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    A Southern Song Dynasty Amitbha Triad Painting ReconsideredAuthor(s): Pan An-yiReviewed work(s):

    Source: The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Vol. 81, No. 9 (Nov., 1994), pp. 350-365Published by: Cleveland Museum of ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25161469 .

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    350

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    Volume 81, Number 9 A Southern Song Dynasty Amitabha TriadPaintingReconsidered

    Cover. Amitabha with Two AttendingBodhisattvas (detail),China, SouthernSong dynasty, 12th-13th century,hanging scroll, inkand color on silk,133.5 x 79.3 cm. Purchase, LeonardC.Hanna, Jr.,Bequest. CMA 4.35.

    Figure 1.Amitabha with Two AttendingBodhisattvas. CMA 4.35.

    The Bulletin of The Cleveland Museumof Art (ISSN0009-8841, USPS 075-960),Volume 81, Number 9, November 1994.Publishedmonthly, except JuneandAugust, by The Cleveland Museum ofArt, 11150 EastBoulevard, Cleveland,Ohio 44106-1797. Subscriptions:$25.00 per year. Single copies: $2.50.Copyright 1994 by The ClevelandMuseum of Art. Postmaster send addresschanges to CMABulletin, 11150 EastBoulevard, Cleveland, OH 44106-1797.Second-class postage paid atCleveland,Ohio. Editor,Barbara J.Bradley. Photographer,Howard T.Agriesti. Designer,Thomas H. Barnard Ill.ProductionManager,Charles Szabla.

    With the December 1994 issue the CMABulletinwill cease publication, to bereplaced by a yearly collection ofscholarly papers tentatively titled TheCleveland Museum of Art Journal,scheduled forpublication in late 1995.

    Ideology, interpretationof doctrine, and criteria for ritualdictate thefeatures of a religionor religious school inany given period. Themingling of a faithwith other religions and cults also plays a part,and,with the formation of new sets of doctrines and rituals, religiousiconographies become more complex. The Cleveland Museum ofArt'sAmitabha triad (fig. 1)1offers a specific instanceof this complicated phenomenon. Its iconography has a scripturalsource, the ninegrades of rebirth from theAmitayur-dhyana Sutra (TheSutraof Contemplation of theBuddha of InfiniteLife,Guan Wuliangshoufo jinginChinese, hereafter referredto as theContemplation Sutra).2Its trueidentity,however, ishidden within a variety of Daoist-related cults.The triad format,based on the devotional artof theTang dynasty (AD618-906), was themost popular composition inSong dynasty (9601279) Pure Land images. Itsartistic aspects also provide an opportunity to investigate possible Sino-Korean links from the port of Siming(modernNingbo, Zhejiang Province),where this paintingwas probably produced.The concept of Pure Land Buddhism has its roots in India andwasintroduced toChina during the latterhalf of the second century ADthrough translations of sutras. Pure Land texts speak of SukhavatT,theWestern Paradisewhere believers will be reborn after death as areward for their faith. The Buddha Amitabha resides inSukhavatTand offers salvation inhis paradise. The Contemplation Sutra emphasizes the concept of vipasana (contemplation, guan inChinese)inwhich practitioners are required to experience a sixteen-step contemplation.3Although generally regardedas an apocryphalworkwritten inCentral Asia with laterChinese insertions,4 it had becomean influential text by the late sixth century. The second patriarchofChinese Pure LandBuddhism, Shandao (613-681), revised the texts,increasing the relative significance of the nine grades of rebirth, thelast three of the sixteen contemplations.5 Embedded in these variousdegrees of rebirthafter the present life is the universal promise oflaiying (Amitabha'sdescent at themoment of death to escort thedeceased's soul to SukhavatT).Although this idea had been found inseveral earlier Pure Land sutras,6the earliest surviving pictorial image depicting this subject isan early Tang mural illustrationof thenine grades of rebirthfound incave 431 atDunhuang, Gansu Province.7The concept of nine grades of rebirth,partof the sutrabelieved to have been insertedby Chinese, separates people into threelevels and nine categories depending on their foreordained socialstatus,occupation, and karma.The Contemplation Sutra ensures thatall sentient beings will be reborn intoAmitabha's Pure Land. Differences among the nine grades of rebirthare determined by the lengthof time needed for rebirth,and different grades arewelcomed by

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    352 different deities.8 Skyamuni Buddha preached toQueen VaidehT,who in theContemplation Sutra followed his secret instructionsonthe sixteen contemplations, and toAnanda, a disciple, thatpeople inthe lowest grade of the lowest level of rebirth,who lack the knowledge of contemplation, could at themoment of death chant "NamoAmitabha" (NanwuAmituofo inChinese) ten times to rid themselvesof the past sins of eight hundred billion kalpa (measurements oftime).9A golden lotus flower like the disk of the Sunwould appearin frontof the dying person and transferhis soul to SukhavatT,whereupon he would have to spend twelve kalpa in the lotus flowerbefore itwould open again.10Thus, twelve kalpawould pass beforethe believers of the lowest grade could be reborn in theWesternParadise. IntheCleveland painting, theAmitabha triad isplaced ina round disk outlined ingold, and ten lotus flowers in full bloomcushion ten lines of the required "NanwuAmituofo" recitation, indicating that thiswork isprobably a representationof the lowest of thenine grades of rebirth.The spurious signature of Shandao at thelower left and the date 681 at the lower right,corresponding to thepatriarch'syear of death, suggest the continued respect for Shandaoand the revisions he introduced into the text, particularly his emphasis on the different grades of rebirth inPure LandBuddhism."1This interpretationof theCleveland triad differsmethodologicallyfromprevious explications. Conventionally, arthistorians have relied on themudra (symbolic position of the hands and fingers)ofAmitabha ina triad to determine the level of rebirthbeing implied.'2According toYoung-sook Pak, themudra of theAmitabha in theCleveland triad is the thumb touching themiddle finger, indicatingthat theCleveland painting represents themiddle grade of the lowestlevel of rebirth.Pak's conclusion was based on research by JohnRosenfield and Elizabeth tenGrotenhuis aswell as Sawa Ryuken'sButsuzd zuten (PictorialDictionary of Buddhist Images).'3Many different systems of mudra, however, represent the nine grades of rebirth. Ono Gemmyo has pointed out that he did not know on whatbasis the compiler of Butsuz6 zui (Compilation of Buddhist Images),another system, arrived at itsnine mudra. Because numerous systems exist,Ono thought themudra theory unreliable.'4MochizukiShinkd suggested that the compiler of Butsuz6 zui syncretized various precedents to devise that system.'5To thisauthor's knowledge,there are still two other sets, one shown on a drawing of a mandalain the Ninna-ji inKyoto and the other in the Hisaharahon zuzo(Hisahara-Version Iconography).'6Because these sets of mudra donotmatch fully,most likely they representdifferentmethods of rituals andwere derived from different doctrines, even different cults.Furthermore,none of these sets of mudra is found inChinese

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    sources. Thus, applying culturally diverse developments toworks ofart, even when the pictorial images are identical, requires some caution.While texts show thatPure Land practitioners inChina formedmudra during theirmeditation on Amitabha and SukhavatT,'7urtherunderstanding of the nature of doctrines, rituals,and social contentmust precede the interpretationof any religious image.Although the fundamental iconographical features of the ClevelandAmitabha triadwere derived from the nine grades of rebirthemphasized by Shandao, the user of this painting did not necessarilyconform to Pure Land doctrines and rituals.Wai-kam Ho has notedthat the fo (Buddha)character in the ten-line recitation "NanwuAmituofo," written in li (clerical) style, can also be readxian (Daoistimmortal).18 his dual reading probably indicates the compositenature of Song Pure Land Buddhism. By the lateTang, both thePratyutpannasamadhimethod of the Eastern Jinmonk Huiyuan (334416), which stressed the importanceof enlightenment through selfcultivation based on the PratyutpannasamadhiSutra (Banzhou sanmeijing), and themethod of salvation through the power ofAmitabha'svow based on theContemplation Sutra emphasized by the NorthernWei dynastymonk Tanluan (476-542) had been abridged by Huiri(680-748). Huiri's studentChengyuan (712-802) andChengyuan'sstudent Fazhao (d. ca. 838) furthersyncretized this new outlookwith Mahasamatha-vipasyana (GreatConcentration and Insight),the method of theTiantai master Zhiyi (529-598).19 Their endeavorswere matched by those of many eminent monks of Tiantai and otherschools such asChan and Huayan in the lateTang, FiveDynasties,and the Song, who were eager promoters of joint practice of PureLand and their respective schools of Buddhism.Inaddition to this syncretic tendencywithin Pure Land and otherschools of Buddhism, Song dynasty Pure Land Buddhism had evidently experienced heretical developments, merging with popularDaoist beliefs andManicheanism, a religion prohibited at the time.20The case ofMao Ziyuan (1086-1166), a Tiantai monk fromWu(present-day JiangsuProvince)was themost famous. Based on Tiantaimethods, Mao Ziyuan established his own penance ritual (chanyi),which merely required recitationof Amitabha's name five times.2'His branch of Pure Land Buddhism was later known as Bailianhui(WhiteLotus Society) or Bailiancai (WhiteLotusVegetarians). Theextent of his role in the formation of the White Lotus Society andwhether his religious practiceswere heretical are still points of scholarly dispute.22The ritualsMao Ziyuan's followers practiced, however,were different from traditionalmethods andwere linked toDaoismand Manicheanism.23 According toZhipan (active 1260-1270), theauthor of Fozu tongji (Comprehensive Record of theBuddha andBuddhist Patriarchs),Mao Ziyuan was banished to Jiangzhou inmod

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    354 ern JiangxiProvince because of his heretical practices.24His activities there are not clear, but his impactmust have been enormous.LuYou (1120-1210), the Southern Song literatus,noticed on hisjourney throughMount Luon theway to Shu (modernSichuanProvince) in the summer of 1170 that theWhite Lotus Society ritualheld the firstseven days of the eighthmonth at the Daoist templeTaipingxingguogong onMount Luattractedmore people than ritualsheld atHuiyuan's Donglin Temple on the same mountain. LuYoulamented thatalthough the Lotus Society had been initiatedbyHuiyuan, the firstpatriarchof Chinese Pure LandBuddhism, Daoistpractices of Pure Land Buddhism had overshadowed the orthodoxeven on Mount Lu.25This amalgamation of popular Daoist beliefsand Pure Land Buddhismwas widespread in the north aswell as thesouth. Zanning (919-1001), a prominent Tiantaimonk, recordedwhat he believed to be Daoist rituals used inPure Land societies innorthern China.26The intricatesocioreligious context in the development of Song Pure Land Buddhism provides new perspectives forunderstanding the iconography of theCleveland Amitabha triad.The ambiguity of the readingof the character fo/xian (Buddha/Daoistimmortal)on the painting suggests a heretical, possibly Daoist,origin prevalent inChina during the Southern Song dynasty.Ourunderstanding of how the Cleveland paintingwas used would beenhanced by further investigationof the cults thatproduced it.Given that those who could afford such devotional art for use incontemplation would naturally seek higher grades of rebirth, thispaintingmay have been used in rituals insteadof meditation.27Pak has suggested, based purely on pictorial resemblances, thattheAmitabha triad formatoriginated inportions of illustrationsofParadise, such as the Paradise of Bhaisajyaguru.28Yet the triadhad been used as the center of illustrationsof the Pure Land beforetheTang dynasty.One example is aNorthern Qi dynasty bas-reliefdepicting SukhavatTnow at the Smithsonian Institution'sFreerGalleryof Art.29The triangularcomposition and the triad's largescaleand halos set these figures apart from other figures in the pictorialspace. Furthermore, as seen in the mural in cave 431 at Dunhuang,the Amitabha triad had been used as early as the seventh century inthe depiction of the nine grades of rebirth,an idea that derived fromtheContemplation Sutra.The increased use of Amitabha triads inpaintings and sculpture inthe Song dynastymay have occurred because of the popularizationand secularization of belief inAmitabha.While Shandao emphasized nine grades of rebirth in theContemplation Sutra, he ardentlypromoted illustration of this sutra and was said to have made threehundred such paintings himself.30The popularity of the illustrationof theContemplation Sutra atDunhuang and the ninth-centurywrit

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    ingsof Zhang Yanyuan and Duan Chengshi indicate that Shandao'sinfluencewas felt both atDunhuang and in thewestern capitalChang'an.31But patronage of illustrationsof theContemplation Sutraand other Pure Land sutraswas time-consuming and costly.32Therenowned Tang scholar and official Bai Juyi(772-846), forexample,once spent "thirtythousand ingold" to have the artisan Du ZongjingpaintAmitabha'sWestern Paradise.33Opulent embroideries wereeven more expensive and highly valued. Ithas been estimated that agroup of skilled artisanswould require ten ormore years to complete one embroidered illustration.34 ai Juyiproclaimed, "castingbronzes and painting are not as piously diligent" because "embreidery starts from one silk thread, and ten thousand follow.When themerit-building [stitching] isachieved, laksana-vyanjana [thirty-twolargerand eighty smallermarks on the physical body of Buddha] arecomplete."35Prior to Bai Juyi's time, themonk Cien (632-682), acontemporary of Shandao, had realized that themasses would notbe able to build this level of karma and suggested that if a believerwas unable to afford an illustrationof an entire sutra theAmitabhatriad could be used as an alternative.36His concerns gave the lessaffluentmore devotional power. Setting a precedent for laterpractitioners,Shandao's disciple Huaiyun (late seventh-early eighth century)placed anAmitabha triad in the most magnificent Pure LandHall at the ShijisiMonastery inChang'an, where he served as theabbot.37These elements-Shandao's emphasis on the nine grades ofrebirth,Cien's egalitarianism, andHuaiyun's substitutionof the triadfor illustrationsof SukhavatT r theContemplation Sutra-madeAmitabha triads even more popular.By the Song dynasty, theAmitabha triador simply theAmitabhaimagewere common formatsused inPure Land rituals as well asaids inpersonal meditation.38 For rituals,Amitabha triads representing the nine grades of rebirthwere desired, and insome cases thesetriads could appear asmany as seventeen times at a single ritualsite.39One explanation ofwhy theCleveland Amitabha triadcouldhave been created with its lowest grade of rebirthstatuswas the persistent belief in the nine grades of rebirthpromoted by Shandao. TheCleveland paintingwas probably one of a set of nine representingthe nine grades of rebirthand usedwith paintings of the eight highergrades in rituals.The pictorial arrangementof theCleveland triad,with Amitabhaand bodhisattvasAvalokitesvara facing the left andMahasthamaprapta facing the viewer, is themost individualistic among extantSong Amitabha paintings. This arrangement, alongwith the useofmedallion patterns on Amitabha's robe, iscommonly seen in

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    Figure. 2. Puyue (Chinese).Mahasthamaprapta fromAmitabha Triad, SouthernSong dynasty, 12th century, inkand color on silk, 127.3 x 48.8 cm.Collection of Sho6jke-in, Kyoto.

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    Figure 3. Puyue (Chinese).AmitabhafromAmitabha Triad, Southern Songdynasty, 12th century, inkand color onsilk, 125.6 x 48.6 cm. Collection ofShojoke-in, Kyoto.

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    Figure4. Puyue (Chinese).Avalokitesvara fromAmitabha Triad, SouthernSong dynasty, 12th century, inkand color on silk, 127.2 x 49.9 cm.Collection of Shojoke-in, Kyoto.

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    fourteenth- and fifteenth-centuryKoreanAmitabha triads.Thus, relevant questions include where the Cleveland triadwas producedand ifSino-Korean links exist.Most of the small number of extant reliable Southern Song Buddhist paintings are preserved inJapan.Among them, those depictingAmitabha triadsor Amitabha alone are rarerstill. Several good examples are the twelfth-centuryAmitabha triadby Puyue (fig.2-4),theAmitabha attributed to YuMituo (fig.5), and Amitabha's PureLand, dated 1183 (fig.6).40Together with a few other paintings ofdifferent subjects, these examples allow comparisons based on overall pictorial effect, the renderingof the drapery and crown, and thesignificance of the arrangement and depiction of lotus flowers.The Cleveland Museum triadoccupies the lower half of the pictorialspace, similar tomany Chan master portraitsproduced inSiming,with their inscriptions (orsutra recitations, in this case) written onthe upper portion of the picture. The triad figures are arranged ina

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    Figure 5. Attributed toYuMituo (Chinese, 12th-13th century). Amitabha,Southern Song dynasty, 12th century,ink and color on silk, 111.5 x 48.2 cm.Collection of Konren-ji, Kyoto.

    Figure 6. Amitabha's Pure Land,China,dated 1183, ink and color on silk, 150.5x 92 cm. Collection of Chion-in, Kyoto.

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    pyramid shapewithin a golden nimbus,with Amitabha at the upperrecessed center, Avalokitesvara in the lower right,andMahasthamaprapta in the lower left.Their proportions in the nimbus are hierarchical, but natural and convincing.Surface decoration isanother clue to the origins of such paintings.Toda Teisuke has discussed the subtle use of gold inSouthern Songpaintings.41Southern Song Buddhist painting isalso known for itsrefined and delicate renderingof fabric patterns,which enhance thesplendor of the deities without overshadowing the naturalistic effect.Inboth the Cleveland and Puyue triads, the inkstrokes indicatingthe falls of drapery are not obscured by the complicated fabric patterns.The shapes of the gold medallions on theCleveland Amitabhashift and bend according to the folds of drapery.That kind of painstakingand elaborate depiction, also seen on the robeworn by YuMituo's Amitabha, indicates that naturalismwas more importantthanpurely decorative effects. Furthermore, the drapery on theleft arms of both Amitabha and Avalokitesvara in theClevelandtriad isdepicted inan S-curve, amotif also seen on the leftarm of

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    358

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    Figure 7. Portraitof Wuzhun Shifan,China, Southern Song dynasty, 12thcentury, ink and color on silk, 124.8 x55.2 cm. Collection of Tofuku-ji, Kyoto.

    Avalokitesvara in the Puyue triad and inverted on the sitter's rightmidriff in the Portraitof Wuzhun Shifan (fig. 7). The samemotifappears frequently inpaintings produced inSiming, the center ofBuddhism and Buddhist artduring the Southern Song.42Other elements in the Cleveland and Puyue triads are almost identical. The long, tubularcrowns worn by Cleveland's AvalokitesvaraandMahasthamaprapta and by Puyue's Avalokitesvara echo thefigures' faces. The three lotus buds at the lower rimsand the decorative details of the crowns aswell as the flowing scarves behind thebodhisattvas' heads are similar in the twoworks. The lotus flowersunder the feet of the deities inboth paintings are rendered in threedifferent stages: the flowers cushioning Amitabha's feet are approaching full bloom, Mahasthamaprapta's are past theirprime, andAvalokitesvara's are wilted. The progression in the life of a lotus blossom mirrors different stages of human life, and inboth the Clevelandand the Puyue paintings, the three pairs of lotuses indifferent stagesof bloom imply the same concept. The wilting blossoms cushioningAvalokitesvara's feet reiterate thedeity's role inmost depictions ofAmitabha triads and laiying paintings as the carrierof deceased souls,

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    Figure 8. Amitabha Triad, Korea, 15thcentury, inkand color on silk. Privatecollection, Kyoto.while those in full bloom underAmitabha's feet symbolize renewalof life,providing a visual reminder to believers of their future rebirthfrom the lotus flower inSukhavatT.The Puyue triad, the YuMituo Amitabha, and the PortraitofWuzhun Shifanwere produced in the Siming area. Pictorial and artistic similarities between the Cleveland painting and theworks fromthat region, aswell as the amalgamation of Pure Land and Daoist beliefs thatprevailed at the time, suggest that this paintingwas createdina Siming areaworkshop during the Southern Song.Siming's importanceextended beyond its reputationas a Buddhistcenter. After 1074 itbecame the largestport open toKorea andJapan.43Merchants and monks fromboth countrieswere required toenterChina throughSiming and then proceed to other locations inChina. Thus Siming,with its rich religious activities and numerousrenowned painting workshops, served as the export capital of religious ideologies and artistic styles in the Southern Song.It is not surprising to find strikingsimilarities between the Clevelandpainting andmany laterKoreanAmitabha triadpaintings, such as theAmitabha triad in fig. 8.44These similarities can be seen in the ar

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    360 rangementof the triad,with Amitabha andAvalokitesvara facingleft andMahasthamaprapta facing the viewer, in the depiction of thedrapery lines, and in the use of nearly identical medallion patternson the robes.45Despite these resemblances, many differences set the twelfthcentury Song painting apart from fourteenth- and fifteenth-centuryKorean paintings. First,KoreanAmitabha triad figures usually overlapone another from lower right to upper left in slightly crampedpictorial space. Second, unlike the pyramidal structure of theCleveland triad, the compositions of theKorean triads recede,withthe lotus flower pedestals forming a straight line under the figures'feet but providing no sense of depth. Third, the extant examples leadus to believe thatKorean artistsdid not seek a naturalistic appearance of the three lotus flowers. The petals are contorted and stylized, suggesting that the symbolism of various stages in the life of alotus, found in the Puyue andCleveland triads,was not a concernof Korean artists. Fourth, themedallion patterns applied to Koreanworks aremuch denser than those on the Cleveland and YuMituo

    paintings and tend toobscure the drapery folds. Fifth, an overlydecorative quality seen in the heavy scarves worn by bodhisattvasand the elaborate garland of leavesworn byMahasthamaprapta arenot found inChinese Amitabha triads.Finally,Korean examplestend to use gold liberally.The garments of the three deities shimmerwith brilliant gold, and the reverse swastika on Amitabha's chestandWheels of the Law on his palms, motifs not seen inextantSouthern Song examples, are ingold. These characteristics ofKoreanAmitabha triadpaintings are often found incontemporaneous paintings of different subjects, as has been noted by Koreanand Japanese scholars.46Judging from the similarities and derivations of the Korean style from theCleveland triad, it is likely thattheCleveland painting orworks in the same stylewere brought toKorea fromSiming and became a prototype forKoreanAmitabhatriadpainters two centuries later.

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    The importanceof the Cleveland triadshould not be overlookedmerely because of its representationof the lowest status of rebirth.On the contrary, itsuniqueness, reflected in its iconographical complexity and its role inbridging Sino-Korean artistic styles,makes itan invaluable example in the studyof art history and Chinese religious cults. Italso offers a reminder that often a painting encompasses many of the social conditions fromwhich itwas created andthat no single perspective is suitable forexplaining an entire culture.Moreover, while JapaneseBuddhism developed fromChineseBuddhism, themeanings and uses ofmudra differed in the twocountries. Similarities indepiction do not necessarily imply similarities in iconography and ritualfunction indifferent societies andcultures. Thus, the truemeaning, function, and iconographyof theCleveland Amitabha triadcan be best understood in itspropersocioreligious context.PanAn-yiUniversity of Kansas

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    362 Iam grateful to J.KeithWilson,Associate Curator of Chinese Art, for hishelp during my visit toThe ClevelandMuseum of Art inMay 1992. Iwouldalso like to thankMinoru Nishigami,Curator of Chinese Painting at theKyotoNational Museum, for his invaluablehelp duringmy visit there inJuneof thesame year.

    1. CMA 4.35 Amitabha with Two AttendingBodhisattvas, hanging scroll, inkand color on silk, 133.5 x 79.3 cm.China, Southern Song dynasty, 12th13th century. Purchase, LeonardC.Hanna, Jr.,Bequest. Exhibitions:Cleveland, KansasCity, Tokyo, 19801982: EightDynasties of Chinese Painting:The Collections of theNelsonGallery-AtkinsMuseum, Kansas City,and The Cleveland Museum of Art,cat. byWai-kam Ho et al. (Cleveland,1980), 63-65, illus.;Cleveland, 1975:Cleveland Museum of Art, The Year inReview for 1974, cat: TheBulletin ofThe Cleveland Museum ofArt 62, 3(1975): no. 167, illus.Lawrence, Kansas,and San Francisco, 1994-1995: SpencerMuseum of Art and Asian ArtMuseum ofSan Francisco, The Avery BrundageCollection, LatterDays of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850-1850,cat. byMarshaWeidner et al. (Lawrenceand Honolulu, 1994), 226-28, illus.Publication: Kei Suzuki, American andCanadian Collections, inComprehensiveIllustratedCatalog of Chinese Paintings(Tokyo, 1982), 1 :fig.A22-060.2. The Contemplation Sutra ispreservedinTaish6 shinshOdaiz6ky6 (Tokyo,1969), 12:340-46. It is themost recentsutraamong theThree Pure Land Sutras,probably compiled in the fourthcentury.The only Chinese translation issaid tohave been made by Kalayasas between423 and 453. An English translationbyJ.Takakusu is included inMax Muller,ed., BuddhistMahayana Texts, inSacredBooks of theEast (NewYork, 1969),49:161-201. While Amitayur-dhyanaSutra isusually translated"VisualizationSutra,"Wai-kam Ho believes that "Contemplation Sutra"more precisely expresses themeaning of guan, becausepractitionerswould not visualize, butcontemplate, Buddha (Wai-kamHo tothe author, 1994).3. The sixteen contemplations are on thesetting sun,water, earth, and so on. SeetheContemplation Sutra inTaish6shinshOdaizokyo, 12:341c-46a.

    4. FujitaKotatsu, "TheTextualOriginsof the KuanWu-liang-shou-fo ching: ACanonical Scripture of Pure LandBuddhism," trans.Kenneth Tanaka, inRobertE.Buswell, Jr.,ed., Chinese BuddhistApocrypha (Hawaii, 1990), 147-74.See also JulianF. Pas, "TheKuanWuliang-shou-fo ching: ItsOrigin and LiteraryCriticism," inLeslie S. Kawamuraand Keith Scott, eds., Buddhist ThoughtandAsian Civilization: Essays inHonorof Herbert V.Guenther on His SixtiethBirthday (Emeryville,Calif., 1977),192-218.5. Elizabeth tenGrotenhuis, The Revivalof The TaimaMandala inMedievalJapan (NewYork and London, 1985),146-52.6. At least three earlier sutraspromisethewelcoming descent of Amitabha:Foshuo wuliang qingjing pingdengjuejing, inTaish6 shinshOdaiz6kyo,361:281c, translatedby Lakaraksa in thelatterhalf of the second century;Aparimitayus-sutra (FoshuoAmituosanye sanfo saloufotan guodu rendaojing, inTaisho shinshuidaiz6kyo,362:361 b-61c), translatedby Zhiqian inthe second quarterof the thirdcentury;and SukhavatT-vyuhasutra (FoshuoAmituo jing, inTaish6 shinshu daizdkyo,366:347b), translatedby Kumarajivaaround AD400. See Alexander CoburnSoper, LiteraryEvidence forEarlyBuddhist Art inChina (Ascona, Switz.,1959), 141.7. Zhongguo shiku,Dunhuang Mogaoku(Beijing, 1981), 3:pl. 37.8. Taishd shinshu daizokyo, 12:344c346a.9. For a detailed discussion of the concept of kalpa, seeWilliam EdwardSoothill and LewisHodous, A Dictionaryof Chinese Buddhist Terms,with Sanskritand EnglishEquivalents and a SanskritPali Index (London, 1934), Taiwan ed.,Zuixin Han Ying foxue dacidian (Taibei,1982), 232.10. Taisho shinshOdaizoky6, 12:346a.11. Although the signature and datewere added at the time the paintingwascreated,Wai-kam Ho has pointed outthat itwas a pious attributionwith nointent tomislead (EightDynasties ofChinese Painting, 65).

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    12. JohnM. Rosenfield and Elizabeth tenGrotenhuis, Journeyof the Three Jewels:JapaneseBuddhist Paintings fromWesternCollections (NewYork, 1979), 112,no. 32;Young-sook Pak, "AmitabhaTriad:A Kory6 Painting in the BrooklynMuseum," in"SambuiKimWon-yongPaksa ch6ngny6n t'oeim kinyomnonch'ong (Festschriftfor Professor KimWon-yong)," Korean Art and Archaeology (Seoul)2 (198): 515-16 (inEnglish).Iam grateful to professorMarshaWeidner at theUniversity of Kansas forbringing this article tomy attention.

    13. Pak, "AmitabhaTriad," 516; see alsonote 9.14. Ono Gemmyb, Ono GemmydBukkyo geijutsu chosaku shu (Tokyo,1977), 4:126 and 3:1160.15.Mochizuki Shinkb,MochizukiBukky6 daijiten (Tokyo, 1968), 1:710b.16. J6dokyo, inZusetsu Nihon noBukky6 (Tokyo, 1989), 6. Hisaharahonzuzo, inTaisho shinsho daizdky6, Iconography, 4:6.17.The Song monk Shouzhen, for example, formed the secretmudra ofAmitabha while contemplating theWestern Paradise (Taish6shinshu daiz6kyo,2071:135a), and another Song monk,Sizhao, formed amudra at themomentof death while chantingAmitabha'sname (TaishdshinshOdaizdkyo,2071:135c).18. Ho, EightDynasties of ChinesePainting, 65.19. Tsukamoto Zenry0, "Lifeof Ch'engyuan and His Doctrine of the 'PureLand'," T6oh Gakuh6 (Kyoto)2 (1931):228-32 and 240-41 (inJapanese).20. Zhipan, vol. 54 of Fozu tongji, inTaish6 shinsho daiz6kyo, 49:475a.For furtherdiscussions see Daniel L.

    Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion: Dissenting Sects inLateTraditionalChina(Cambridge,Mass., 1976), 77-78;Overmyer, "TheWhite Cloud Sect inSung and Yuan China," Harvard ournalofAsiatic Studies 42, 2 (1982): 615.

    21. "Penance" isa direct translation oftheChinese character chan and isnot related to the concept of confessioninCatholicism. Mao Ziyuan's ritualwas mentioned inZhipan, vol. 54 ofFozu tongji, inTaish6 shinshu daiz6kyo,49:475a.22. These disputes are caused mainly bytwo different sets ofmaterials, written bydifferent authors at different times, thatpresent totallyopposite views of MaoZiyuan. One isFozu tongji (invol. 49 ofTaisho shinshOdaizdkyo) by the Southern Song monk Zhipan and the other isLianzong baojian (ThePrecious Mirror ofthe LotusSchool, invol. 47 of Taish6shinshu daizdky6) by theYuan dynastymonk Pudu (active 1300-1312). WhileOvermyer reliedmostly on the lattersource, Japanese andChinese scholarsprefer to trustthe earlier records.SeeOvermyer, Folk Buddhist Religion, 13032; Shigematsu Shunsho, "ChuqideBailianjiaohui" (TheWhite LotusSocietyin itsEarlyStage), trans.T'ao Hsi-sheng,Shihuo 1,4 (1935): 143-51; and TaiHsuan-chih, "Bailian jiaode benzhi"(TheTrueNature of theWhite LotusSect), inShida xuebao 12 (1967): 11928. It is importantto note that theWhite LotusSociety isdifferent from theLotus Society traditionallyassociatedwith Huiyuan.23. See note 20.24. Zhipan, vol. 54 of Fozu tongji, inTaishd shinshu daizokyo, 49:475a.25. LuYou, Rushuji (Zhibuzhuzhaicongshu, no. 3) inBaibu congshujicheng, no. 29 (Taibei, 1965), 3:14b15a. See also B. J.TerHaar, TheWhiteLotus Teachings inChinese ReligiousHistories (Leidenand New York, 1992),51, 61, and 70. Iam grateful to ProfessorDaniel Stevenson at the University ofKansas forbringing tomy attention thismost recent study on theWhite LotusSociety inChinese history.26. Zanning, "Jieshefawenji," inQuanSong wen (Chengdu, 1988-90), 39:646.The same article isalso recorded inLebangwenlue (Taisho shinshudaizokyo, 2:177b).

    363

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    364 27.Wai-kam Ho andYoung-sookPak both believe that theClevelandpaintingwas a device formeditation.While Ho related thispainting to thePratyutpannasamadhimethod (EightDynasties of Chinese Painting, 64),Pak emphasized that theContemplationSutrawas exclusively devoted tomeditation ("AmitabhaTriad," 519).Pak, however, did not explain the relationship between the sutraand theCleveland painting.28. Pak, "AmitabhaTriad,"515 and pl. 3.29. For an illustrationsee China, inThe FreerGallery of Art (Tokyo,1981),1:pl. 78.30. Taishd shinshOdaizokyo, 2072:130b.31. Shandao's writing has been found inDunhuang. See Tsukamoto Zenry0, T6chuki no Jdokyo (Chinese Buddhism intheMiddle Period of theT'ang Dynasty,with Special Reference to Fa-chao andtheDoctrine of the Pure Land) (Kyoto,1933), 100.32. TenGrotenhuis, The Revival of TheTaimaMandala inMedieval apan, 97.33. Bai juyi ji jianjiao (Shanghai, 1988),71:3081-82; see also Taishd shinshOdaizdky6, 47:183c.34. Taishd shinshOdaizoky6, 47:179,183c; tenGrotenhuis, TheRevival ofThe TaimaMandala inMedieval Japan,97.35. Bai Juyi ji jianjiao, 70:3760-61 and39:2645.36. Cien, Xifang yaojue zhishi tongguei,inTaish6 shinshu daiz6kyo, 47:109c.37. Sizhuang, "Shijisigu sizhu Huaiyunfengle zeng Longshandashi beimingbingxu," inQuan Tangwen (Taibei,1977), 916:4b-5a.

    38. Zhunshi, Wangshengjingtu chanyi,inTaisho shinshOdaizokyo, 47:490c94c; see also Lebang yigao, inTaishoshinshOdaizokyo, 47:241 b.39. Zhunshi, Wangshengjingtu chanyi,inTaishd shinshOdaizdkyo, 47:491 a.Chen Quan, "Yanqingsi jingtuyuan ji,"inLebangwenlue, inTaish6 shinshOdaiz6ky6, 47:185.40. The attribution of this painting toYuMituo isbased on a piece of papermounted on the back of the painting. YuMituo, according toZhipan, was fromQiantang, Zhejiang, and his monk namewas Jingsi.An ardent believer in theContemplation Sutra, hewas a painterof Buddhist subjects. It is said thathewould firstmeditate ina quiet roombefore picking up a brush.One day hewas painting an imageof Amitabha, butbefore he put brush to paper, he experienced the brilliant lightof Amitabha.He thusobtained the essence of thebrush (forpaintingAmitabha). Becauseof thisevent, people called him YuMituo, "theone who understandsAmitabha" (Zhipan,vol. 27 of Fozutongji, inTaish6 shinshOdaizokyo,49:280b). The Qing dynasty Pure Landbeliever YuMinxing also recorded asimilar story, adding thatYuMituo diedin 1137 (YuMinxing, Jingtuquanshu,inManji Zokuzokyo (Taibei, 1976),109:461 b). Ifthis attribution iscorrect,the paintingwas probably done before1137, the recorded death of the painter,and itmay have been one of three thatoriginally formed a triad, like thatof thePuyue triad.41. Toda Teisuke, "TheUse of Gold inSouthern SungAcademic Painting," inAlfredaMurck andWen C. Fong, eds.,Words and Images (NewYork, 1991),313-32.42. Fordiscussion of Siming, see SuzukiKei,Mindai kaiga shi kenkyu, Seppa(TheStudy ofMing PaintingHistory,Zhe School) (Tokyo, 1968), 77-122; andCh'eng Kuang-yu, "SongdaiMingzhouzhumin shansi" (FamousMountainTemples atMingzhou in the SongDynasty), inStudies on T'ang-SungHistory (HongKong, 1987], 177-95 (inChinese).

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    43. See Sung Hsi, "Songshang zai SongLimaoyi zhong de gongxian" (TheContributions of SongMerchants inSino-KoreanTrade), inSongshi yanjiu ji(TheStudy of Song History) (Taibei,1979), 11:228; Ch'en Tai-hsia, "Gaoli,Songchao zhijian shichen lucheng kao"(Investigationof theRoutes of Ambassadors between Korea and Song Dynasty),in LinTien-wai and JosephWong, eds.,Studies on Relations between China,Korea, and apan inAncient Times(HongKong, 1987), 135; Ahn Hwi-joon,"Importationof Chinese Painting intoKoreaDuring the Kory6 and EarlyYiDynasties," Yamato Bunka, no. 62(1977): 2 (inJapanese).44. Examples of Amitabha triads in thisformatof Korean origin are numerous.Among those thathave been publishedareYoung-sook Pak, "AmitabhaTriad,"figs. 1, 2, 11;ChungWoo-thak, "Illustrations ofAmitabha and EightBodhisattvasin theKory6 Period," Yamato Bunka,no. 80 (1988): figs. 11, 13, 14;Museumof Yamato Bunka, Special Exhibition:Korean Buddhist Paintings of theKoryoDynasty (Nara,1987), figs. 14-17.45. Many scholars have suggested thatthe use of medallion patterns isexclusively or most distinctive of Korean Buddhist paintings. See Uyeno Aki, "SomeCharacteristics of Kory6Buddhist Paintings," inKoryoBuka (Tokyo, 1981), 22(inJapanese);Hayashi Susumu, "OntheSuigetsu Kannon Paintings of theKory6 Period," Bijutsushi, no. 102(1977): 112 (inJapanese);DonohashiAkio, "MaitreyaPreaching and SeveralScenes from theMaitreya-vyakaranaSutra in theKory6Dynasty," YamatoBunka, no. 66 (1980): 3 (inJapanese).Uyeno furtherproposed thatKoreanmedallion patterns do not bend and shiftaccording to drapery folds ("SomeCharacteristics of Kory6Buddhist Paintings,"18). Infact,medallion patternswereused inpaintings, ceramics, and sculptures inChina, Korea, and Japansimultaneously, and Korean medallion patternsdo bend and shift according to draperyfolds. InJune 1992 this author examineda Kory6 dynasty seated Sakyamuni paintingbelonging toZenrin-ji, now kept intheKyoto National Museum. The painting ispublished inNihon koji bijutsu

    zenshO (Tokyo, 1982), 21 :pl.56. Muchlargerthanmost Kory6Amitabha triadpaintings, thispainting shows bendingand shiftingmedallion patterns. Itssizemay have provided an incentive forKorean artists to addmore minute details.Identicalmedallion patterns can also befound in regions farapart.The dragonmedallion pattern on the robe ofa Xixia donor incave 409 atDunhuang(Huihua bian, inZhongguo meishuquanji [Beijing, 1985], 15:pl. 181) isidentical to that of the fabricchair coverin the PortraitofZhiyi in the Saikyo-ji,Shiga Prefecture, said to have been produced inSiming (YonezawaYoshihoand Nakata Yujiro, eds., Genshoku Nihonno bijutsu [Tokyo,1971], 29:pl. 81.)The strikingsimilarities between theCleveland painting and Korean examplesis not unusual, given the active tradebetween southern China and Korea fromthe lateTang and FiveDynasties on.Exportof Chinese artisans and goods toKorea arewell-known practices.Motifscould have been transmittedthroughvariousmeans, such as paintings, ceramics, artists'model books, or even textiles.46. Among the articles devoted to thisarea of study are:Kikutake Jun'ichi,"China and Japan inTheirConnectionwith Kory6Buddhist Painting," inKoryoBuka;Uyeno, "SomeCharacteristics ofKory6Buddhist Paintings";YoshidaHiroshi, "Dated Kory6Buddhist Paintings," inKoryoBuka;ChungWoo-thak,"PaintingofAmitabha and EightBodhisattavas of theKory6Dynasty,Mainly theOnes Owned byKofukugokuzenji inSaga Prefecture,"Yamato Bunka,no. 75 (1986): 17-28 (in Japanese);ChungWoo-thak, "The IllustrationsofAmitabha and EightBodhisattvas of theKory6 Dynasty," Yamato Bunka, no. 80(1988): 1-16 (inJapanese);ChungWoo-thak, "Paintingof Amida Nyorai(Amitabha) in theCollection of the Bankof Japan,"Museum (Tokyo),no. 453(1988): 17-34 (in Japanese);Pak,"AmitabhaTriad";Young-sook Pak,"KsitigarbhaAs Supreme Lord of theUnderworld, a Korean Buddhist Paintingin theMuseum furOstasiatische KunstinBerlin,"Oriental Art 23, 1 (1977):96-104; Hayashi, "On theSuigetsuKannon Paintings of theKory6 Period,"

    101-17.

    365