Foundation, International Federation of Election Services (IFES), UNAMA election unit, UNDP, UNIFEM, Norwegian Refugee Council, Human Rights Law Group, the Afghan peace seekers women’s council and the Women’s Social Development Organisation.

The Akbar family, Credit: Georgina Nitzsche

Marriage, motherhood and family work were overwhelmingly the foremost

activities for women in Afghanistan, but work on the land or in gardens, weaving

and tailoring were also prevalent. The practice of religion, chiefly Islam, was a

driving force in many women’s lives. A taboo but nevertheless strong issue in

shaping women’s position were family disputes; both internal and external. The

pursuit of careers, hobbies, sport, dreams, ambitions, self-determination and even

interest in travel and technology did not emerge as clear common themes.

Other observations contributed to the physical design of the Handbook. Women in

Afghanistan are intrinsically linked to the home. The Handbook was designed to

be read aloud to others and passed on from woman to woman. All exercises

require materials that can be found in the home, such as a cup and water. Poster

material was placed inside the book on a single page with a spiral binder so it

could be easily held up and shown to the group.

Many women observed had had little or no exposure to schooling so much of the

material is explained in a story-like way. This is a key teaching method for

unschooled or adult learners and is in keeping with the strong tradition for

narrative in Afghanistan. These stories then rely on the identified themes: The

Wedding Day of Neema deals specifically with the pre-nuptial visit to the beauty

salon, which is a special event for urban Afghan women. There are various

exercises and thought provoking questions; these are designed to reinforce the

curriculum using all the senses, another teaching method for first time learners.

The types of images in the book were given much consideration. A review of the

newspapers, women’s magazines and material provided by organisations

demonstrated a good range of graphics. A British children books’ illustrator

produced the five main pictures representing the five main themes of each chapter.

With her experience of drawing for children, her images were inherently simple to

grasp, but animated and provocative at the same time. The picture material proved

to be one of the most popular attractions in the Handbook for men and women

alike.

The tone of the material in the Handbook is at the appropriate level for the target

audience. The political terminology aims to be generic and simple without being

patronising. The level is set to allow for inspiration without alienation: no subject

matter should feel so remote that it is not reachable by ordinary women.

The finished Handbook has been written in English and Dari with two sections:

one is the curriculum which can be either read alone or to others. The second

section is workshop plans which can help trainers deliver the curriculum to a

small group. The modern layout was intended to invite interest and the simple

production format meant that it can be easily and cheaply reproduced. Indeed

Computer Disks with both language versions were distributed to local offices of

organisations who simply printed the pages they required.

The title of the Handbook, ‘Our Country, My Role’, echoes the essential message

of this project. As in any democracy, every person is free to actively contribute to

the overall development of their country. This Handbook explores the rights and

responsibilities of this role.

d. Test phase in Afghanistan

Setting up the test phase

The Ministry of Women in Afghanistan (MOWA), with offices in the heart of

Kabul, was selected as the implementing partner organisation for the workshops.

At the beginning of its inception MOWA was struggling to be fully included in

the government, in terms of policy-meetings and provision of adequate funding.

MOWA has women’s centres throughout Afghanistan and a network of trainers in

place. Along with a developed advocacy and training department, it made sense to

make use of this formal structure. At this time, it was particularly important for

international organisations to co-operate with MOWA in order to bolster its

position in the government.

Women’s Centre in Parwan,Credit: Georgina Nitzsche

The Institute met with Dr. Soraya Sobrang, who has been living in Germany for

12 years before accepting the post as Deputy Minister for Women. It was agreed

that Nooria Haqnegar, the new head of the Advocacy and Training Department,

would become the Manager of the project, with Shala Maihandost, the officer for

provincial liaison, as Deputy Manager.

Since this was to be a project by and for Afghan women, it meant that there was

no permanent Institute presence in Afghanistan. MOWA staff had a sense of

‘ownership’ of the project while at the same time, the visits of international co-

ordinators meant that Vienna retained overall responsibility.

At that time, the elections were still set for June 2004 and the test phase of the

Handbook was organised to run in one city centre, one town centre and one

village. The centres were chosen to offer ethnic diversity and good attendance.

The staff salaries and expenses were discussed in relation to those offered by other

NGOs and were agreed.

The Institute was eager to enable all participants to come, and in addition to one

trainer, two assistants were provided who could assist participants with difficulties

or occupy small children when necessary. A collection of wooden toys, coloured

pencils and paper were collected through Kindergartens in Vienna and brought to

Afghanistan to be offered to small children to use during the workshops.

The Handbook prototype was delivered to Nooria Haqnegar in April 2004 for

review and comment. MOWA were delighted with the simplicity of the Handbook

and offered several comments for inclusion.

As a side issue, it had been difficult to find a competent Dari translator who had a

word processor with an Arabic text-tolerant operating system. The younger

generation had the technological skills but lacked the language and the older

expatriates form Afghanistan in Vienna, found it difficult to translate modern

political terminology and had little capability to enter type in Arabic fonts. The

first draft had been translated by an Iranian whose first language is also Dari.

What is surprising to note is that Afghans were mildly put off by the Iranian

‘accent’ and disagreed between themselves on which Afghan words could be

better used. Whilst such wrangling can be seen as cultural pettiness, it is the case

that in countries of transition, national languages become extremely important

indicators of identity. In the end, the final version of the Handbook was mostly

retranslated by a Kabuli Dari speaker and then amended in Afghanistan by

another translator who had specific knowledge of political terminology. This

effort seems to have had a positive impact and several readers have commented on

the ‘freshness’ and ‘simplicity’ of the language.

The decision, by the Joint Election Management Board of UNAMA to move the

Presidential elections to October 2004 and the national elections to 2005 did not

come as a surprise. Most feel that this separation was reasonable and it does give

Afghans two chances to go the ballot boxes, with time in between for reflection.

The final printing of the Handbook was held back to incorporate any last minute

changes and the workshops were delivered then in the same time frame as the

UNAMA Civic Education Campaign, and as the whole country went into

‘election gear’. This added extra relevance to the workshops.

This time change meant that instead of running workshops in three centres for

four months, workshops were run in three centres over a period of 2 months, were

interrupted by the elections and the month of Ramadan, and were then continued

in three different centres for the remaining two months. Nooria Haqnegar and

Shala Maihandost alternately visited the centres and when they could not be

reached due to transport difficulties, (snow, airport closures or security concerns),

then workshops were delayed.

The test phase: September and October 2004.

The test phase of the Handbook ‘Our Country – My Role’ took place in three

locations: a city, a town and a village. The first workshops were run in Kabul, in

the library at MOWA and participants were mostly sourced from employees at the

ministry and their relatives. This first workshop was for those women that might

be able to work as group leaders themselves and so they were all given their own

Handbook. They were mainly literate, urbane and workshop-savvy, having been

exposed to much ‘gender training’. The trainer was particularly competent and

incorporated many of her own ideas in to the workshop.

The Five Good Reason exercise, workshop in Kabul, Credit: Mabi Angar

Workshops were run in the women’ centre in Parwan town, in the province of

Parwan. It is a mainly agricultural region with many grape gardens on the plains

which are littered with the rusty metal shells of Russian tanks and broken mud

walls. The province has a large Tajik ethnic population, and though only one

hour’s drive from Kabul, is different enough to have prompted one trainer to

change to a more modest headscarf. This centre offers a number of diverse

courses from history to tapestry and those participating in the workshops were

more of more varied backgrounds than the women in Kabul.

The final test area was in the province of Maidan/Wardak.

Architecture in Besut II Credit: Mabi Angar

This province, situated in the west of the dusty capital city of Afghanistan, lies in

beautiful countryside far removed from the congested sprawl of Kabul. The

women work hard in the fields or earn money by weaving carpets with patterns

and materials sent to them from Pakistan merchants. This manufacturing

partnership was first established in

the refugee camps of Peshawar and

when the Afghan families returned,

they maintained the arrangement.

This is a remarkable initiative within

Afghan civil society. The workshops

in here were much smaller and the

material was greatly reduced to

match the capacity of the

participants. In one chapter of the

Handbook, there are photographs of

women in Afghan history to show

that Afghan women already have a

practice of participation in society.

One such example is a picture of female cabin staff for Ariana Afghan Airlines –

for some women there was already wonderment at what cabin staff or airhostesses

actually are. Nevertheless, through the careful handling by the trainer, the women

of Besut did enjoy the workshops and felt that they had benefited.

Two Afghan-German co-ordinators, Mabi Angar and Nelli Khorrami, travelled to

Kabul for the entire two month testing period. They oversaw the printing of the

Handbook and visited all the workshops. They performed three tasks;

to observe, monitor and gain feedback from the test phase of the workshops,

to gather information regarding the situation of women in Afghanistan and

their empowerment in general and,

to distribute the Handbook to relevant local and international organisations.

Trainer Fatima in Besut. Credit: Mabi Angar

Conditions during the months of August and September became increasingly

tense in the lead up to the elections. Security operations were heightened25, there

was a flurry of media and special print editions26, and a large bomb blast outside

the offices of an American agency surprised Kabul.

Nevertheless the test phase was completed two weeks before the Presidential

elections in October. It is very satisfactory to note that 40% of Afghan voters in

this election were women.

At the women-only polling station in Jalabad, Credit: Stephanie Bleeker

e. Results and adaptation

The Institute was delighted that in all three centres the test phase workshops were

well received. The co-ordinators, trainers and MOWA staff reported a very

positive reception to the workshops and Handbook, not only from the participants

but also from others who had seen the material such as other office staff and

family members.

25 from Mabi Angar’s September report 2004 to the Institute26 Including several editions of a Afghans first political newspaper aimed at women called : Woman’s Mirror

The simple explanations, appealing colour and pictures and practical physical

shape contributed most to the popular success of the Handbook. Five hundred

copies were printed in Dari, and 100 copies in English. In addition, 20 Computer

Disks (CDs) of both language versions were produced.

For more empirical feedback the co-ordinators carried out spot-questionnaires and

interviews with the participants and training teams. The two Afghan-German Co-

ordinators were able to observe one complete set of Handbook training in each

centre, in Kabul and Parwan centres. This meant five morning sessions in total

and in Besut the trainer put the workshops together into three days. Trainers found

the workshop plans helpful and in Kabul and Besut both trainers adapted and

added to the material. The Institute was particularly pleased that this aspect of the

Handbook enabled the training to be flexible and customized.

Several points became clear:

1. The Handbook material and design were popularly received; specific mention

was given to the variety of learning exercises and the graphic material.

2. Trainers found the curriculum easy to use and train with.

3. Participants enjoyed the workshops; there was high regular attendance and

during the interviews participants and trainers regularly used positive

descriptions such as ‘fun’ and ‘useful’.

4. Many participants were motivated to share the information they learned with

family and friends. In Kabul particularly, participants were interested to

become trainers themselves.

5. Human rights were by far the most popular theme in the book. All ages found

this topic relevant. Younger women (14 to 23) particularly enjoyed the stories,

especially ‘Farid’s Garden’.

6. In Kabul, the level of the Handbook was judged just right. In the more rural

areas the level of the Handbook was judged as too high but the trainers were

easily able to adapt the material.

7. There was a high demand for more similar workshops especially in the

countryside and preferably in tandem with literacy classes.

8. There was a surprising interest from men. In some workshops, men joined a

few of the sessions and found the material interesting, useful and not all ‘too

feminist’. Indeed, there have been several requests for workshops for men

using this Handbook.

The trainers were very keen to make use of posters and spent time writing ornate

posters even when half the participants could not read. The co-ordinators

wondered if the use of paper posters was a sign of prestige and discouraged the

use of posters where it distracted from the flow of discourse.

There were no serious critics whatsoever, though suggestions for improvement

from the trainers included:

- Poster sized copies of the larger pictures to be made available.

- Map of the world in poster size to be made available.

- Refreshments for long workshops.

- Clearer pay and travel compensations.

When the participants were asked if they would use the knowledge they had

learned, they said yes. Participants and trainers were very keen to vote in the

upcoming elections; usually by the end of the workshops all the participants had

voter registration cards. These interviews, however, were conducted at the end of

the workshop sessions when participants were feeling most positive. In order to

ascertain the real success of these workshops, it would be useful to re-interview

participants six months later to find out in what ways this information had served

them.

Adaptations

Following the elections in October and the month of Ramadan, the Vienna-based

co-ordinator, Georgina Nitzsche, returned to Kabul. In discussions with Nooria

Haqnegar, some changes to the workshop format were made in response to the

feed back from the test phase.

Three more locations were identified: Herat, Samangan (Mazir I Sharif Province)

and the outskirts of Kabul. The co-ordinator, Nooria Haqnegar, and Shala

Maihandost calculated exactly how much each centre would need for expenses.

These planning meetings and the ‘fixed’ amounts meant that the MOWA had to

plan their operations more precisely and the local staff were much clearer about

which costs were covered as a consequence. The number of workshops was fixed

to three in each location. Workshops would be lead by Kabul based trainers who

could ensure consistency in training quality and the salary of the local staff was

also linked to the number of workshops rather than being paid monthly. It was

decided to have one logistics manager and one cook per workshop centre, in order

to aid transport and refreshment concerns. The number of assistants was reduced

from two to one.

Moreover Nooria Haqnegar had also produced a certificate for the completion of

the workshops. She hoped that the certificate could be used by women who might

want to stand as candidates in the national elections in 2005. She and her deputies

also argued that workshops were needed most in rural areas and it was decided to

test the Handbook in the domestic location to see it if worked as well there. The

second wave of workshops began at the end of November.

The co-ordinator Georgina Nitzsche was able to monitor the first workshop in

Baglaan. This village, located in a flat plain, is not much more than a few shops

located along the main street with mud and concrete compounds. The village itself

had not more than 25 homes and the workshop took place in the master bedroom

of one large house.

Boys playing by the houses of Baglaan Credit: Mabi Angar

Possibly all the women from five families came to attend the workshop, with the

younger girls of 12 also joining. Boys listened at the windows too. The home-

based workshops worked very well, as the participants knew each other already

and could discuss specific village problems in discussions and exercises. The

village is approximately one hour outside of Kabul and the women claimed it was

the first workshop in memory to take place there.

The remaining workshops in Heart and Samangan took place over the months of

December and January. Huma Naseri, a returnee from Pakistan, observed these

last workshops, which were a mixture of women centres and private homes. Herat

is an important strategic city in the south of Afghanistan. The former Governor,

Ismail Khan, was very conservative in his approach to women and the

disproportionate numbers of female self-immolations in that province have been

largely accredited to unhappy forced marriages27. Samangan is a city near Mazir I

Sharif, which has a majority Hazara and Uzbeck population. This region was one

of the last to succumb to the Taliban and the women enjoyed relative freedoms

27Interview between Mabi Angar, Nelli Khorrami and Dr. Sima Simar, head of the Afghan Human Rights Commission 15.08.04

until the province was overrun in August 1998. The Taliban were dreadfully

brutal in this area it was reported that more than 5,000 were put to death.28

Fork and spoon exercise, workshop in Baglaan Credit: Georgina Nitzsche

Feedback from the last three workshops follows the same patterns as previously.

The trainers are sensitised to adapt material to needs and reduce paper work. The

fixed salaries per workshop and allocation of expenses meant that staff were less

concerned about their costs and remuneration. The experience of voting in the

October 2004 elections has galvanised women and the workshops have perhaps

more relevance to women in the lead up to the national elections, as more women

at local level will have the opportunity to participate in this round.29

f. Feedback

Following the completion of the workshop test phase, the international co-

ordinator distributed copies of Handbooks and CD’s to the local offices of

relevant organisations. A local organisation, Maihan Rehabilitation Agency that

conducts its operations throughout Afghanistan and host visitors in Kabul, kindly

offered to help distribute the Handbook, disk and cassettes. The agency gave

28 Afghanistan Dirary:1992-2000 by Edward Grazda29 Approximately 1 in 4 seats of the national parliament are allocated to women only.

copies to representatives of local NGOs, political party members, schoolteachers

and interested individuals.

The response to the Handbook was positive and there was great demand for

further copies. One organisation recently requested 500 copies! MOWA

themselves requested additional English copies to distribute to visiting

representatives, academics and journalists. Moreover, it was surprising the

number of individuals and organisations who wished to work in partnership with

the Institute to deliver workshops to specific audiences. NDM, a group of the

fifteen most democratic parties in Afghanistan, collectively wrote to the Institute

to request a training partnership for their candidates and potential candidates. The

most astounding request was the submission of a project proposal by a 19-year-

old male student, offering to drive to the refugee camps in Pakistan to distribute

Handbooks in girls’ schools. He had himself only recently moved back to Kabul

after a long time spent in Pakistan.

In addition, 60-minute cassettes of pre-recorded extracts from the book,

specifically for use by non-literate women, were distributed. The Austrian

national Radio and Television ‘ORF’, sponsored the production of these tapes and

Afghans living in Vienna provided the voices.

The Institute was very satisfied at the diffusion of the Handbook in its various

forms. This Handbook was specifically designed to have a shelf life longer than

the project duration and it is very pleasing to see that Afghans from across the

board are not only using this material but also passing the message on.

The following extracts are taken from the Institute correspondence and

observation reports.

“The Handbook included a section about how to make an interactive workshop and how to use the book. It worked out very well and it seemed that the women were having a lot of fun thinking about themselves in different situations and talking about every day problems. The book is very close to what the women really experience and they knew a lot of related stories and problems of their own or from others. Even if they had

attended many workshops they were very happy about all the games and things they could do instead of just listening.”

Extract from Nelli Khorrami’s September report 2003

“Let me say that your book, Our Country, My Role' is a great success. Congratulations and thank you for paying attention to Afghan women! I read it all and I find there are so many good ideas in it. Your questions are extremely good and thought and action provoking. You do not have a pushy way of presenting the material. The language is very fresh, modern and something we need in a women's movement in Afghanistan. Thank you again.

 “Your volunteers brought ten copies of the book. I have distributed some of them already. For sure it is very useful for the parliamentary elections. I would love to use it in some seminars for women who are interested in that race. My problem is that each seminar costs a lot and I do not have the funds. So, I would have to be content with very small, grass-roots meetings in my own home.

“Keep up the good work, with best wishes, Nasrine Gross”

Nasrine Gross, an Afghan writer, is a women’s rights activist and the recipient of the 2004 Medal of Freedom from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation of Germany.

She teaches at Kabul University and works at the University’s National Centre for Policy Research.

“All in all the test phase of the Handbook ran pretty well. The requests from NGO’s for the book is high and it would make sense to print much more books. Many local NGO’s have good possibilities in organizing and monitoring workshops, but no budget for printing. “The book got so far quite famous among organisations and the feedback we get from them is good. The book was distributed among many local and foreign NGO’s as well as schools and women centers. “Many books were given to the UN Organisation IOM. They distributed the book among their NGO partners. They request much more books because the work with them is going well. Detailed reports from them and others did not reach us yet, but we got e-mail contact to IOM and also to Unifem.”

Extract from Nelli Khorrami’s Final report 2003

Many greetings from Kabul and thanks for your mail. Yes, I remember that Nelli gave us some of her Workbooks which I sent to Andkhoi. And during my last visit I found out that those books were distributed to some lady teachers of our home schools and also to some teachers of Lycee Yulduz.Since I personally met the lady teachers of our home schools, they told me about the workbook and they had liked it very much. They said that the workbooks were

very useful and they sometimes read the books for the students as extra material and information. And they discuss different points or topics of the book with each other. So it is a very useful book for the students beside their other text books. The lady teacher of the home school also told me that she discussed different topic of the book with other women while taking part in the weddings and some other parties. I may take some more copies of that book when I go to Andkhoi next time.”

Zabi zabiullah from Afghanistan Schulen (VUSAF) Zabiullah schrieb

“I just personally liked the books and thought I could distribute them to organizations that could use them. Unfortunately we have no budget to print more books. I was hoping you had a budget to print more. The attached table gives you some idea of to who they went to. The attached is not complete as some people came in asking for the book and we just gave them a CD of both books. Best, Paul”

ATI/IOM Program Officer, Kabul

“The organisation that I work with promotes civil society and the development of women in Afghanistan. We have set up and provide support to four women's community radio stations and spent a lot of effort on elections programming prior to the National election. “I would be very interested in using your Handbook and cassette for our radio programming.”

Marcie Cook, Operations Manager IMPACS Afghanistan

“I want to inform u that the first term of the 2 projects finished successfully and the participants were really happy about the project.

“The Ministry of women’ s Affairs including the Minister ( Dr Habiba Saraabi ) was really thankful about the successful project which u worked and help us in and she hope that your help will continue with The women Ministry affairs.

“I will tell u for sure that the project in Parwan and Kabul will be done successfully because we have got lots of experienced Trainers working in these 2 teams.”

Nooria Yahyapoor, head of department of training and advocacy MOWA, Afghanistan

„Obwohl alle Frauen in Besitz einer Registrierkarte waren, was für ihre Ehemänner spricht, die eine Registrierung nicht verhindert haben (Vgl. Beispiele von Frauen in Kabul), wussten sie trotzdem kaum etwas über den auf sie zukommenden Prozess des Wählens. Wer kandidiert eigentlich? Was sind Aufgaben des Präsidenten? Wieso ist es wichtig zu wählen und was bedeutet es geheim zu wählen? Auf all diese Fragen konnte Fatema im Rahmen des Workshops ausführlich antworten und den offensichtlichen Wissensbedarf decken. Vermutlich hätten die meisten Frauen von Sorkhabad - ohne die Diskussion während des Workshops – einen Kandidaten auf Empfehlung des männlichen Begleiters (Ehemann, Bruder, Vater…) gewählt. Ich bin davon

überzeugt, dass zumindest einige der Workshopteilnehmerinnen am 9. Oktober eine eigenständige Entscheidung im Wahlbüro getroffen haben und ihre Stimme nach eigenen Maßstäben vergeben haben.“

Extract from Mabi Angar September report 2003

Men working on the land in Sorkhabad, Credit: Mabi Angar

“If each woman, participating in the workshop, would distribute her newly acquired knowledge and wisdom to other women, it would be a great success. When the participants deal with topics such as forced marriage, girl schools etc. during the workshop, they learn how to argue next time against their husbands/ brothers or fathers. They will be able to express their opinion, which is not a self-understanding matter for women in Afghanistan”

Interview with FATEMA NASARI MOWA trainer Province Maidan-Wardak“How can the project be improved? Is the Handbook useful in this format?

1. It is actually a very appropriate format. It should not become smaller, because the writing is already quite small. I liked the fact, that some parts are highlighted in bright colours. Organization of Green writing/fonts for the teachers, blue for proverbs and sayings …… Neatly organized.

“Is there too much or too little information? Is it presented in a useful way?2. Information too is just very adequate for the trainers. For teaching

purposes the section part is very useful. One can read the Handbook page by page, or just pick out some interesting features. It is also possible to add contents of other workshops as I did during the second day of the workshop.

“Do you think it makes sense to continue the project and expand it?3. Yes, it would make sense, but for the MOWA three workshops are more

than enough. The women here have usually access to workshops, new ideas and concepts. This kind of workshops should be held in the provinces and within Kabul in other ministries and neglected administrative offices (Riasat-e-Silo [Direktion für Getreidevorräte], Wesarat-e-moadden wa sannayi [Ministerium für Bodenschätze und Industrie], Bank-e-Chun [Blutspendebank]), where a lot of women work, who until now did not have joined one single workshop.

Workshop in Kabul, Credit: Mabi Angar

Extract from interview with AREFA SAMADI, MOWA trainer in Kabul

“What do you like best?1. Schahnaz: The roleplays.

Homeira: The units that were read by the trainer and the discussions. Actually I liked everything.

“How do you feel attending the training?

2. Rasia: We really like it. Very useful. We learn a whole lot of things; we can convey these new ideas to colleagues, to friends or family members. It is furthermore a kind of leisure and a very welcomed change from daily work. We would actually like to spend more time on this workshop. How much we learned today about Human Rights. Everything is so interesting.

“Do you think you can use the skills you are trained in here for the future? 3. Schahnaz: Actually if your organization could arrange it, we would love

to become trainers of this workshop in our own ministries and offices.”

Extract from interview with participants at MOWA workshops in Kabul

What a great idea! If we can help we’d be delighted!....The great gap in the response of the national and the international community to this question has been that of women and politics – women as political party members, activists, and women as candidates. And then after the parliamentary elections, women as elected members of the parliament. We are part of a small initiative to try to address these questions. …. Thanks for writing!

Extract from email from Carolyn McCool, head of UNIFEM Summer 2004

“On the base of our discussion with Miss Georgina Nitzsche in Kabul last months, with due respect we would like continuation of teaching Handbook ‘Our County My Role’, through political parties throughout Afghanistan. After studying mentioned book we found it very significant important for all women if of Afghanistan and also for me.

“The texts of the book were prepared with special attention to the current situation of women in Afghanistan. Here we introduce Dr. Mohammed Sabir as our representative for more cooperation he is fully authorised to make any deal with your organisation.”

Extract from fax from a new group of 15 democratic parties in Afghanistan

6. Conclusion and Outlook

After almost one hundred years of subordination to the ideological and religious whims of

successive governments and regional warlords, the establishment of an interim government

for Afghanistan at the Bonn Conference in December 2001 was, inter alia, heralded as

offering Afghan women a chance to claim their place in public life and participate in the

country’s development.

Afghanistan has become a case-study for the development of a young democracy and the

process of development is being closely monitored by international organisations, think tanks

and academics alike. For the last three years, the development of women then, was of

particular interest, and with high expectations. Though not all the requirements of the Bonn

agreement have been fulfilled yet, and the National elections will be held in 2005 there are

clearly some encouraging successes in this area.

The clearest strategy of the international, local organisations and groups was to enshrine

women’s rights Afghan Constitution and law. This was not only a ‘standard’ strategy or in

line with the Bonn Agreement, but in response from strong local demand. This strategy has

met with success. The establishment of the Ministry of Women, the substantial donor

assistance to women’s empowerment programs, the return of women to offices, schools and

universities all point to a new era in Afghanistan30. Women took part in the Bonn Conference,

the Emergency Loya Jirga and the Constitutional Loya Jirga. There are three women

ministers, and several other women in senior government positions at the time of writing this

report. Afghanistan added to its international commitments, the Convention for the

Elimination of Discrimination Against Women in March 2003 In addition, electoral law for

the 2005 parliamentary elections guarantees women a minimum of 25% of political

representation in Parliament.

Afghanistan has made great leaps forward in the field of women’s rights, but the real

challenge is to put these rights into practice. Even in comparison to other traditional Muslim

societies, women in Afghanistan have a great need to catch up with modern trends in terms of

gender equality and political rights. Afghanistan needs many things to become a viable and

independent country, including a serious alternative to warlordism, more properly

30 An excellent review of the post Bonn strategies to empower women was written by the International Crisis Group in their Asia Report no 48 in March 2003, entitled Afghanistan: Women and Reconstruction

functioning schools, university programmes, medical facilities and policies which address the

economic empowerment of women.

In these areas the Ministries and agencies responsible for state development are as much

hampered by want of capacity and substance at all levels as they are by inadequate funds and

persistent feudal cultures. In conversations between the Institute and individual employees of

the government and international organisations there is a sense of frustration with this lack of

progress. Certainly some increased professional capacity and clearer goals between the

international donors would improve the planning and implementation of strategies as this

extract highlights:

“This MOWA conference for the prevention of violence against women was like others, well prepared and attended with a good selection of speakers. Unfortunately like others before, only 1% of the speakers’ long diatribes were useful for changing the situation. One speaker even explained to women not to taunt their husbands after his long day at work! The only message of any substance in two and a half hours was in the presentation on behalf of the Italian Ambassador of a judicial programme: to train more lawyers and judges to deal with cases of violence and to open more local offices to enable rural access to justice. This first real information unfortunately fell on deaf ears as; jaded and fidgety, most of the attendants had left”.31

As modest as they might have been, the changes in Afghan life since the 2001 Bonn

agreement have been important for Afghan women. This is balanced by the enormous growth

in Afghan civil society. Within the sixteen months of this project, the number of local NGOs

and inter-NGO groups has grown significantly. In this time, local initiatives in media have

flourished. Most recently, in January 2005, the Voice of Women radio station held a re-launch

attended by Cabinet Ministers. Voice of Women is dedicated to the interests of women and is

expected to reach hundreds of thousands of women in Kabul and more distant provinces. The

station was initially set up shortly after the Taliban fell but closed because of lack of funds for

studio equipment and transmission antennae. A German NGO has stepped in to make the re-

launch possible. This more than demonstrates the need for creative international assistance to

help Afghan women help themselves.

31 Extract from Georgina Nitzsche’s November 2004 report for the Institute

The high turnout of women in the remarkably smooth Presidential election in October 2004 is

a testament to the will of ordinary Afghan women to be included in the political process 32.

What this society, and especially its women, has to achieve now is much more challenging.

Afghan women have to take their destiny into their own hands, and make sure that the

political choices of the future are indeed their own. For this, it is not enough to be able to

vote. In order to have a real political voice, women need to start running for office. Massouda

Jalal set the example, but she needs to be joined by others. Afghan women are keen to become

engaged if they are shown the way, and the international institutions involved in the

rebuilding of Afghanistan should do their utmost to foster this process.

Outlook

The Institute recommends channelling empowerment in two different ways;

1. High quality mentoring programmes and intense capacity development

training for those women in or attempting management positions. Afghan

women need competence and confidence if they are to produce results with

substance and quality. Women at ministerial level, judges, and political party

candidates in particular need sustained and substantial training in subjects ranging

from simple office management to political theory. Such a programme exists,

called SWIM, Senior Women in Management; the six-month training programme

was launched by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)

in September 2004. SWIM addresses the ‘tip of the iceberg’ and other agencies

should not wait to see if it successful before developing similar programmes for

others

2. Locally based broad-reaching training in civil society and political participation

which is easily accessible to all women, including those with no education. In order

for these empowerment strategies to succeed, and to capitalise on women’s capabilities in

the nation building effort, the environment must be one in which women have

responsibility for carrying the process forward33. In rural areas of Afghanistan, the only

32 OSCE Magazine, December 2004 edition.

way to reach women in large numbers is to take political education into their

communities and homes. Programs need to be creative and imaginative because most

Afghan women have been placed in a politically weak position for so long that many will

not reach out for help. The only way to assure rural women’s involvement is for

programs to reach into villages, into peoples homes.

The ‘Our Country, My Role’ Handbook has proved to be a useful tool for tackling both

requirements. The format and material genuinely seeks to understand and harness the

traditional mechanisms that women have established for leadership in the past. The training

workshops are a useful connecting tool between local female leaders and their potential

constituents. The applied nature of the training enables both groups to explore local level

planning, participation and negotiation processes together.

The Institute has been requested to run an extended workshop programmes from the MOWA,

a consortium of political party leaders as well as from Kabultec, a local women’s NGO. In a

very recent email message, Massouda Jalal, the new Minister of Women’s Affairs writes:

“The parliamentarian elections are also on the way and the necessity of [women candidates] is also important and historical. The workshops were very sufficient from this point of view. To you and our other humanitarian friends [it was in the] elections proved that Afghanistan people are very keen to have peace and democracy in their country. The workshops played [a] key role about womens interest in their countries affairs. We would like to have the workshops in the rest of provinces, if you agree than we would like to send the proposal.”

Dr.Masouda Jalal also requested that workshops be held in rest of Afghanistan’s provinces.

Planned for the early part of 2005, 700 women will attend the parliamentarian election

conference. She requested that a copy of the Handbook be given to each of these women.

The Institute is very supportive of these two requests and will endeavour to seek funding for

future follow-up projects.

3. International Organisations should look to replicate other programs which

have worked successfully in the region. Afghanistan has been politically

isolated for so long that the lessons that might otherwise have been learned from

33 International Labour Organisation Working Paper 4

neighbouring countries have been largely ignored. Successful programs from

neighbouring states could be an ideal source of inspiration and material to Afghan

planners and with little effort could be inexpensively implemented. Examples

include:

a. In Tajikistan, the OSCE34 has run workshops about Islam and women specifically

aimed at both women and men.

b. In 1996, “Claiming our Rights: a Manual for Women’s Human Rights Education

in Muslim Societies” was developed by Mahnaz Afhkami and Haleh Vaziri and

subsequently tested in Bangladesh, Jordan, Lebanon, Malaysia and Uzbekistan. It

is an excellent resource with discussion modules based on very real issues facing

Muslim women such as family planning and resisting violence and includes

inspirational material and extracts from the Koran. This manual could easily be

reproduced and distributed to women’s centres and organisations right across

Afghanistan in a matter of months.

c. Research for radio in Afghan schools was conducted by this Institute in 2001, and

argued a strong case for the development of primary education delivered on the

radio. Radio can be exceptionally powerful as an information source in rural areas

with low literacy rates. The BBC35 radio soap opera “New Home New Life” is

followed by a large percentage of Afghans. Plot lines range from landmines to

personal hygiene and listeners are simultaneously entertained and educated.

However, radio has not yet been significantly used as a tool to educate school

children, a clear oversight by the international community.

The international community has, in general, tended to lack imagination when creating

schemes and strategies aimed at women’s liberalisation. Significantly, Afghans

themselves have proved to be quite bold and this eagerness could be capitalised on.

During the registration, in Mazar, one female teacher led a march of 500 women to a

registration centre to obtain their voter cards36. This example shows the enthusiasm which

Afghan women can show for political involvement. The Institute calls for more

34 The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe35 British Broadcasting Corporation 36 There were four marches in early spring 2004, two lead by women, one by a man and the fourth by a youth organization.

courageous strategies to help fulfil the development requirements of the state and involve

women at the same time. Examples of this nature could be: all female workforce

reforestation teams, country wide reading gardens, an Institute of Traditional Birthing

Attendants offering scholarships to every district, or even mobile kindergartens. Afghan

women would rise to the challenge.

A mother of 6, a judge and potential candidate for the national elections with Georgina Nitzsche in Kabul, Credit: Mambooba

Financial Report

6. Actual expenditures

g. Budget overview

The complete financial records and receipts for this project for the year 2003 to

2004 were delivered to the ADA37 finance department in January 2005.

In the following cases expenditure has exceeded the budget allocation but is within

the 10% extra level:

37 Austrian Development Agency

1. The category subtotal Personnel budget category ‘Expert’ is € 6.485,00.

This exceeds the budget allocation by 485€ but is within the 10% extra

level. This is due to the high costs of an illustrator for Handbook. However

this cost is not considered high in real terms for illustrators’ salaries and the

illustrator in question has given copyright permission for free. The

illustrations have contributed significantly to the success of the Handbook.

2. The category subtotal for the 2 x 2 month co-ordinator is € 2,681.96. This

exceeds the budget allocation by € 168.96, but is within the 10% extra

level. This increase is due to excess baggage costs. The extra weight of the

baggage was due to the transportation of materials for the project, namely

wooden children’s toys and coloured pencils for use during workshops and

additional copies of the English language version of the Handbook.

3. The category subtotal for the 3 month co-ordinator exceeds the budget

allocation by € 55 but is within the 10% extra level. An extra per diem

payment was made when one co-ordinator, Mabi Angar, travelled to

Vienna for a debrief visit.

4. The category subtotal for the production of the Handbook is € 4.575,00.

This exceeds the budget allocation by € 575 and exceeds the 10% extra

level by € 175. This increase is due to the printing and binding of 100

English language copies of the Handbook which were printed at the request

of our project implementation partner in Afghanistan.

5. The category subtotal for the cost of Handy hire and telephone cards is €

410. This exceeds the budget allocation by € 10 but is within the 10% extra

level.

i. Expenditures in project categories

The following matrix presents the actual project expenditures payments

according to budget categories. The first column shows the original budget

level for each category and the second column shows the budget level after the

approved amendments in September 2004

Glossary of Terms

The Institute The Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Politics

and Interpersonal relations

ADA Austrian Development Agency

ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross

Taliban 1994 -2001

Soviet-Backed era 1979-1989

Woluswal District/local level unit of government

administration

Shuras Lowest level of village consultation and

decision-making.

Loya Jirgas Council of national representatives

CLJ Constitutional Loya Jirga, held in December

2003

Mujahideen Soldiers of Islam or holy warriors

Meena The founder of RAWA

RAWA Revolutionary Association of Women of

Afghanistan

The Bonn Agreement The Agreement on Provisional Arrangements

in Afghanistan Pending the Reestablishment

of Permanent Government Institutions

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for

Women

Handbook The Handbook ‘Our Country – My Role’

CEDAW Convention for the Elimination of all forms

of Discrimination Against Women

MOWA The Ministry of Women in Afghanistan

UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission to

Afghanistan

NDM A group of the fifteen most democratic

parties in Afghanistan.

ORF The Austrian national Radio and Television

IOM International Organisation for Migration

OSCE The Organization for Security and Co-

operation in Europe

BBC British Broadcasting Agency

Appendix 1 Bibliography

AI-Index: ASA 11/023/2003, Afghanistan. `No-one listens to us and no-one treats us as human beings`. Justice denied to women, 6 October 2003.

Mahnaz Afkhami, Haleh Vaziri, “Claiming our Rights – A Manual for Women’s Human Rights Education in Muslim Societies”, Sisterhood Is Global Institute, 1996.

Sayd Bahodine Majrouh (Ed.), Songs of Love and War. Afghan Women’s Poetry, New York 2003.

Sultan Barakat/ Gareth Wardell, “Capitalizing on Capactities of Afghan Women: Women´s Role in Afghanistan´s Reconstruction and Development”, InFocus Programme on Crisis Response and Reconstruction, Working Paper 4, December 2001.

Cheryl Bernard et al., “Strategies for Women´s Participation in Afghan Nation-Building: From Bonn to Pre-Election“, Zwischenbericht Jubiläumsfondprojekt Nr. 9723, July 2003.

Cheryl Benard/ Edit Schlaffer, Das Gewissen der Männer. Geschlecht und Moral- Reportagen aus der orientalischen Despotie, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1992.

Cheryl Benard/ Edit Schlaffer in Kooperation mit Asifa Homayoun von RAWA, „Die Politik ist ein wildes Tier“. Afghanische Frauen kämpfen um ihre Zukunft, München 2002.

Cheryl Benard/ Edit Schlaffer, Die Grenzen des Geschlechts. Anleitungen zum Sturz des Internationalen Patriarchats, Amnesty for Women, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1984.

Crosslines – Essential Field Guides to humanitarian and conflict zones, Afghanistan 2004.

Anne E. Brodsky, “With all our strength. The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan”, New York/London 2003.

Anne Evans et al., A Guide to Government in Afghanistan, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank, 2004.

Larry P. Goodson, Afghanistan´s Endless War. State Failure, Regional Politics, and the Rise of the Taliban, Seattle/ London 2001.

Jan Goodwin, Price of Honor. Muslim Women lift the Veil of Silence on the Islamic World, Boston/ New York/ Toronto/ London 1994.

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium, “Speaking Out: Afghan Opinions on Rights and Responsibilities”, November 2003.

Human Security Network, Understanding Human Rights. Manual on Human Rights Education, Graz 2003.ICG Asia Briefing Paper, “Elections and Security in Afghanistan”, International Crisis Group, Kabul/Brussels, 30 March 2004.

ICG Asia Report Nr. 48, “Afghanistan: Women and Reconstruction. Executive Summary and Recommendations”, International Crisis Group, 14 March 2003.

RAWA, The Voice of the Voiceless.

Sarajuddin Rasuly, Die politischen Eliten Afghanistans, Frankfurt am Main 1997.

Conrad Schetter, Kleine Geschichte Afghanistans, München 2004.

S.A. Shrar, Afghanistan. Bericht eines Augenzeugen, Hamburg 1981.

Appendix 2 Handbook Distribution List

The following table is a sample list of the organisations and individuals who requested and received the Handbook.

Name Organisation Contact DetailsNaeem SalimeeDirector General

CoAR [mailto:stars5@psh.paknet.com.pk]

Yoshie Yamamoto ADB Yoshie Yamamoto [bohemian1@pacific.net.sg]Shinkai .Z.Karokhail AWEC AWEC Kabul [awec_kabul@yahoo.com]Hassina Sherjan Aid AfghanistanFulya UNDP/MOWAMihoSato Gender Specialist

USAID/REACHe-mail: msato@msh.orgmobile: 070-278-092

Janice Eisenhaver Canadian Women for AfghanistanMaryam Qudrat 13854 Valley Vista Blu, Sherman Oak, CA 91423, USAFlouan Wali Relief International 070283991 Email:flouran@ri.orgShawna Wakefield AREU Shawna@areu.org.afMonika Topolska IRC Herat dcofhrt@yahoo.co.ukNajeeb Ahmad Rashid National Emergency Employment

Program (NEEP)+0093-079-210 441Rashid@neepjpmu.org

Patrick Omidian AFSC, Quaker Service

Kolola Pushta, House # 125 Opp.Abu Hanifa Mosque.Kabul, Afghanistan.Mobile: 093-(0)7027-4828 pomidian@afsc.org

Faye Fauzia Assifi Advocate for Afghan Women and Children in Southern California

"Homes by Referral"Prudential California Realty29982 Ivy Glenn Dr., Suite 100Laguna Niguel, CA 92677, USA949-584-3588 Cell949-249-9064 Faxfayeassifi@cox.net

Stephan Massing Program Officer United Nations Development Programme Afghanistan (Kabul)

stephan.massing@undp.orgMob: +93 (0) 79 023459

Tatjana Schenke First SecretaryGerman Embassy Kabul

Mobile: 0093-(0)70-29 69 25Mail: tatjana.schenke@diplo.de

DACAAR

Suraya Pakzad Voice of Women Organisation in Herat Vwo_suraya@hotmail.comNadia Afin Afghanistan Reconstruction Gateway nafrin@dgfoundation.orgHawa Meskinyar hawa.meskinyar@afghanistangov.org

Asia Wardak Jamal National Program Officer, Community Development Unit , UNIFEM/UNDP

070295853asila.wardak@undp.org

Homaira Quedees International Rescue Committee (IRC) 079 337 212kblprotection@afghanistan.theirc.orgHouse# 61, Kochai afghanha,Shashdarak, Kabul Afghanistan

Dr. Mohammad Sabir Spokesman for the National Afghanistan Tribal Solidarity Party

0093 0 79 312 143naserinaseri@hotmail.com

Julie Lafreniere/ Horia Mosadiq Human Rights Research and Advocay Consortium

Project Director /Communications Managerwww.afghanadvocacy.org

Rita Hedwig Taphorn UNIFEM UNDP Compound Opp. Turkish EmbassyGeorge Hodgson Political/Press & Public Affairs, British

Embassy Interested in possible partnership for female candidate training for 2005

Dr, Abdul Rashid Jalili Leader of the National Unity Party of Afghanistan

Member of 15 party group of democratic parties, requested cooperation for training of members.

Appendix Three Organisations fostering women’s participation in Afghan politics

The following table contains a selected inventory of existing Western groups and organisations involved in helping to foster involvement of Afghan women in

diplomacy. The groups have been organised according to size, value, aims and activities.

Status of group as independent or affiliated is indicated in the “Organisation“ column as follows:

GA = govt affiliation, US or other IO = Independent Organisation UN = UN organisation or direct affiliate.

Organisation Aims Activities

Afghan Women’s Association

International **

www.awai.org

Founded 1992P.O. Box 637

Fremont, CA 94537-0637

Tel: (510) 574-2180

Fax: (510) 574-2185

IO

Establishing and defending the human rights of women in Afghanistan.

Rahima Haya, founding member of the Widows Project - monthly support for widows in Afghanistan and families. Encouraging refugee return from Pakistan exiled during Taliban era through donations. Opening training centres for women dealing with cultural needs and day-to-day existence. Donations/ support to local hospitals, orphanages and other. Non-profit making organisation.

Afghan Women’s Mission (USA) **

www.afghanwomensmission.org

Founded 2000

2460 North Lake Avenue, PMB 207,

Altadena, CA 91001, USA

IO

Works closely with RAWA to support health, education and other programs for Afghan women.

Funding of projects dealing with hospitals for Afghan refugees in Pakistan (Malalai). Also involved in funding education, orphanages, sustainable development (regional canal repair, farming).

CARE ** To repatriate refugees and create an Work suspended during Soviet and Taliban occupation of Afghanistan but was re-

www.careusa.org/

Working in Afghanistan since 1961

IO

environment for sustainable growth. established as follows: “CARE initiated the Afghan Village Assistance Programme (AVA) beginning October 1989 that served over 210,000 people in seven rural provinces. AVA was initiated to create conditions conducive to sustained repatriation through a range of Food/ Cash For Work, and also to encourage sustained repatriation by rebuilding agricultural infrastructure systems, water supply, erosion barriers roads to market, etc.” Other projects include the Single Mothers Project and Solar Project which together provide the highest rate of employment for Kabul women in any sector.

Centre for Women’s Global Leadership

Douglass College, Rutgers, The State University

of New Jersey

160 Ryders Lane

New Brunswick, NJ 08901-8555

Tel: (1-732)932-8782Fax: (1-732)932-1180E-mail: cwgl@igc.orgWebsite: http://www.cwgl.rutgers.edu

IO

Leadership development and women’s rights education.

Working closely with the United Nations Development Programme campaigning for women’s rights in developing democracies.

Feminist Majority Foundation

www.feminist.org

1600 Wilson Boulevard, Suite 801, Arlington,

VA 22209

703-522-2214

703-522-2219 (fax)

IO

Research and activist group supporting women in Afghan communities to create an environment for social change and empowerment. Seeks national and international support for Afghan woman.

Supports the expansion of peace-keeping forces, the Afghan Ministry for Women's Affairs, the Independent Human Rights Commission, and Afghan women-led non-governmental organizations (NGOs). FMF promotes the leadership of women in post-Taliban Afghanistan, increases and monitors the provision of emergency and reconstruction assistance to women and girls. Sets out to change govt. policy in the US on financial distribution of aid. President: Eleanor Smeal.

International Human Rights Law Group – Training of female lawyers and judges; Since 2002 IHRLG has set up workshops in Kabul to train and encourage/ educate

IHRLG (recently changed name to

GlobalRights – partners for Justice)

www.hrlawgroup.org

IO

monitoring women’s human rights. female lawyers and judges.

Islamic Relief

www.Islamicrelief.com

19 Rea Street South, Birmingham, B5 6LB, UK

Tel: 0121 605 5555

Fax: 0121 622 5003

IO

Islamic Relief is dedicated to alleviating the poverty and suffering of the world’s poorest people.

Humanitarian Organisation provides first aid and building of hospitals. Particularly involved in the Paghman Education Project; reconstruction of Teachers Training High School, rehabilitation of Primary Education infrastructure. Promoting literacy of women and girls.

Physicians for Human Rights

www.phrusa.org

100 Boylston St.,

Suite 702

Boston, MA 02116

T: 617-695-0041

IO617-695-0307

To promote improved health care through the implementation of basic human rights.

In 1998, PHR conducted the first survey of the health and human rights status of Afghan women since Taliban rule. This helped bring to the world's attention the health consequences of the Taliban's restrictions on the human rights of Afghan women.

SEWA – Self-Employed Women’s

Association

IO

The empowerment of women. Mobilise the masses through creation of employment in crafts, and the marketing and sales of Afghan made products. Trains women, finds market place for goods. Creates a needs assessment and micro-plan for growth of production and sales. SEWA will help 15,000 artisans in 300 villages of Kutch and Patan.

UNESCSP – United Nations Economic

and Social Commission for Asia and the

Reduce poverty, manage the impact of globalization and address emerging

Creates/ researches case studies and works with local and international groups, to assist in local development of infra-structures. Subsidiary

Pacific

www.unescap.org

UN

social issues. groups include: APCAEM: www.APCAEM.orgAPCTT: www.apctt.orgCGPRT: www.cgprt.org.sgSIAP: www.unsiap.or.jp

UNIFEM – United Nations Development

Fund for Women

www.unifem.org

UN

To promote gender-reality and inclusion of women at all levels of society.

“UNIFEM is working with the Ministry of Women's Affairs to develop its national strategy and to mainstream gender into the work of other Ministries. Regional Women's Centres will also be established to train service providers and women's NGOs to offer community support to women in areas such as education, healthcare and employment.“

US-AID Afghanistan

www.usaid.gov

GA

To help build a safe and stable society in Afghanistan.

US Government run organisation. Provided $2.5 million to build 14 women's centres in the provinces. Re-established schools and classrooms for more than 12,000 girls around Mazar-e-Sharif. Completed a grant to support war widows through handicraft training. Efforts are currently underway with carpet vendors to encourage the employment of women who graduated from the course. Renovated the Afghan Ministry of Women's Affairs and helped establish operations and program development. Funded the creation of the ministry’s Women’s Resource Centre, a library, Internet room, and audiovisual training centre. Supports Ariana, a national women's NGO, which provides educational and vocational courses for women and girls to fill a gap in the educational system of Afghanistan. USAID funded general repairs of Ariana’s building and is providing training supplies and equipment. Is funding bakeries that employ widows and provide bread to Afghanistan's urban poor. At least 250,000 people were assisted in 2002.

WAPHA

PO BOX 77057 WASHINGTON, DC 20013-

7057

IO

Restoration and implementation of women’s rights after the Taliban era.

Encourages lobbyists at all levels to approach Governments and international institutions with petitions to improve the local situation in Afghanistan for women.

Women for Afghan Women Supporting Afghan women at local level to gain empowerment.

WAW is in the process of forming a coalition with two grassroots women’s organizations in Herat, VWO and WASSA, to work on the legal, social, and

www.womenforafghanwomen.org

Women for Afghan Women

35-32 Union Street, 2nd Floor

Flushing, NY 11354

IO

economic empowerment of women in this extremely conservative region. WAW has made efforts to enable hundreds of women in Afghanistan, women of all ages and ethnicities, to become literate and self-supporting with Fahima Vorgetts as its foremost campaigner at local level. As well as the above, much of the local level work has included rehabilitation of imprisoned women, supporting local farming communities, and supporting impoverished widows and their families.

Women’s Learning Partnership for

Rights, Development and Peace (WLP)

www.learningpartnership.org

4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201 Bethesda,

MD 20814, USA

IO

Empowerment of Afghan women still in refugee camps.

Works with the Afghan Institute of Learning (AIL), a leading Afghan women's organization based in Pakistan. AIL assists Afghan women and children by providing human rights training for women and girls in Pakistan's refugee camps; establishing and supporting home schools, home literacy classes, and refugee camp primary and secondary schools; conducting teacher training for female Afghan teachers (pre-school through high school); and providing health education and mobile health clinics for women and children within Afghanistan.

Appendix 4 Internal NGOs functioning locally in Afghanistan

Categorizes existing organisations internally in Afghanistan from grass roots level to involvement in government. Groups listed alphabetically.

Organisation Aim Activity

Afghan Defending Women’s Rights

Airport Rd. Qal-e-Wakeel, Kabul

To support the female sector and empower women.

Vocational and literacy training for minority groups in the provinces and Kabul. No website listed. See also www.refwid.org/organizations.html

Afghan Institute of Learning – AIL

www.chi.org

The education of women and children. AIL was founded in 1995 by Prof. Sakena Yacoobi, to create an organization run by Afghan women that could play a major part in reconstructing education and health systems capable of reaching the women and children of Afghanistan--whether in refugee camps or still in their homes. Functions are non-governmental. AIL serves 350,000 women and children annually, is run entirely by women and employs 470 Afghans, 83% of whom are women. AIL has partnership with the Creating Hope International (CHI Organisation, a non-profit in the US since 1996). AIL recently won the Women's Rights Prize of the Peter Gruber Foundation.

Afghan Peace and Democracy Act

www.afghanact.orgHNo. 220, Street 9, District 4, Taimani Kabul.

Enhancing the role of civil society organizations and assisting in the coordination of Afghan NGOs and civil society organizations through direct support and collaboration.

Focuses on networking NGO’s and implementing workshops for local citizens regarding the role and function of democracy. Trainings held set out to enhance the understanding and function of civil society. Trainings include subjects on women’s rights and children.

Afghan Women Resource Centre

www.awec.infoAfghan Women's Educational Centre , House 2, Street 2Koche Daramsal, Karte ParwanKabul

The promotion of rights, self-sufficiency, empowerment and understanding among Afghan women and children through education, health, peace education and socio-economic development projects.

Projects supported: Centre for Women and Street Children; Support for Women in Kabul detention centre; Widows Support Project; Street and Working Children Centres, Kabul; Afghanistan Primary Education Program (APEP) - Kabul and Paktya; Women's Community Participation, Awareness Raising and Support – Paktya; Women's Political Participation, Awareness and Support Project, Mazar-e-Sharif; SWK High School and Women's Centre Islamabad.

Afghan Women’s Network

www. afghanwomen snetwork.org Qalaifathullah, Street 2. House Number 193. Kabul, AfghanistanPhone No. (00-93)070286598/2200691

Advancing UNHCR’s five Commitments to Refugee Women & UN Millennium Development Goals.Promoting women’s rights.

Founded 1995. Primarily involved in maintaining and supporting women’s suffrage and child education during the Taliban period.Has been involved in various trainings for women since the end of the Taliban era. These have included:- Capacity Building Programme for Women.- Women’s Advocacy and Awareness Programme.- Organised a Medical Service in collaboration with Services International.- Organising the registration of up to 3200 female voters for the election in

September 2004.- Journalist Training Programme for 143 female local journalists.- Instrumental in organising conferences for women e.g. Civic Education

Conference, Conference for Civil Rights. Inviting leading dignitaries, influential female politicians to commit to and promote womens issues at national level, and the implementation of a Bill of Rights.

Amnesty International

www.amnestyusa.org/countries/afghanistan

Promoting human rights issues at global level.

Reports distributed globally on the plight of women in Afghanistan. Seeks to support local NGO’s and national/international governments to promote human rights and gender equality throughout the democratic process.

AWD - Afghan Women in Development

www.refwid.orgRefugee Women in Development, Inc.

To build capacity in developing countries, by empowering marginalized women to assume leadership contributing their valuable experience to

Setting up training programmes and resources, institutionalising issues surrounding the following:- Democratic and Civil Institution Building.- Human Rights, Protection, and Domestic Violence Intervention and

Robert S. Strauss Building1333 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W., #547Washington, DC 20036-1564

the development of democratic societies. Prevention.- Uprooted Muslim Women's Human Rights.- Civil Society Rebuilding for Afghan Women.- Coalition Building, Networking and International Representation, and

Public Education.RefWID has advocated on behalf of Afghan women refugees in Pakistan as well as those displaced inside Afghanistan since 1981. In 1990, RefWID presented the findings of its mission to Pakistan to the US Congress which resulted in legislation to promote development assistance for Afghan women's programs.

AWEC - Afghan Women’s Educational Centre

www.awec.info

Promotion of rights, self-sufficiency and empowerment amongst women and children.

See Women’s Resource Centre as above.

AWRC – Afghan Women Resource Centre

www.w4wafghan.ca

To provides centres for educational and vocational training.

“AWRC provides training and awareness raising workshops on a variety of topics, such as children’s rights, the importance of literacy, environmental hygiene, psycho-social counselling for traumatized women, and tailoring, all designed to build capacity and confidence for women to help themselves and other women in their community“ This training has predominantly been provided in Pakistani based refugee camps. AWRC is an organization entirely staffed by Afghan women with new headquarters set up in Kabul in 2000. Original funding was supported by CW4Wafghan, a Canada based NGO.

AWSDC – Afghan Women’s Skills and Development Center

QALAIFATHULLAH STREET 2. HOUSE NUMBER 193. KABUL, AFGHANISTANPHONE NO. (00-93)070286598/2200691

“To provide both its members and other humanitarian organizations with information on the activities and progress of organizations in Kabul and Peshawar dedicated to assisting and improving the lives of Afghan women”.

See Afghan Women’s Network for details and affiliation.

Hambastagi Foundation Women Affairs Office

The social and cultural development of society with emphasis on empowerment and training of women in the work place.

Provides and supports training centres for and with women. For specific information refer to the Afghan Women’s Network.

Horizon Rehabilitation of Afghanistan – HRA 2002

www.medico-international.de

Economic and socio-political development, with emphasis on the security of human rights.

Affiliated to the organisation Medico, and the local NGO Kabur, HRA set up training and infrastructure and documents the plight of Afghani’s.

Humanitarian Assistance for the Women and Children of Afghanistan (HAWCA)

www. hawca .org HAWCA Office, Lane 14, Qala-e-Fatehulla Khan, Kabul, Afghanistan. Mobile: 0093 070277031

Striving to develop a society where every human being can enjoy their basic rights, irrespective of gender, colour, creed, race or status.

Setting up mobile health teams, specific primary school projects and literacy programmes at national level, country-wide aid distribution, finance projects for community economy-building, counselling for women and gender abuse projects. Has received awards from international organisations including Amnesty International. Set up in 1999, works within Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Human Rights Watch

www.hrw.org

Defending human rights globally. On hand observers, detailed voting situation of elections in 2004, with global report on abuse and intimidation of women’s civil liberties in Afghanistan.

Message of Mashid Organization – MMO Preparing women for the workplace. Please contact Afghan Women’s Network for details and affiliation.

NEGAR

http://perso.wanadoo.fr/negar/anglais/cadre.htmNEGAR - SOUTIEN AUX FEMMES D'AFGHANISTANB.P. 10  25770 Franois, FranceTel / fax : (33) 1 48 35 07 56 or (33) 3 81 59 04 39

A Paris, France based NGO. Was instrumental as an underground movement during the Taliban era, maintaining, promoting and reporting women’s rights issues:“has the dramatic situation of the women in Afghanistan known through leaflets, petitions, publications, and meetings of information.... Is a relay for the female Afghan associations which have been broken up by the Taliban militia and whose members have been remaining secretly active, so as to put them in contact with the Afghan Diaspora and to support their actions. Supports the girls’ education and helps poor widows to survive”.

NOOR Educational Centre Education and psychological support for women.

Provides language courses, work-training, and literacy courses for Afghan women. See Afghan Women’s Network for more details. No website listed.

PARSA

www.parsa.org

To develop skills enabling people to support themselves and their families, with a particular focus on widows.

PARSA has had two grants from USAID's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) to do a number of specific activities, related to improving security at family level. It provides support and education for women and girls,

PARSA, c/o Bob MacMakinP. O. Box 255, Bisbee, AZ 85603

as well as providing medical supplies for local communities, training programmes for orphans. The organisation operates out of Pakistan and Kabul.

Rabia-El-Balkhi Rehabilitation and Skill Building Agency

The empowerment of women. Training of female social workers, training women from cities and provinces on the national constitution and their role. No website listed.

RAWA – The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan

www.rawa.org

RAWA is the oldest political/social organization of Afghan women struggling for peace, freedom, democracy and women's rights.

As a significantly important NGO it was founded by Meena in 1977, and has since fought continuously for the rights of women during the Soviet occupation and Taliban Regime. Has focused on setting up establishments in aid camps in Pakistan and further benefiting national Afghan institutions (since continued repatriation), the following:- Education: To run 15 primary and secondary schools for refugee girls and

boys and many literacy courses for women.- Health care: setting up mobile health teams in Pakistan that are active

mainly in refugee camps in Peshawar and Quetta. RAWA also runs Malalai Hospital in Rawalpindi and Malalai Clinic in Quetta.

- Human rights: providing human rights and other interested organizations and media with news and reports about killing, stoning, amputation, imprisoning, torturing, beating, lashing, insults.

- Cultural: Producing cassettes of songs usually with anti-fundamentalist contents and those containing educative subjects, women’s rights issues, as well as national and international publications on women’s issues in Afghanistan.

RAWA has won awards from Amnesty International for its struggle.

Shuhada Organisation

http://www.gfbv.it/3dossier/asia/afghan/afghan-samar.html

Led by Dr. Sima Simar Afghanistan’s first Minister of Women’s Affairs, Shuhada is one of the oldest women’s NGO’s, with the largest number of members nationally. “Shuhada Organization has established a network of four hospitals, 12 clinics, 60 schools, two women's shelters, a multi-service women's centre, a science institute, a housing community for poor widows and their families, an orphanage, and a myriad of other programs to provide income, training, health education, women's rights education, and basic literacy for women. Today, more than 36,700 girls and boys study in Shuhada schools. The clinics and hospitals provide services to some 750 patients per day. With more than 1,000 staff, the organization employs more workers than almost any other local or international NGO in Afghanistan.

Training Human Rights Association (for Afghan Women)

Awareness of women’s rights in society, and gender equality.

Founded in 1997. Provides trainings regarding; human rights, women’s empowerment, literacy programmes, employment training courses. No website listed.

Voice of Women Organization – VWO

www. home.ca.inter.net

Reduction of poverty amongst women, promoting women’s rights and empowerment issues.

Affiliated to the Canadian based NGO Voice Of Women. Projects include computer course for women and literacy courses. “Took a strong stand in support of the women in Afghanistan during the time of the Taliban regime and, later when the country was bombed by the US led coalition Has supported PARSA, an organization to support and teach employable skills to the widows of Kabul.”

Women for Women International – Afghanistan

www.womenforwomen.org

Bridging contacts to western democracies and the empowerment of women.

“Offer Afghan women economic security at a grassroots level through training on women's rights, leadership and job skills. Provide direct aid and opportunities to start income-generating projects. The program operates in Kabul Province in several districts, including Khairkhana, Afshar, and Shari-naw, as well as the province of Wardak. The main office is in Qalai Fatullah”.

Women’s Assistance Association Protecting women to live in a non-discriminatory environment.

See also Afghan Women’s Network to which it is affiliated. No website listed.

Women’s Unity for Rehabilitation Social, economic and humanitarian aid. See also Afghan Women’s Network and APDA to which it is affiliated. No website listed.