Adverbial Clauses in ChineseThe markedword order

Wei Wei

Syntax+01/22/2018

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1. Introduction

2. Positionalmarkedness of adverbial clauses

3. The internal & external syntax of adverbial clauses

4. The reasoning, methodology, and materials

5. Type 3: dislocation& a derivational analysis

6. Type 4: afterthought & abi-clausal analysis

7. A potential counterargument

8. Conclusion

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2.Positionalmarkedness ofadverbialclauses

•Generalization:thesentence-initialposition(“adverbial-main”)isunmarked (or“canonical”,“default”),and“main-adverbial”isthemarked clauseorderinChinese.

•Why?Exhibit 1: intuitive judgmentwithgivengrammaticalconditionsExhibit 2: frequency in corpus data

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2.1Discursivefunctions&grammaticalconditions

a. Discourse-organizing:linkingbacktotheprecedingdiscourse,andprovidingbackgroundinformationforthemainclause.

b. Localfunction:specifyingthecircumstanceofthestateofaffairsdescribedinthemainclause.

(Givón 1982,1990;Chafe1984;Thompson1985;Quirketal.1985:1075-1077;Ramsay1987;Ford1993;Verstraete 2004,2007;a.o.)

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• Initial adverbialclausesarethematicallyassociatedwiththeprecedingdiscourse;theyserveasbackgroundforthemainclause;theyfunctionasadiscursive“bridge”betweentheprecedingdiscourseandthefollowingdiscourse;

• they areoutsidethescopeofthemainclause, and they arerestrictor of quantifiers (when-clause and if-clause)

• they aretakenasadjunctionatorabovetheIP-level;• Final adverbialclausesare‘local’inthesensethattheyareassociatedwiththemainclauseandspecifythetime,reason,orconditionunderwhichthestateofaffairinthemainclauseholds .

• they are withinthescopeofquantifiers (e.g. negation,modal,andquestionoperator), i.e. ‘focal’.

• theyareanalyzedasvP/VP-leveladjunction;

Haiman 1978; Rooth 1985; Givón 1982, 1990; Geis 1986;Larson1988,1990;von Fintel 1994; Bhatt&Pancheva 2006; Haegeman2004, 2010, 2012. 5

(1) WhatwillyoudoifIgiveyouthemoney?a1. Ifyougivemethemoney,I’llbuythishouse.a2. %I’llbuythishouseifyougivemethemoney.

(2) Underwhatconditionswillyoubuythishouse?b1. I’llbuythishouseifyougivethemoney.b2. %IfyougivemethemoneyI’llbuythishouse. (Givón 1982)

In (1), theinitialpositionispreferred. Theif-clauseisbackgroundmaterial(inthesenseofhavingbeenpresentinthequestion).In (2), thefinalpositionispreferredwhentheif-clauseis foregrounded(containingnewinformation).

• “Thetopic-focus statusofaconditionalisafactorindeterminingitsinitialorfinalpositioning.” (von Fintel1994: 82)

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a. Whenhe’sintheshower,JohnusuallySHAves.b. Johnusuallyshaveswhenhe’sintheSHOwer.

(Rooth 1985: 100)

Initialwhen-clausein(a)istherestrictorof‘usually’.Final when-clause in(b)isin the scope of the quantifier.

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TABLE 1 FourtypesofadverbialclausesinEnglish(modifiedbasedonVerstraete 2004,Table6:844)

Type Position Scope Intonationbreak Discourse Function Remark

1 Initial - + Discourse-organizing Unmarked

2 Initial + - Local Marked

3 Final - + Discourse-organizing Marked

4 Final + - Local Unmarked

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For intonation break (presence/absence of comma), see Quirketal.1985:1626-1628.

Scope:+insidethescopeofthequantificationalelementinthemainclause

(1) WhatwillyoudoifIgiveyouthemoney?a1. Ifyougivemethemoney,I’llbuythishouse.a2. % I’llbuythishouse ifyougivemethemoney.

(2) Underwhatconditionswillyoubuythishouse?b1. I’llbuythishouseifyougivethemoney.b2. %IfyougivemethemoneyI’llbuythishouse.

• “Thesekindsofdataareveryfragile.Infact,theanswerin(a2)becomesacceptablewhenthereisfocusontheverbphrase[buythisHOUSE]F andtheif-clauseisde-accented.Cruciallythough,similarintonationalmanipulationisharderwiththeanswerin(b2),wheretheif-clauseisfocalsinceitconstitutestheinformativepartoftheanswer.” (von Fintel1994: 81)

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à Type 3

à Type 2

Stress shifting makes(a2)ok.

Turntothetwomarkedtypes…

Forassignmentofnuclearstress,cf.Cinque1993,Neeleman &Reinhart1998,Zubizarreta 1998,a.o)

Alsoforwhen-clause

a. Whenhe’sintheshower,JohnusuallySHAves.b. Johnusuallyshaveswhenhe’sintheSHOwer.c. JohnusuallySHAves whenhe’sintheshower.

(Rooth 1985: 100)

Finalwhen-clause canbein the scope of the quantifier(b),orthe restrictor of ‘usually’(c),i.e.synonymouswith(a).

“Nointonational manipulation canmake(a) besynonymouswith(b)”(vonFintel 1994).

Thatis,nointonationmanipulationcanmakeatype1initialwhen-clause(background,topic)becomeatype2initialwhen-clause(foreground,focal).

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àType1

àType4

àType3

Doestype2when-clausepossibleinEnglish?

Butothergrammaticalmarkingseemsfeasible:

Itisbetterformetogoaheadslowlyandcarryeveryonewithmethantohurryalongandcausedissension.Especially whenIspeakinpublic ImustshowthatIloveallmysheep,likeagoodshepherd.

(Verstraete 2004:834)

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Type 2(claimed)

Butothergrammaticalmarkingseemsfeasible:

Doyouwanna ...erm goforaq\uick one#beforeitcl\oses #.y\eah #.beforeitcl\oses #.(\:nuclearaccent;#:boundaryofintonationunit;Verstraete 2004 :832)

Itisbetterformetogoaheadslowlyandcarryeveryonewithmethantohurryalongandcausedissension.Especially whenIspeakinpublic ImustshowthatIloveallmysheep,likeagoodshepherd.

(ibid.:834)

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à Type 3

à Type 2

Whileyouwereaseniorofficerinthefederalgovernment,didthesethingsoccur?≠‘‘wasthatthetime[focus]whenthesethingshappened[presupposition]?’’

(Verstraete 2004:833)

Ithinkit’sveryimportanttomeasurewhenandwherethingsoccurred.Didtheyoccurwhenyou’reayoungperson,inyourformativeyears,ordidtheyoccurwhileyouwereaseniorofficialinthefederalgovernment?=‘‘wasthatthetime[focus] whenthesethingshappened[presupposition]?’’ (ibid.:833)

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Type1

Type4

TABLE 1 FourtypesofadverbialclausesinEnglish

Type Position Scope Intonationbreak Discourse Function Remark

1 Initial - + Discourse-organizing Unmarked

2 Initial + - Local Marked

3 Final - + Discourse-organizing Marked

4 Final + - Local Unmarked

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Torecap…

Twogrammaticalconditions:• Topic;[-scope];discourse-organizingfunction;• Focus;[+scope];localfunction;

2.2TheinitialpositionasunmarkedinChinese

•Exhibit 1:Bothgrammatical conditions favoradverbialclausesintheinitial position (preceding the main predicate).

•Exhibit 2:Frequency.

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Discourse-organizingfunction:initialpositionpreferredA:Wǒ yìhuir qù xuéxiào.

I later goschool‘Iwillgotoschoollater.’

B1:Nǐ yào chūmén dehuà,shùnbiàn bǎ lājī dài-chūqù.youwillgo.out if by.the.way BA trashtake-out‘Ifyouaregoingoutside,takethetrashoutonyourway.’

B2:% Shùnbiànǎ ba lājī dài chūqù,nǐ yào chūmén dehuà.by.the.way BA trashtakeout youwillgo.outside if

‘Takethetrashoutonyourway,ifyouaregoingout.’

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Theconditionalintheexamples canbe replaced by a temporaladjunct, andthe judgment is the same.

nǐ chūmén deshíhòuyou go.out DE time‘when you go out’

Localfunction:initialpositionpreferred

A:Zài shenme tiáojiàn xià,nǐ huì mǎi zhè-gè fángzi?atwhatconditionunderyouwillbuythis-CL house‘Underwhatconditionswillyoubuythishouse?’

B1:Rúguǒ nǐ gěi wǒ qián,wǒ jiù huì mǎi tā.ifyougivememoney Ithenwillbuyit‘Ifyougivemethemoney,I’llbuythehouse.’(%forEnglish)

B2:%Wǒ (*jiù)huì mǎi tā,rúguǒ nǐ gěi wǒ qián.Ithenwillbuyitifyougivememoney

‘I’llbuythehouseifyougivemethemoney.’

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A:Jīntiān xiàyǔ,Mǎlì bú huì qù pǎobùtodayrainMarynotwillgojogging‘It’srainingtoday.Marywon’tgojogging.’

B1:Duì.Rúguǒ tiānqì hǎo,tā cái huì qù.rightifweathergoodsheonlywillgo‘Right.Onlyiftheweatherisgood,shewillgo.’(%forEnglish)

B1:%Duì.Tā (*cái)huì qù rúguǒ tiānqì hǎorightsheonlywillgoifweathergood‘Shewillgoonlyiftheweatherisgood.’

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Anotherexamplewithlocalfunction;initialpositionpreferred

TABLE 2 Four types of adverbial clauses in Chinese

Type Position Scope Intonationbreak Discourse Function Remark

1 Initial - + Discourse-organizing Unmarked

2 Initial + - Local Unmarked

3 Final - - Discourse-organizing Marked

4 Final + + Local Marked

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TABLE 3:distributionofadverbialclausesbywordorder(Wong2006:239)

Position/type

Temporal Conditional Concessive Causal Totals

Initial 65(84.4%) 50(82%) 9(81.8%) 29(22%) 151(55%)Final 11(14.3%) 4(6.6%) 1(9.1%) 80(65%) * 96(32%)Fragment 1(1.3%) 7(11.5%) 1(9.1%) 16(13%) 25(14%)Totals 77 61 11 123 272

*: Inthefinalcausalclauses,60outof80 followtheendingintonation

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Frequency in corpus-data

TABLE 4:statisticsofthedifferentusesofyīnwèi ‘because’(Wang&Huang,2006:996)

numbersof token percentage

• causal connective (initial adverbial clause) 26 31.32• causal connective (final adverbial clause) 17 20.48• final adverbial clause following ending intonation 37 44.58• joint production by the other speaker 3 3.61Total 83 100

Somefinalcausalclausesarereason clauses,whichexplainswhythespeakerhasmadetheprecedingassertion.(cf.Ross1970,Rutherford1970,Hooper&Thompson1973)

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a. Mǎlì bú zài zhèli,yǐnwèi wǒméi kànjiàn tā.MarynotatherebecauseInotseeher‘(Imaketheassertionthat)Maryisnothere,becauseI

don’tseeher.’

b. %Yǐnwèi wǒméi kànjiàn tā,Mǎlì bú zài zhèli.becauseInotseeherMarynotathere‘BecauseIdon’tseeher,Maryisnothere.’

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Thefinalreasonclausein(a)isnotincludinginthecontentofthespeechactexpressedbytheprecedingclause.(b)isoddbecauseitimposesacausalrelationbetweentwoevents.

TABLE 2 Four types of adverbial clauses in Chinese

Type Position Scope Intonationbreak Discourse Function Remark

1 Initial - + Discourse-organizing Unmarked

2 Initial + - Local Unmarked

3 Final - - Discourse-organizing Marked

4 Final + + Local Marked

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Generalization: final adverbial clauses are marked in Chinese

Question: canfinaladverbialclausesbedividedastype3andtype4?

Arethe conditionssystematic inthesensethattheyarerule-

governedto which wecanapply formal analyses,oraretheyjust

idiosyncratic (e.g.influencedbythegrammarsofindividuals’foreign

languages(“EuropeanizedChinese”,Chao1968:133)?

4.Sentence-finaladverbialclauses:reasoning,materials,andmethodology

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Ingeneral,apatternisconsidered“marked”ifitonlyoccurswhensomespecialcondition ismet(cf.König &VanDerAuwera 1988,109-110).

• Therearedifferentreasonswhyamarkedpattern(wordorderspecifically)occurs.Onecouldberelatedto

idiosyncraticlanguageuse,likepoets,lyricists,second

languagelearners,orMasterYoda,etc.

• Anothertriggerforamarkedpatterncouldbediscourse-

driven,suchasmarkingfocusorexpressingemphasis.

à Theanswers(conditions)lieinthediscoursecontext.

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Onanothernote…

•Therehavebeenstudieswithlonghistoryandongoingdiscussiononright-dislocation andafterthought inthephrasalforms,suchasDP,PP,VP,AdjP,AdvP,andcomplementCP,across-linguistically.

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(English:Ziv &Grosz 1994;German:Averintseva-Klisch 2005,Frey&Truckenbrodt 2015,Ott &deVries2016;Japanese:Sells 1999,Nakagawa etal.2008;Korean:Park&Kim2009,Ko2014,2015;Chinese:Lu1980,Zhang&Fang 1996,Guo 1998,Cheung2005,2009,Luke 2012;a.o.).

Theanalyticalmethodology Iwilluse…

Themodelofcommunicationascontinuouschangeofthecommonground(CG)Common ground (CG) includes• (i) a set of propositions and discourse referents that are knownto the interlocutors and continuously modified in communication(CG content), and

• (ii) information guiding the direction into which communicationshould develop (CGmanagement).

27(cf.Chafe1976;Stalnaker1998,2002;Krifka 2007)

• Theuseoffocusisdividedintosemantic useandpragmaticuse(Krifka 2007).

• Thesemantic useoffocushastruth-conditionalimpact

andthusisrelevanttoCGcontent.

• ThepragmaticusesoffocusbelongtoCGmanagement,

includingcontradiction, correction,confirmation,

delimitation,andhighlighting thepartofananswerin

correspondencetoawh-question

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à “highlighting”?Triggeroftheintensiontohighlight?

à Contrastive focus

•Grammaticalmarkings:Phonological(intonation)MorphologicalSyntactic(adverbs,displacement)•Repetition

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Here’stheIthinkwhy…

Thespeakerassumesthattheinformationintheanswerislikelytobeunexpectedbytheaddressee.Thus,thespeakerusesgrammaticalmarkingstohighlighttheanswer.

Contrastive focus(definition)

•Contrastivefocusα isafocusα thatiscontrastivelymarked.

•Contrastivemarkingonafocusconstituentαexpressesthespeaker’sassumptionthatthehearerwillnotconsiderthecontentα orthespeechactcontainingα likelytobe(come)commonground.

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(cf.Zimmermann 2007: 154; also see Zimmermann&Onéa 2011)

5. Type 3 adverbial clauses

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Type Position Scope Intonationbreak Discourse Function Remark

1 Initial - + Discourse-organizing Unmarked

2 Initial + - Local Unmarked

3 Final - - Discourse-organizing Marked

4 Final + + Local Marked

Argument:Themarkedwordorderisasyntacticmarking(displacement)oncontrastivefocus.

Generalization :In the contextswhere type 3 occurs, themainclausecarriestheinformationthatthespeakeremphasizes,whiletheinformationintheadverbialclausesisbackgrounded.The emphasis is observedup in:• adverbialmodification• clause type (rhetorical question)• expanded pitch range and syllableduration• the pragmatic use of focus: confirmation, correction, andcontradiction.

Inference:The marked “main-adverbial”wordorder is triggeredbythe emphasis.

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Example 1

Context:

Recently(end of 2016),therehavebeendiscussionsonsocialmediathatpeopleinShandongprovincelikestouse“invertedsentences”(dǎozhuāng jù)inconversation.Thegeneralopinion

isthatsuchacommunicativestyleisdifferent, very characteristicof Shandongese,andmightevenbeconsideredstrange.

AnewsprograminShandongconductedastreetinterview,askingShandongese themselveshowtheyviewtheuseof

“invertedsentences”andwhattheythinkoftheopinionsonline.

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Precedingutterances:“ItissaidthatuspeopleinShandongliketouseinvertedsentences.Itisnotthecase,Ithink.Asforthestyleoftalking,itvarieswithindividuals,right?”

L1 fǎnzhèngwǒ: yīzhí shì zhème shuōhuà de a, (+) zhème duō nián.anyway I always be so speak DE SFP these many year‘Anyway, I’ve been talking like this, all these years.’

L2 (+)qíshí hái ↑ (+) tǐng méng: de, (+) tīng-qi.lái >rúguǒ nín xíguàn-le dehuà<.in.fact Attitude very cute DE listen-ASP if you get.used-PERF if

‘In fact it is very cute, it sounds, if you are used to it.’

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CG content (output) after line L1:“Anyway, I’ve been talking like this for all these years,a. …and I’m already used to it. (or)b. …and people around me are already used to it.

à Theconditionalclausecontainscontextuallygiveninformation

FIGURE 1 F0diagramforlineL2

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Chao(1968:132): some finaladverbialclauses“tendtohavethesamelikelihoodoffastertempoasinterpolation.…(oninterpolation)…thereisnotonlynopause,butthebreakismarkedbyafastertempo,apiu mossoontheinterpolatedpart.

Emphasisvs.De-emphasis

(1) WhatwillyoudoifIgiveyouthemoney?a1. Ifyougivemethemoney,I’llbuythishouse.a2. % I’llbuythishouseifyougivemethemoney.

• “Thesekindsofdataareveryfragile.Infact,theanswerin(a2)becomesacceptablewhenthereisfocusontheverbphrase[buythisHOUSE]F andtheif-clauseisde-accented.” (von Fintel 1994: 81)

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à Type 3

RecallthepreviousEnglishexampleandintuition…

Context:•Dong isthehostofthetalkshow,andMing isanhighschoolstudent.

•OneofMing’s achievementsisbeingthesolerepresentativeofChinaataninternationalModelU.N.event.

• Inthissegment,MingmentionedthatsheorganizedthemodelU.N.inhercity (Nanjing)lastsummer.ThehostDongisaskingMingaboutherexperience.

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Example 2

D1 When you were participating the activity, are you nervous at first?M1M2M3

At the beginning of this activity, it was in the school.In the school meeting, at the beginning, I was very nervous.because I must statemy standpoint in front of all the people.

M4

M5

>suǒyǐ< yī.kāishǐ jiù.shì hěn jǐn.zhāng hěn jǐn.zhāngso at.the.beginning Emphasis very nervous very nervous

‘So at the beginning (I was) indeed very nervous, very nervous.’

(++) jiù.shì shǒu yī.zhí dǒu: nèi zhǒng >ná gǎozǐ de shíhou<Emphasis hand all.the.time shake that kind hold notes DE time

‘my hands just couldn’t stop like shaking, when I was holding the notes.’

M6 Then later I gradually overcame it and then it was much better.

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• Thetemporaladjuncthaslinguisticantecedent,andisthuscontextuallygiven.• Severalemphasismarkingsareobservedintheprecedingclause.

• Repetition(M4),adverbs(M5),syllablelengthening(M5)

FIGURE 2 F0diagramofthelineM5

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Example3

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CGcontent(output)oflineZ1a.Zhangi believesshei hastheabilitytostopSu.b.ZhangwantstostopSu.c.ZhangdonotstopSuonlybecauseSuissostrong-willedtogofortheguy.

Generalization :In the contextswhere type 3 occurs, themainclausecarriestheinformationthatthespeakeremphasizes,whiletheinformationintheadverbialclausesisbackgrounded.The emphasis is observed up in:• adverbialmodification• clause type (rhetorical question)• expanded pitch range and syllableduration• the pragmatic use of focus: confirmation, correction, andcontradiction.

Inference:The marked “main-adverbial”wordorder is triggeredbythe emphasis.

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Syntactic-basedanalysis of type 3

Themarked“main-adverbial”wordorderistriggeredbytheemphasis.

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The prerequisite for a syntactic-based analysis:• Theadverbialclausesaregeneratedandmergedwiththemainclauseinsyntax, as opposed to the“orphanageanalysis”(Haegeman 2009) where the main and adverbial clauses areunattached in the syntax, and only interpreted “at the level ofutterance interpretation” (post-LF).

• Anyadjustmenttothestructure orwordorderoccursinnarrow syntax,asopposedtothe PFmovement proposal(Gasde &Paul1996).

Thegeneralizationwewanttocapture:

Syntactic-basedanalysis of type 3

Themarked“main-adverbial”wordorderistriggeredbytheemphasis.

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Assumeasyntactic-discoursefeature[emphasis]?

- Whatis[emphasis]?(contrastivefocus)- Howtodetect[emphasis]?

Thegeneralizationwewanttocapture:

Contrastive focus(definition)

•Contrastivefocusα isafocusα thatiscontrastivelymarked.

•Contrastivemarkingonafocusconstituentαexpressesthespeaker’sassumptionthatthehearerwillnotconsiderthecontentα orthespeechactcontainingα likelytobe(come)commonground.

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(cf.Zimmermann 2007: 154; also see Zimmermann&Onéa 2011)

Contrastivefocushas[emphasis]feature.Itcanbeonaphrase,oraclause.

Contrastivefocusencodesthecontrastbetweentheinformationαexpressedbythespeakerandtheassumedexpectationstateoftheaddresseefromthespeaker’sperspective.If,accordingtothespeaker,someinformationαislikelytobeunexpectedbythehearer,thespeakermarkstheinformationαascontrastivebyformalmeansavailableinherlanguageinventory.

Thereasonforthe contrastive markingispragmaticandrelatedtoCGmanagement:thespeakerintendstoguidetheconversationtowardshisowninterestbyensuringaswiftupdateofthecommonground“insituationsof(assumed)differencesintheassumptions ofspeakerandhearer”(Zimmermann2007:157).

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Somefurtherexplanation:

•Todiagnose thestatusofcontrastivefoci, we

need to examine“notonlyinformationonthe

stateofthelinguisticandnon-linguisticcontext

assuch,butalsoonthebackgroundassumptions

ofspeakerandhearer”.(Zimmermann2007:

149).

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Analysis of Example 1

a.Speaker’sbelief:α =Thestyleofstructuralinversioninspeechisverycute.

b.Hearer’sbeliefinspeaker’smind:OnlyShandongese usesstructuralinversionintheirspeech,

whichisdifferentandstrange.

c.Speaker’sassumption:α islikelytobeunexpectedbythehearer.

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Analysis of Example 2

a.Speaker’sbelief:α =Myhandswereshakingduetonervousness.

b.Hearer’sbeliefinspeaker’smind:Sheisoutstandingandconfident,soitmustbethecase

thatsheisnotnervous.

c.Speaker’sassumption:α islikelytobeunexpectedbythehearer.

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To recap…

Thespeaker,basedontheinformationinCGcontent,draws

theassumptionthattheinformationshe/heisaboutto

conveyislikelytobeunexpectedbythehearer.Inorderto

directthehearer’sattention,anddirectthedevelopmentof

conversationinaccordancewithα,thespeakerusesmultiple

grammaticalmarkingstocontrastivelymarkα.

A syntax-discourse feature of contrastive focus:

[emphasis]

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a. Base-generated right-adjunction structureb. Leftwardmovement of the main clause from the “adverbial-

main” order

Syntactic-basedanalysisoftype3Themarked“main-adverbial”wordorderistriggeredbythepresenceof[emphasis]featureonthemainclause.

CP3

CP1Main

CP2Adverbial

a.

CP3

CP1Adverbial

CP2Main

CP2Main

Functionalhead

F’

b. FP

Twooptions

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a. Base-generated right-adjunction structure

CP3

CP1Main

CP2Adverbial

a.

Right-adjunctionisthemarkedstructureinChinese,whichisinvokedonlywithspecifictrigger.(ThismightbeplausiblesinceinChinese,exceptthedomainwithinvP,adverbialmodifiersarenotright-adjoined(cf.Ernst2002).

However,it is justadescriptionoftheorderreversal.

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a. Base-generated right-adjunction structureb. Leftwardmovement of the main clause from the “adverbial-

main” order

CP3

CP1Adverbial

CP2Main

CP2Main

uX [emphasis]FiX [emphasis]

F’

FP

The“emphasis”,ifformalizedasafeature,hasthestrongorEPP-likepropertytotriggerthemovement.

(cf. Pesetsky &Torrego 2007)

CP3

CP1Adverbial

CP2Main

uX [emphasis]

FiX[ ]

à Anotheradhocstipulation?

Here’sthemotivationforthestipulation

Thegrammaticalmarkingsthatrealizeemphasislinguistically

are all“local”.

SupposeanXP isintendedtobe.Phonologicalmarking (e.g.

pitchaccentandlengthening)operatesonXPorpartofXP;

morphologicalmarkingsaffixtotheXP;repetitionmakesa

copyoftheXP;clefts structurallydisplacetheXP.Andnaturally,

licensingbyafunctionalheadrequiresalocalSpec-head

relation,hencemovement.

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Whatif[emphasis]featureisonaphrasenotaclause?“Right-dislocation”a.Tā mǎi-leyī-tái diànnǎo ya.hebuy- PERF one-CL laptopSFP‘HeboughtalaptopSFP.’

b. Yī-tái diànnǎo ya,tā mǎi-le.one- CL laptopSFP hebuy-PERF‘AlaptopSFP,hebought.’

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Cheung 2009:SFPs are head of the head-initialFP:ForceP.Leftwardmovement of the object is triggeredby its information focus status.

Canonical word order:S-V-O-SFP

O-SFP S-V

Or:V-O- SFP S

ForceSFP

Focus

S V O

IP

O

Questiona.Zhāngsān mǎi-leshénme?Zhangsan buy-PERF what‘WhatdidZhangsan buy?’

Answer:b.Tā mǎi-leyī-tái diànnǎo. S V Ohebuy- PERF one-CL laptop‘Heboughtalaptop.’

c.% [Yī-tái diànnǎo]tā mǎi-leti. O S Vone-CL laptop hebuy-PERF‘Alaptop,hebought.’

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ProblemwithCheung’sproposal:TheinformationalfocusstatusofanXPdoesnotjustifyitsmovement(cf. Gao1994;Paul2005; Badan &DelGobbo 2011).

Attitude-neutral question

• Thefocussetmembersofasentencearedefinedastheconstituentsthatcontainthemostdeeplyembeddedword.

• InEnglish,thefocussetisassociatedwiththenuclear stressonthemostembeddedword (Cinque 1993; Zubizarreta1998;Reinhart 1995,2006, a.o.).

• In Chinese, thesentence-finalposition isthedefaultpositionforinformationalfocus (He 1992, Xu 2004).

• “Chinesecanhighlight theconstituentsofthefocussetbymovingthemsyntactically” (Cheung 2009).

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à Recallourpreviousquestion:why“highlight”?

Moreelaboration:

Questiona.Zhāngsān mǎi-leshénme?Zhangsan buy-PERF what‘WhatdidZhangsan buy?’

Answer:b.Tā mǎi-leyī-tái diànnǎo. S V Ohebuy- PERF one-CL laptop‘Heboughtalaptop.’

c.%[Yī-tái diànnǎo]tā mǎi-leti. O S Vone-CL laptop hebuy-PERF‘Alaptop,hebought’

d.[Yī-tái diànnǎo]ne tā mǎi-le. O SFP S Vone- CL laptopSFP hebuy-PERF‘AlaptopSFP,hebought’

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The SFP ne implicates that the speaker believes buying acomputer is something worth emphasize. The answer can bepragmaticallyodd as an “overstatement” as an answer tothe attitude-neutral question.

Attitude-neutral question

• Skopeteas andFanselow’s (2011)experimentalstudy

showsthatinGerman,Spanish,andGreek(butnot

Hungarian),thefrontingofanobjectwithinformational

oridentificational focusdependsonthepropertyofthe

context,andisfurthersensitivetodiscoursefactors,such

asthepredictabilityoftheinformation.

• Frey(2010)arguesforanA’-movementtotheleft

peripherydrivenbyemphasisinGerman.

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Context:AandBknowthatJohnwentshopping.

A:John issopoor.Whatcouldhepossiblyaffordgoingshopping?

B1:[Yī-táidiànnǎo]ne tāmǎi-le. O ne S Vone- cllaptop SFP hebuy-perf‘Alaptop,hebought’

B2: Tāmǎi-le yī-tái diànnǎo.hebuy-PERF one-cl laptop‘Heboughtalaptop.’

S V OPragmatically odd(“understatement”)

Adding an SFP ne (S V O ne) and/or stress on diànnǎo ‘laptop’ makes B1pragmatically felicitous as B1. The object is contrastivelymarked.

a. Speaker (=B)’s belief:α = Zhangsan bought a laptop.

b. Hearer(=A)’s belief in speaker’s mind:Zhangsan is so poor and he can’t buy anything.

c. Speaker’s assumption:α is likely to be unexpected by the hearer.

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my proposal Cheung 2009

Triggerof movement

Contrastive focus(Zimmermann 2007)

Informational focus(É.Kiss 1998)

Landing site Specifier of DiscourseP Specifier of FocusP

6. Type 4: “afterthought”

• Theadverbialclauseis inthescopeofthequantificationalelementofthemainclause (local/focal)

• Theadverbialclausedoesnothaveadiscourseantecedent,andisnewinformationtothehearerfromthespeaker’sperspective.

• Thistypedoesnothavetheprosodicpropertiesoftype3.Instead,theyhavesententialstress.

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Topreview:theprecedingclauseisactuallyanindependentclause.Thefinaladverbialclauseisan“afterthought”ora“fragment”whichisintendedtobeinterpretedwithinthescopeoftheprecedingclause(i.e.havingtheprecedingclauseasthemainclause).

X1X2

So what can people get from watching Li Guoxiu’s play?This is also the question that the woman who was considering to spend 500yuan on the ticket wanted to ask you, right?

L1

L2

L3

L4

Duì (+) wǒ zài zhège hǎoxiàng shì yīnggāi shì 1988 nián ba 1 yuè 27 hào.right I at this probably be should be 1988 year SP January 27th

‘Right. I was on, probably, January 27th, 1988.’

(+)Nǐ bú néng gēn mójiézuò liáotiān a:.you not can with Capricorn chat SFP

‘You can’t chat with a Capricorn person.’

(+)yǐnwèi wǒmen dōu jì nián.yuè.rì de. ((laugh++))because we all remember date DE

‘because us Capricorn people have a good memory about date.’

wǒ zài 1yuè 27 hào nà [tiān]—I at January 27th that day

‘I was on January 27th—’63

Xu (=X) is the host of the talk show, and Li (=L), a play writer and director is the guest.

X3 [Yě] jì chóu duì ma? ((laugh))(++) [rúguǒdézuì-le nǐ] dehuà.also remember grudge right yes-no if offend-PERF you if

‘(Catricorn people) also hold grudges, right? If someone has offended you.’

L5

L6

[Eh: >cuò cuò cuò<]. (++)eh wrong wrong wrong‘Wrong, wrong, wrong’.

mójiézuò shì jì zhàng bú jì chóu.Capricorn be remember debt not remember grudge‘Capricorn people remember debts but do not hold grudges.’

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a.Thewomanwasimpoliteandoffensive.(Xu’spresupposition)c.Licanrecalltheexactdatewhenheencounteredthewoman.(CGcontent)d.Therefore,hemighthavebeenholdingagrudgeagainstthewoman.(Xu’sassumption)

Dash (pòzhéhào)

Wǒ zhème yìzhí jiānchí fènfā dúshūIsuchall.the.time persistexert.hardwork study‘Ipersistonstudyinghardallthetimelikethis’

yě xiǎng jiè cǐ huànqǐ dì.mèi men rèài shēnghuó dexīwàngalso wantusethisriase younger.sibling PL passionlife DE hope‘(I)alsowanttousethis toraisemysibling’shopeforthepassioninlife’

——wúlùn huánjìng duōme kùnnán.no.matter situation howdifficult‘nomatterhowdifficultthesituationis.’

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GeneralRulesofPunctuation(GB/T15834,2011),thefirstuseofadash istomarkthecontentfollowingthedashasanexplanationorsupplementtotheprecedingtext (phraseorsentence).

Analysis for type 4

Type4isdifferentfromtype3inthat:• type4adverbialshavedifferentdiscursivefunctions;

• theprecedingclauseisemphasizedwithtype3,butnotnecessarilywithtype4;

• type3canhaveafastertempo,nosentencestress,andlowcontour,noneofwhichisobservedfortype4.

The differences above indicate differentanalyses.

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Generalizations for type 4:

a. Theprecedingclauseisanindependentrootsentencewhentype4occurs.

b. Type4isconnectedtotheprecedingclauseininterpretationasifitisatype2(sentence-initial,unmarked,local,andfocal).

c. Type4isgenerallyamarkedclauseorderbutacceptableasafterthought.

d. Thedifferencesbetweentype4andtype3areaslistedabove.

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•Thebiclausal plusPF-deletionanalysis,aproposal

forphrasalafterthoughtinGerman(cf.Freyand

Truckenbrodt2015;Ott &deVries 2016;a.o.),can

beextendedtothetype4adverbialclauses.

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Phrasal afterthought in Chinesea. Wǒ mǎi-le[A dǐng màozǐ],A[nizǐ-de].Ibuy-PERF CL hatwoolen‘Iboughtahat,woolen.’

Analysisb. [CP1Wǒ mǎi-ledǐng màozǐ],[CP2proshi nizǐ-de]

Ibuy-PERF CL hat be woolen‘Iboughtahat;(itis)woolen.’

c. Wǒ mǎi-le[A dǐng màozǐ],A[nizǐ-dene].Ibuy-PERF CL hatwoolenSFP

d. *Nizǐ-dei, wǒmǎi-le dǐng màozǐ.woolen Ibuy-PERF CL hat 69

(Lu1980:31)

Biclausal plusPF-deletionanalysis• Type4adverbialclausescanbeanalyzedashavingthe

structureandderivationas:[CP1][CP2],whereCP1is

whathasbeenlabeledasthemainclause.CP2isa

complexsentence,containingtheadverbialclauseinthe

sentence-initialpositionfollowedbythemainclause

identicaltoCP1.ThemainclauseinCP2undergoes

deletion

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7. Potentialchallengesforthederivationalanalysis

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• ok:[rúguǒ ‘if’…XP…][…jiù ‘then’…]

• *: […jiù ‘then’…][rúguǒ ‘if’…XP…]

ok:rúguǒ xiàyǔ,wǒ jiù bú huì qù.ifrainInotwill go‘If it rains, Iwon’tgo.’

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*:wǒ jiù bú huì qù,rúguǒ xiàyǔ.I not will go if rain‘Iwon’tgoifitrains.’

Wǒ zǎoshang tōngcháng qù pǎobù, dànImorning usuallygojogging but‘Iusuallygojogginginthemorning. However…’

ok:rúguǒ xiàyǔ,wǒ jiù bú huì qù.ifrainInotwill go‘If it rains, Iwon’tgo.’

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also ok:wǒ jiù bú huì qù,rúguǒ xiàyǔ.I not will go if rain‘Iwon’tgoifitrains.’

Jíshǐ xiàyǔ Zhāngsān yě huì qù pǎobù.even.if rain Zhangsan still will go jogging“Johnwill go jogging even if it is raining. However,…”

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‘Iusuallygojogginginthemorning. However…’ok: rúguǒ xiàyǔ,wǒ jiù bú huì qù.

ifrainInotwill go‘If it rains, Iwon’tgo.’

*: wǒ jiù bú huì qù,rúguǒ xiàyǔ.I not will go if rain‘Iwon’tgoifitrains.’

“Johnwill go jogging even if it is raining.However, …”ok: rúguǒ xiàyǔ,wǒ jiù bú huì qù.

ifrainInotwill go‘If it rains, Iwon’tgo.’

ok: wǒ jiù bú huì qù,rúguǒ xiàyǔ.I not will go if rain‘Iwon’tgoifitrains.’

Are they the same jiù ?

jiù is a contrastive marking adverb which is associatedwith a focus or contrastive topic (cf. Hole 2004).jiù and its associate must be in the same CP (rootclause).

ok:[rúguǒ ‘if’…XPi…] […jiùi ‘then’…]*:[…jiùi ‘then’…] [rúguǒ ‘if’…XPi…]

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8. Conclusion

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