8 issues and insights mumbai | 17 august 2019 breaking ... · new delhi's lodhi colony....

Yes sir. I’m quite sure, sir. There wouldbe light rain… just light rain in themorning,” our guest assures an official

on the other end of the phone managing theshow for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’sIndependence Day address from the Red Fort.It is a muggy August 14 afternoon. The PM’sOffice is on its toes, praying for a no-rain I-Day, and they have just got an assurance fromMrutyunjay Mohapatra, the new chief of thecountry’s met department, that the eventwon’t be a washout.

With a degree of confidence one rarely seesin weathermen, Mohapatra assures the caller,and gets back to our conversation. We arealready one drink into it. When we had askedhim a few minutes ago what he would like todrink, Mohapatra had said “I don’t takedrinks” with the sincerity of a child. So he issipping a lemonade, as we accli-matise ourselves to the comfort-ably cool air around us in Tres inNew Delhi's Lodhi Colony. “Urbanheat island effect,” he says. For theuninitiated, that’s why we feelwarmer in a city than in the sur-rounding rural areas.

In no time — and for countlesstimes during our conversation —we find ourselves discussing thefreak weather phenomena.Floods have ravaged hundreds ofvillages and inundated severaltowns in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnatakaand Kerala. “These instances are increasing,and would increase further. This is the veryreason we have started impact-based fore-cast at the district level,” he tells us taking asip from his glass.

European cuisine is new to Mohapatra.Indeed, anything apart from regular Indianfood is a rarity for him, given his work hours.“I go to office even on weekends, at least forhalf a day. I cannot do research work on week-days.” He rarely eats outside, and is contentwith home-cooked food. And yes, he is happythat Odisha Rasagola received theGeographical Indication (GI) tag.

We are sitting at a corner table in theunusually quiet restaurant. Maybe becauseit is bang in the middle of a week with two

holidays — a large chunk of Delhiites wouldbe holidaying out of the city. Mohapatra doesnot eat chicken or red meat but eats hisseafood with as much relish as he does rice,his staple. As we order some prawns to startwith, we get some neighbours — thankfully,soft-spoken ones.

Mohapatra enters his favourite territory— cyclones.

Fondly called the “cyclone man” of India,thanks to his ability to tame cyclones — thatis, minimising their impact — he goes backto October 29, 1971. His father hadassumed the role of a “nowcaster”, hesays, and had saved a hundred livesby getting fellow villagers to their“mantu ghar”, or a house with a safeterrace, hours before a cyclone hitRajgurupur. Nowcast is a special

weather advisory issued bythe meteorological depart-ment three hours before anextreme weather event, such asa thunderstorm, occurs.

He wouldn’t have known, hesays, that 18 years later, he wouldget his first big inspiration, andcome face-to-face with his firstbiggest challenge. In 1999, Indiatest-fired the Agni-II ballistic mis-sile under the Prime Ministershipof Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and theable and scientific guidance of for-

mer President of India APJ Abdul Kalam.Mohapatra, then a junior scientist at DRDO,was monitoring the test at the launchpad inBalasore. Before the fire, Kalam had visitedeach and every department on the campus,to shake hands with all scientists and engi-neers and wish them luck. “I shook hands withKalam,” he remembers fondly.

The same year, India received sub-normalmonsoon after six years of excellent rainfall. Inlate October, Odisha was hit by an unprece-dented cyclonic storm that took more than10,000 lives. Once again, Mohapatra was at thespot. “The IMD was not well equipped to han-dle such mega-cyclones back then,” he recallspoignantly. It was this experience that preparedhim for the 2013 cyclone Phailin. Thanks toaccurate prediction, around half a million peo-

ple could be moved to safe shelters in a week— India’s biggest modern-day evacuation.

The next milestone: The 2019 cyclone Fani.Massive in its severity, but managed success-fully by minimising fatality. Mohapatrasmiles, asserting that India’s cyclone warningsystem is now better than that of Japan andAustralia. “Catching up with the sophistica-tion the US boasts of remains,” he says, enjoy-ing the last of his prawns.

For the main course, Mohapatra ordersseabass. It arrives in no time — a wholesomefish portion, pampered with jalapeno and ten-der barley. “The knowledge about the rains isnot new to us Indians,” he turns the page. “Ourrishis (saints) used to do yagnas (sacrificial

offering) to pray for a good monsoon. That isa fact.” Traversing from mythology to obser-vational science, he tells us that the first-evercyclone warning system dates back to 1864,when British ships in the Bay of Bengal sentadvisories to the port capital of Calcutta aboutthe intensity of a storm.

Having praised our advanced cyclonewarning system, he concedes with despair thatthe low density of our ground and air obser-vational network makes it difficult to accu-rately predict the time and place of extremeand sudden weather events. Against a require-ment of 55 radars, India has just 26 of them atpresent, he adds.

Mohapatra’s love for rice is amply evident.“The food is good, I like it. But let us have rice,else I will feel I have skipped lunch,” he says.A risotto comes to our table, and he seems toget the stimulus to speak on. Continuing anearlier discussion on the poor state of scienceawareness among the masses in the country,he says he wants to take weather observatoriesto schools. “If children learn science by oper-ating weather stations, they will be better cit-izens when they become part of the active

economy,” he seems to ponder over anunknown future.

So what does Mohapatra do when heis not trying to decode the vagaries ofnature? He loves to write in whatever

time that is left from his no-holiday job.He has, in his car trunk, an unpublished vol-

ume of the Bhagwad Gita, translated into hismother tongue. “How can a person like me,who is uneducated and understand nothingbut Odia, know the Gita,” his grandmotherwould ask him. He took it up as a challengeand translated the Gita. He uses the “navak-shari chhanda” (nine-letter format). He hasalso compiled the scientific aspects elucidatedin the Odia Bhagabata, a cosmo-religious taleof Hindu deity, Krishna.

We decide to skip dessert. Mohapatra letsout a secret — luck has played a key role ingetting him to the place he finds himself today.His elevation as the head of the forecastingmodernisation programme in 2008 was dueto the sudden exit of a senior colleague fromthe IMD to Isro. That senior colleague is nowthe secretary in the earth sciences ministry.

“Kaama na kale khaiba nahin,” (oneshould not eat unless one has completed one’sjob) he says, with a sigh of contentment as weprepare to disperse. Who would not feel con-tented after clearing the stage for none otherthan the country’s Prime Minister!

The isles are full of noises. I mean theBritish Isles where this is being writ-ten. The noises are not only the groans

of victims of the Peterloo Massacre of August16, 1819, but today’s muffled talk of crises andmuted whispers of coups. Since they concernparliament and constitutionality, there’s astrong resemblance with the exciting timesof Indira Gandhi and Gyani Zail Singh.

Boris Johnson boisterously prancingabout with a House of Commons majorityof only one recalls Mrs Gandhi’s defianceafter the Allahabad High Court judgment.The pious expected her to resign. Her adver-

saries hoped she would be toppled. Her fearwas a stab in the back from ambitious col-leagues if she didn’t attend the Lok Sabha,or attended but couldn’t vote. Her most loy-al supporter was Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed,the president, whose position, JawaharlalNehru had claimed, was analogous to thatof Britain’s sovereign. Reading what someBritish politicians expect from QueenElizabeth, I can hear Zail Singh saying witha smile and a shake of his turbaned head, “Ican but I won’t!”.

He meant sacking Rajiv Gandhi, theprime minister. The Queen, too, can dismissMr Johnson whom she appointed primeminister, according to British constitutionalexperts. But Dr Ruth Fox, director of theHansard Society, adds that “it it is incumbenton politicians to resolve this (the present cri-sis) politically”. With his term drawing to aclose, another talking point was whetherRajiv would acquiesce in Gyani standingagain. In the event, Zail Singh anticipatedDr Fox’s political prudence. He didn’t sackRajiv or contest the presidentship again.

Chatting informally in RashtrapatiBhavan in those tumultuous days, Zail Singhturned out to be an easy man to talk to, con-siderate of my limited Hindi and surprisinglyfamiliar with British precedents. When I

asked about the basis for appointing Rajivprime minister, he at once brought up the1956 Suez crisis and the vacuum left by SirAnthony Eden’s resignation without recom-mending a successor. Zail Singh believed —quite accurately too — that the Queen tookadvice she thought appropriate and appoint-ed the man she felt best able to repair thedamage of an ignominious war. Similarly, hefelt in 1984 that Rajiv alone could restorepublic confidence after the tragedy of MrsGandhi’s assassination.

He would have appreciated the presentchallenge to the most aristocratic of democ-racies and the most democratic of aristocra-cies. John Bercow, the Commons speaker,vows to “fight with every breath in my body”any move by Mr Johnson to bypass or closedown parliament. John McDonnell, theshadow chancellor of the exchequer, threat-ens to send Jeremy Corbyn (leader of theopposition) “in a cab to Buckingham Palaceto say we’re taking over” if Mr Johnson losesa no-confidence vote and refuses to quit. MrCorbyn’s own preference is to head a “care-taker government” to continue negotiationswith the European Union. Even the egre-gious Brexit Party leader, Nigel Farage, hintsthat his hat is in the prime ministerial ring.

Behind these histrionics is Mr Johnson’s

obsessive determination — aided and abet-ted by his powerful but unpopular strategicadviser Dominic Cummings but by few oth-ers of any standing — to take Britain out ofthe EU on October 31 even without a divorcesettlement. Since many MPs, includingprominent Conservatives, oppose such aninglorious exit, theorists have begun to lookfor a solution to the 93-year-old Queen whohas been on the throne 67 years, and seenthe rise and fall of 13 prime ministers,including the first female incumbent withwhom her relations were reportedly correctbut cool.

But royal powers exist mainly in theory.Not since Queen Anne in 1707 has anymonarch refused assent to a bill. Not since1834 has any British monarch dismissed aprime minister. No wonder the telephonelines are said to be humming between theQueen’s private secretary, Edward Young, thecabinet secretary, Sir Mark Sedwill, and theprime minister’s principal private secretary,Peter Hill. This “golden triangle” of secre-taries is determined to keep the Queen outof controversial entanglements on the 200thanniversary of the Peterloo Massacre.

Already, the former foreign secretary, SirMalcolm Rifkind, has announced that while“King Charles lost his head by flouting theconstitution, Mr Johnson will wish to keephis, while some around him are, clearly, los-ing theirs”. The pointed reference is to thepresumptuous Mr Cummings. The directwarning is to the prime minister. But there’salso an oblique message to Her Majesty: 21stcentury monarchs reign but mustn’t pre-sume to rule.

Why she can, but won’tThe Queen can dismiss Boris Johnson, according to British constitutional experts.But then, 21st century monarchs reign but mustn’t presume to rule

WHERE MONEY TALKSSUNANDA K DATTA RAY

When we were young and cameto Santiniketan, we neverrealised the lack of it. Maybe

because most of our garbage then wasbiodegradable and just went into a com-post pit somewhere in the large garden.But once I permanently shifted in 2003 toSantiniketan, I realised this place had noconservancy services. Jurisdictionally,Santiniketan is divided into two parts. Onepart comes under the Visva BharatiUniversity and the other under the Ruppurgram panchayat. Since none of them arecapable of providing conservancy services,residents just chuck their garbage wher-ever they fancy.

Add to this, the hordes of tourists who

arrive every weekend, and you can imag-ine the state of the streets of Santiniketanand the amount of plastic piling up.

So many years ago, my husband andI decided to start a door-to-door plasticcleaning service for our neighbourhoodof over 150 households. Initially, thiswas funded by us and then residentsstarted making purely voluntary con-tributions to see us through almost adecade of cleaning.

Emboldened by this, we decided toextend this to the rest of Santiniketan.While a hand pulled rickshaw van had suf-ficed to cover our area, we needed some-thing bigger and faster if we were to do thewhole of Santiniketan. We decided to buyan electronic three-wheeler (popularlyknown as the Toto) fitted with a hydraulicdumper. A few of us, like-minded in ourfight against pollution, raised enoughmoney from friends and family to buy thevehicle and pay for the battery rechargecost and driver’s salary for a year.

We then printed leaflets explaininghow the Toto would visit each area oncea week and collect only the plastic thatthe household had accumulated. Forthis, we sought a voluntary monthlydonation of ~50. We were hitting 1,000households and thought even if halfthese people opted to pay, our monthlyexpenses would be taken care of.

But for Santiniketan people, ~50 is abig sum. Even though reality haschanged and both academic and non-academic staff earn handsome salaries.A friend who had studied at the artsdepartment at the university and is nowa renowned sculptor had donated gen-erously towards the initial toto buyingfund. When we told him about our ~50donation plan he said “Oh! they will say‘zero’ means nothing and what will youdo with ~5” in order to avoid paying. Weall laughed.

But we realised how well he knewSantiniketan because the reticence tocome out with ~50 was for real. Maybe formost of them it was a case of ensuringthey were paying for a service that wouldbe regular and consistent. So that wethought was fair. They would pay if wewere able to demonstrate consistency.

But for many other households thatwas not the case. They simply didn’t wantthe service because they said they don’taccumulate any plastic. “We take ourown bag to shop”, they said by way ofexplanation. “But what about biscuitpackets, shampoo bottles and a millionother plastic packaging which hasbecome part of our lifestyle?” Theanswer: A gentle shutting of doors.

Of course, they don’t have any. Theyare quietly being burnt. All to save ~50.

The fear of ~50

Royal families the world over haveclaimed legitimacy to the throneas a divine right, not least in Europe

where the Roman Catholic Church choseto meddle in the affairs of state by the pow-er vested in it. The Bourbons addressedLouis XIV with the epithet ‘Sun God’.Ancient Egyptians maintained a close rela-tionship with Ra. The Incas believed thesun to be an ancestor. But direct kinship tothe sun belonged in India, where hisdescendants included the good kingHarishchandra, followed some generationslater by Dashrath, whence starts theRamayan. Dashrath’s son Ram was the pro-genitor of the twins Luv and Kush whose

own children went on to rule parts of India. I am no historian, or mythologian, but

even so I have not come across dynasticclaimants of Lakshman, Bharat orShatrughan, though they too must exist.But of appellants to Ram’s lineage, thereare several, Suryavanshis all, of whom theSisodias are primus inter pares. TheChittaur rulers of Mewar (more recentlyto be found in Udaipur) believe themselvessprung from Luv, who went on to establishLuvkote, the earlier name for Lahore, nowin Pakistan. The sun may have been boun-tiful in their kingdom but was not alwaysbenevolent, causing them generations ofhardship under Mughal rule, but the spiritof the Sisodias did not break. The sun thatset over Empire shone brightly over theirneck of the woods.

Kush, in turn, went on to establish hislineage by way of the Kachchawas, whoseleading dynastic claimants ruled mostrecently from Amber and Jaipur, and didwell by themselves. True, they were war-riors, but they seemed to have dabbled inreal estate as well — the land on which theTaj Mahal in Agra is built was part of theirestate, as apparently was Ramkot inAyodhya where they ordered a Ram tem-ple. Princess Diya Kumari, an MP in thecurrent dispensation, reports that herfather was the 309th descendant of Kush,while Maharana Arvind Singh Mewar is

the 232nd descendant of Luv. The MewarSisodias appear to have been blessed witha longevity not given to the AmberKachchawas. Meanwhile, counter-claimsto Luv’s progeny from Alwar haveemerged. One may concede Diya Kumari’sassertion that there are millions of descen-dants — and admirers — of Ram, but acase is being made about “direct” lineage.

In 21st-century India, Ayodhya aside,do such incredulous claims matter? InBikaner recently to address some securityconcerns, I met senior officials from repub-lican India appointed through a civil com-petition system. The one assigned to ourcase made it clear that he was “privileged”to proceed with his official duties havingestablished, through rigorous questioning,that we were, indeed, offspring of the sun.

History may have served our familywell, but we are serving it somewhat poorly.For some recent rituals in the clan, I foundit difficult to recall the names of our great-grandfathers, leave alone their forebearsof a few hundred generations. Of grannies,alas, our knowledge remains poorer still.However, as a member of the House ofKachchawas, I’m staking a claim too — notto Ayodhya or the Ram temple, as my huge-ly distant cousins have already declared,but to a slice of antiquity and a smidgeonof respect. As Ram’s descendant, howeverambiguously, I demand it in his name.

I’m staking a claim too...

PEOPLE LIKE USKISHORE SINGH

PEOPLE LIKE THEMKEYA SARKAR

8 ISSUES AND INSIGHTS>

MUMBAI | 17 AUGUST 2019

LUNCH WITH BS > MRUTYUNJAY MOHAPATRA | DIRECTOR GENERAL | INDIA METEOROLOGICAL DEPARTMENT

Abasic, usefulassumption inneo-classical eco-

nomics is simply thatcompanies are responsi-ble only to their share-holders, and have the sin-gle goal of maximisingprofits. That serves youvery well for a few years;after a while, you discoverthat in fact managers arecapable of surreptitiouslyseizing control of compa-nies that they do not own.And so you have to learnprincipal-agent theory —

the owners are the principal, and the manager their agent— to try and work out how to get companies working prop-erly at profit maximisation again, perhaps through tweak-ing how managers are compensated.

But, in today’s world, who do companies really have torespond to? Increasingly, it's the state — whether as owner,regulator, or goon.

Consider the question of “mandatory” corporate socialresponsibility, such as the government has now indicatedit will introduce. CSR itself was nothing more than a boon-doggle — an attempt to corral private resources to servepoliticians’ objectives. In many cases, CSR money was spenton politicians’ favourite charities, or on welfare in their con-stituencies. In cases where no politician was directlyinvolved, it became just another way for promoters to denytheir fare share of the profits to small shareholders — thetwo per cent of profits mandated by CSR would go to a fam-ily-run “charity” instead. More recently, however, CSR fundsare increasingly being spent essentially for undercover lob-bying — on the stated priorities of the central or state gov-ernment in return for favourable treatment by governmentofficials. Who is the company working for, then?

There’s also the question of the resurgence of the statesector worldwide, whether as direct or indirect investor.Here geo-politics, domestic politics, and corporate policycan interact in sometimes worrying ways. In the UnitedKingdom, any move to stop Brexit is complicated by onesimple fact: the Labour Party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, is notvery happy with the European Union. He has always beena eurosceptic, but he has particularly good reasons at themoment, from his point of view. If and when in power, hewould like to move on nationalisation — for example, there-nationalisation of British Rail. But the primary ownersof many of the railway lines in Britain today are foreignstate-run railway companies, mostly from Europe. Keolis,in which France’s SNCF state railway company is a majorityowner, controls three major lines out of London. A fourthof trains running in Britain — and many of its buses — areowned by Arriva, which is controlled by Deutsche Bahn ofGermany. The Dutch railways are also a big player, and theItalians have just invested in the West Coast Mainline. ALabour government in the EU could correctly fear that itsEuropean partners will not look favourably on it bendingEU rules in order to re-nationalise them if it is state com-panies that will be expropriated.

The power of the state sector globally also complicatesthe notion that the owners of companies are diffuse share-holders who have an interest only in profit maximisation.Look at the state of Cathay Pacific following the protests inHong Kong. Hong Kong’s flag carrier — the world’s tenthlargest airline and among its best managed — has seen itsstock tank after the government in Beijing took a strongstand against its permissive stance with regard to employ-ees who sympathised with the protestors. Part of this is thegeneral kowtowing to the Chinese market that any foreigncompany does — after all, a great deal of Cathay’s businesscomes from flying to mainland China, and almost all of itslow-cost subsidiary Cathay Dragon’s market is in the main-land. But even so, the company might have held firm if notfor the fact that a significant stake in the carrier is held byBeijing-controlled Air China. It is hard to imagine thatCathay will not take actions that further increase its alien-ation from its passengers if that is what Beijing wants.Would that be what a disinterested corporate entity woulddo in its place? Of course not.

Some equity owners would not be displeased with thenotion of state power in the marketplace — as long as it ison their side. Large pension funds and the like are overjoyedat the notion of partnering with state-controlled financeto invest in Indian infrastructure, for example. Their ideahere is that the political risk in India is so immense that itis better to make sure the government is on your side, as apartner, than otherwise. That may be short-sighted, how-ever. A government is quite happy to expropriate anyone,even a partner, if it feels the slightest pressure to do so. Butthe larger point is clear: at this moment, the market is notworking to the assumptions of neo-classical economics.Even if internally there is a well-regulated, free and fairequity market, the power of state finance globally, of state-run companies and the continuing arbitrariness of statedemands mean that companies continue to be unable toserve their actual equity owners as well as they should.

Breaking downcompanies

Taming the weather gods

TICKERMIHIR SHARMA

A physicist from a nondescript Odisha village and nowthe chief weatherman of India spells out his journeyto Abhishek Waghmare and Sanjeeb Mukherjee

Mohapatra loves towrite in whatevertime that is leftfrom his no-holiday job. Hehas, in his cartrunk, anunpublishedvolume of the ,translated into hismother tongue

ILLUSTRATION BY BINAY SINHA

India may soon cross a perhaps unique tipping point, when its export ofservices becomes bigger than its export of merchandise (other than oiland gems & jewellery). Over the first four months of this financial year,services exports fetched $74.05 billion, not far short of what was fetched

by merchandise exports, excluding oil and gems/jewellery: $79.81 billion.Since the first is growing at over 8 per cent, and the second at less than 2 percent, the tipping point may be no more than a year or two away.

This would be an extraordinary development, and not necessarily somethingto celebrate. Globally, services trade accounts for less than 20 per cent of thetotal. In India’s case, if one takes all of exports (including oil and gems/jewellery),the share of services is 40 per cent. One could argue that it is in fact more: Theexport of gems and jewellery is classified as merchandise trade, though inreality what is being exported is the value created by the work of people who cutand polish imported diamond roughs and work on precious metals (also import-ed). Whatever the official classification, this is export of services.

There is supreme irony in this services-manufacturing denouement. Whenthe US first proposed, in the 1980s, that a new round of global trade talksshould be expanded in scope to include not just merchandise trade but alsotrade in services, India was a stout critic of the idea of opening up markets fortrade in services. My fellow-columnist TCA Srinivasa-Raghavan was one of thefew who saw that India might have a competitive advantage in this area (we havecheaper technologists, doctors, accountants, space scientists, etc than almostall other countries). But his voice was lost in the anti-American cacophony.

Today, the boot is well and truly on the other foot. In the prolonged nego-tiations for RCEP (Regional Cooperation for Economic Partnership), India hasbeen offering a two-sector deal to the leading economies of the Asia-Pacific:If they open up on services trade, New Delhi will open up further on mer-chandise trade. There have been no takers so far, and RCEP is stuck.

Consider other ironies. Among the things that India is pushing for is liberali-sation of something classified as “Mode 4” in the multilateral trade servicesagreement. This covers the movement of “natural persons”; the blunt argumentis that other countries must allow more work migrants from India (think H1B). Thecounter-argument from across the table is precisely the one that India uses to tryand stop the flow of migrants from Bangladesh: The movement of “natural per-sons” is a citizenship issue, not one of trade. Common sense tells us it is both.

There is nothing which says countries must be consistent; they can and do fol-low their perceived self-interest. So what should concern those in charge of eco-nomic affairs is not the tactical nature of negotiating positions but the structuralflaw at the heart of the Indian economy, which finds reflection in the export pat-tern: The failure of domestic manufacturing, specifically the Make in India pro-gramme, and the consequentially outsize share of GDP and trade accounted forby services. Bear in mind that high-value services exports create fewer jobsthan manufacturing (think vendors, dealers, after-sales servicing).

Yet the likely prospect is that the manufacturing-services imbalance will grow.It is easier to realise the untapped potential of some forms of services export thanit is to improve the country’s physical infrastructure, which today hobbles manu-facturing. The relatively high cost of power, land, and transport, along with steep portcharges and shipping rates, combines with inefficiencies in the labour market, allof it made worse by an unrealistic exchange rate for the rupee, to limit manufacturingexports. Indeed, as services exports continue to succeed, the rupee will becomestronger and large parts of the manufacturing sector, with their smaller profit mar-gins, will find it steadily harder to compete internationally. This will almost certainlyresult in a shortage of domestic job opportunities for millions of rural youngsters whohave acquired a basic education and who do not wish to go back to tilling the land.

WEEKEND RUMINATIONST N NINAN

Coming up: A tipping point

EYE CULTUREKUMAR ABISHEK

The face of superheroes is slowlychanging. Recently, AmazonPrime Video came up with well-

received The Boys; earlier this year, amovie, Brightburn, was released. HBOis also coming up with a re-imaginedversion of DC Comics' iconic Watchmenseries. Over the past 10 years, severalcomic books have come up, showingthe darker side of our superheroes — themost prominent being DC's Injustice:Gods Among Us.

In all of these, superheroes are eithervillains or at least flawed personalities.In an earlier Eye Culture (‘Superheroesare like us and more’; March 23, 2019), Ihad reasoned why people are attractedtowards superheroes. However, thistime, I would like to project the flip side.

First, why this shift? According toBarry Keith Grant, author and critic,“Stated simply, genre movies are thosecommercial feature films that, throughrepetition and variation, tell familiarstories with familiar characters in famil-iar situation (Film Genre: FromIconography to Ideology).” Superheroesmovies and shows comprise arguablythe most popular genre, currently.

Leo Braudy — in The World in aFrame: What We See in Films — says:“When the genre conventions can nolonger evoke and shape either the emo-tions or the intelligence of the audience,they must be discarded and new onestried out... Change in genres occurswhen the audience says, ‘That’s tooinfantile a form of what we believe. Showus something more complicated’.”

So far in the superhero genre, littlehas changed: Avengers (the entire teamor its members) save the day in 21 of the23 Marvel Cinematic Universe moviesreleased so far. Even in a parody likethe Deadpool series or genre-criticalLogan, the protagonist saves the day.

But, shows and movies like The Boys,Watchmen, and Brightburn areattempting us to show that “somethingmore complicated” by turning the genreupside down.

While the Homelander character (theleader of the superhuman group Seven)in The Boys — based on the comic bookseries of the same name — is an evilSuperman (with a tinge of evil CaptainAmerica), Brandon in Brightburn is are-imagined take on Clark Kent’s (akaSuperman’s) teenage days when heupon realising his superhuman powersstarts to terrorise his town. In the 2012movie Chronicle, Andrew Detmer,whose mother is dying of cancer, fatheris verbally and physically abusive andclassmates are bullies, doesn't turn out tobe a friendly neighbourhood Spider-

Man or good-hearted Star-Lord.In Injustice: Gods Among Us,

Superman, in an alternate reality,descends into tyranny after he istricked into killing his pregnant wifeLois Lane by Joker and establishes atotalitarian regime.

The appeal of a corrupted Supermangoes beyond his powers of X-ray vision,laser vision, super strength, flight, andinvulnerability. He is also the moralfoundation of the DC universe (likeCaptain America for Marvel). Superman— in most comic books (even inSuperman: Red Son, in which he is aCommunist poster boy) and portrayals— has remained unerringly true to hismoral code and this makes it temptingto watch someone that upright fail.

Now let’s discuss the challenges thatsuperhero movies pose to society. “Theycelebrate exceptionalism and vigilan-tism. The old American ideal of suc-ceeding through cleverness, virtue andgrit is absent, as is the notion of ordi-nary folk banding together to overcomea threat — think of It's a Wonderful Lifeor the original The Magnificent Seven orany of a dozen World War II-era films.Gone is respect for the rule of law and theimportance of tradition and communi-ty,” Mark Bowden argues in his 2018opinion piece 'Why Are We ObsessedWith Superhero Movies?’, which waspublished in The New York Times.

According to an American Academyof Pediatrics study that analysed 10superhero movies between 2015 and2016, “The most common act of vio-lence associated with protagonists inthe films was fighting (1,021 total acts),followed by the use of a lethal weapon(659), destruction of property (199),murder (168), and bullying/intimida-tion/torture (144). For antagonists, themost common violent act was the use ofa lethal weapon (604 total acts), fighting(599), bullying/ intimidation/torture(237), destruction of property (191), andmurder (93) were also portrayed.”

An abstract of this 2018 study waspublished in ScienceDaily, which alsoquoted the lead author, Robert Olympia,MD, a Professor in the Departments ofEmergency Medicine & Pediatrics atPenn State College of Medicine, as say-ing: “Pediatric health care providersshould educate families about the vio-lence depicted in this genre of film andthe potential dangers that may occurwhen children attempt to emulate theseperceived heroes.”

Maybe it’s time superheroes wereincreasingly projected in films as flawedhumans and not gods. This would notonly spice up the CGI-generated uni-verse but also help the young audiencedevelop a distaste for unnecessary vio-lence for the sake of “greater good”.

OPINION 9>

August is not the month forwondering about theIndian Constitution. That

annual activity is reserved forJanuary, the month when it wasadopted, in 1950.

But now that Messrs Modiand Shah have used it as aweapon against the former stateof Jammu and Kashmir, one canbe forgiven for the indulgence.These are, after all, momentoustimes.

So the idle thought is this: Ifreligions and constitutions areboth the product of the humanbrains devised in order to bringorder to peoples’ lives and soci-eties, why do some people pre-

fer one over the other? Asdemand theory would say, theyshould be on an indifferencecurve.

Not just that: If religions canbe criticised for being the prod-uct of their times and not validfor eternity, why can’t constitu-tions? If what was written in 1949valid for all times, contexts andcircumstances, why can’t thesame be said for all religioustexts? Why laugh at people whoquote from the scriptures andnot from constitutions?

One answer to this questionis that while religions were not“adopted” by “the people”, con-stitutions have been so adopted.Thus, fervour for this or that reli-gion notwithstanding, constitu-tions are to be preferred.

But wait: Is not ascribinginter-temporally valid wisdom tothe idea of “Founding Fathers”thrusting upon them a sort ofdivinity?

Another answer people giveis that reform is crucial and bothare open to it — even Islam inspite of its 700-year-old ban onijtihad or questioning. However,both religious and constitutional

fundamentalists get very angrywhen a reform is actuallyattempted or adopted.

Sensible India

In a word, then, the problem isnot the wisdom of religions andconstitutions. It is the funda-mentalism of the religious andthe constitutional nutcases.

Sensible societies indulge thisanger of the status quoists andget on with the reforms, whetherit is to religious or constitutionalpractice. India has been a cham-pion at this.

The British, who claim theparentage of the very idea of con-stitutions, have been typicallyslimy: They have never writtenanything down. In Britain no onemuch talks about the constitu-tion, only about constitutionalpractice — which is as malleableas plasticine.

The US Constitution has beenamended 33 times in 227 years.The Australian one has beenamended eight times in 116 years— and it takes a referendum toget it done.

The Irish Constitution, fromwhich ours has borrowed quite a

lot, has been amended 35 timesin about 75 years. The Frenchhave made about 30 amend-ments in 56 years but mostlyabout their former colonies andelections, etc.

Our Constitution, meanwhile,has been reformed 104 times injust 70 years. I used to think thiswas because the original wasfaulty. But now I believe that wehave been very sensible about it.In modern parlance, we have notshied away from systemupgrades.

That’s why the amendmentsto Article 370 are no more than asystems upgrade. Whether it is agood upgrade or not is some-thing the judges will decide onthe technicalities of the process,not substance.

Delicious irony

But they can’t do much becauseof the constitutional fiction theythemselves propounded withtheir “basic structure” formula-tion. That has not been violatedbecause — this is delicious —Article 370 was constitutionallytemporary.

The wise men who framed theConstitution made it temporarybecause they understood that itcontained the seeds of secession.

But they put it there because theyhad to indulge Nehru. HereSardar Patel erred. He shouldhave stood firm.

By 1953, even Nehru hadrealised that Article 370 was ahuge mistake. He therefore lockedup and exiled “Prime Minister” —would you believe it — SheikhAbdullah, his blue-eyed boy, fromKashmir for 15 years.

But Nehru died in 1964. SheikhAbdullah was released only in1968 because by then IndiraGandhi, who hugely dilutedArticle 370 in 1975, was surround-ed by Kashmiri (Pandit) advisers.

The wonder, as PrimeMinister Narendra Modi pointedout during his Independence Dayspeech, is that this troublesomeprovision was allowed to germi-nate and bloom to such an extentthat a mere four million Muslimsof a small valley — 80 miles by 40miles — were able to hold not justthe remaining 1,300 millionIndians but also the superpow-ers to ransom by cunningly feed-ing the appetite of the Pakistanmilitary.

As Churchill might have said,never have so many been bulliedso much by so few. And as SamPitroda ought to say “gaya togaya”.

A different fundamentalism

The phrase “black elephant”has been gaining tractionon social media. This is an

amalgamation of two phrases.One, “The elephant in the room”is about something large andobvious that is being ignored oroverlooked. The other, “blackswan” is an event that seemsimpossible and unpredictableuntil it occurs. A “black elephant”therefore, is an apparently unpre-dictable event that should actu-ally be very predictable.

It is impossible to prepare fora black swan, by definition. At

best, it is possible to build robustsystems that can cope with it. It ispossible to prepare for a black ele-phant, but this is an event thatpeople choose not to prepare for.

One example of a black ele-phant was the nuclear bombingsof Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Thedestructive power of the atombomb stunned Japan into sur-render. But the Germans andAmericans had been trying todevelop an atom bomb for years.Physicists had put pen to paperand theoretically calculated theexplosive power it unleashed longbefore the actual development ofthe bomb.

Right now, the world is under-going the sixth extinction event.This is a mass extinction ofspecies, caused by climatechange. Climate change is caus-ing hotter temperatures (on aver-age) coupled with wilder, moreunpredictable cycles of extremeweather, such as hurricanes, bliz-zards and droughts.

This is another black ele-phant. There is overwhelmingevidence that climate change has

been triggered and acceleratedby human activities. This situa-tion has been predicted in detail,and in its broad outlines, bymany scientists. It has beendebated at multiple conferencesand led to accords, such as theKyoto Protocol.

But despite decades of warn-ings, climate change still seems tocause surprise, and policy-mak-ers around the world appearunder-prepared forthe consequences.Indeed, the Americanpresident appears tobe in denial to thepoint where US gov-ernment agencieshave supposedly beeninstructed to throttlethe use of the phrase,“climate change”.

Brexit is anotherblack elephant. It hasbeen on the cards since 2016.The deadline is very short now.The UK appears to be totallyunprepared despite the conse-quences having been spelt outin detail. For that matter, the

European Union may well beunprepared for some of the pos-sible consequences. This could,for example, have a dominoeffect where other membernations opt out of the EU.

When we examine domesticpolicies over the past few years,one must classify demonetisation as a black swan. It hadnever been a mainstream policyposition for any political party. Itwas implemented with a highdegree of secrecy. The subse-quent events made it obvious that

the administrationwas utterly unpre-pared and didn’t evenhave a coherent policyposition to justify it.

On the other hand,the abrogation ofArticle 370 and theretraction of statehoodstatus for Jammu &Kashmir is a black ele-phant. The BJP’s ideo-logues have always

advocated some variation on thistheme, and it should not havebeen a surprise that it would bemuscled through, given aParliamentary majority.

The entire political establish-

ment — government and oppo-sition — ought to have been pre-pared for it, and ready with poli-cy positions, as well asarrangements on the ground. Butthere was a refusal to acknowl-edge the possibility, let alone pre-pare for the consequences. Whatlittle news we have trickling out ofthe region indicates that theadministration was unpreparedfor what has followed. If there arefurther consequences, such as anescalation of hostilities with ourWestern neighbour, or interna-tional condemnation, thosewould also be black elephants.

There are always black ele-phants in the offing. The rolloutof the National Register ofCitizens (NRC) across the coun-try is on the cards, for example. Itwill cause huge disruptions sinceit asks for documents that manyIndians have never possessed.We’ve already seen the mess thatresulted from a “pilot NRC proj-ect” in Assam, with lakhs of res-idents sitting in camps. Butnobody is debating the likelyconsequences of a national roll-out of the NRC yet. I’m sure youcan think of other black ele-phants if you try.

The black elephants Flawed superheroes

Volume VII Number 3

MUMBAI | 17 AUGUST 2019

Before searching for a solution to the Kashmirproblem, we should understand it better.There are deadly perils in jumping with

solutions without first understanding the factsand realities. Only quacks — or maybe, faith-heal-ers — prescribe medication for chronic ailmentswithout arriving at a reasoned diagnosis.

There are three sets of solutions today fromthree categories of these “faith-healers”. First, inIndia, the establishment view, which finds widepopular support is, that the only problem inKashmir is Pakistan, and the radi-cal Islam it exports there alongwith rifles, rocket-launchers andRDX. Get the Pakistanis off ourback, and you shoot a sequel toKashmir Ki Kali in Dal Lake.

The Pakistani establishmentfantasy, again with wide publicsupport, is an exact opposite: Getthe Indians out by pushing, pinch-ing, bleeding them. We defeatedthe Soviets and Americans inAfghanistan. What is India? Then,you can integrate all of Kashmiras the sixth province of Pakistan.

The third category, in ouranalysis today, is the small, but articulate anddoughty group of Indian liberals. They accept thatKashmir's accession to India isn’t final, that thewill of the Kashmiris is paramount and it hasn’t yetbeen sought. To that extent, their basic demandsfor plebiscite, autonomy, even independence, arelegitimate. You can’t keep them with India byusing state and military power.

Philosophically, it is difficult to argue with this:India is a voluntary federation of states, so how canyou force people to stay with you if they don’twant it. No surprise that this view also finds sym-pathy among a lot of fundamentally liberal andyoung elites. I understand the perils in picking anargument with them because this very positiongives them the higher moral ground. But we livedangerously.

Let’s break it down to five fundamental pillarson which this current liberal position rests:

1. India made a commitment to plebiscite in theUnited Nations Security Council Resolutions of1947-48. Why did it violate these?

The fact is, both India and Pakistan made thiscommitment. Both broke it. If you read the text ofthe resolution (47), however, you will see a three-step ladder. The first was Pakistan withdrawing allits forces from Kashmir and then making “bestendeavours” to ensure all others (we will call themjihadis today), to leave, too. It never happened.

The next two steps were India thinning itstroops to the minimum needed, setting up an all-party government, and then for a plebiscite to beheld under a UN-appointed governor. Pakistandidn’t take the first step. India wasn’t jumping totake the next two.2. Most Kashmiris want neither India nor Pakistan.They want freedom, or azadi. How can you deny

it to them? Think referendum, think Quebec,Scotland, or Brexit.

Once again, read the resolutions. It will take youthree minutes. They do not provide independenceor azadi as an option. The choice is India orPakistan.

Pakistan’s supposed support for Kashmiri “aza-di” is fraudulent, but it has also had someGoebbelsian success with this great deception thatPakistanis back freedom for Kashmiris. Pakistanhas built this masterfully over 70 years, calling

the part of Kashmir occupied by it“Azad Kashmir”.

Since they claim all of Kashmir,shouldn’t they be calling it theirstate of Jammu and Kashmir aswell? No. Because that will exposetheir hypocrisy in using azadi as acover for territorial capture. Googleif there are any statements fromany Pakistani leaders of conse-quence offering azadi as an option.I find none. If you buy into thatazadi fantasy, please do. You can’tsell it to the rest of India.3. Can you hold for ever a piece ofterritory and people by military

power?The answer is a counter-question: Can you take

away a territory and people from another countrythrough military power? Pakistan tried this. Twice,in 1947-48 and 1965 through direct military inva-sion, and 1989 onwards with proxy war. There wasalso the little madness of Kargil 1999. These arefacts. You need to understand Nehru’s shift on theUN resolutions from mid-1953onwards. The Cold War is thenratcheting up, Kashmir's geographytraps it into a unique pincer wherethe Great Game hasn't ended.Foreseeing trouble, he moved tointegrate Kashmir in 1953 withSheikh Abdullah’s arrest. In the nexttwo years, Pakistan had joined theUS-led Baghdad Pact, SEATO, etc.It began tilting the military balancein its favour over the next decade.Ultimately it was Nehru's pre-emp-tive action that saved Kashmir frommilitary (not plebiscite-led) capture.

The Pakistanis waited until theyfelt they had built sufficient military advantage,caught India in a period of weakness — militaryrecovering from the 1962 debacle, Nehru’s death,food shortages —and used its full US-armed andtrained military might (read up on Op Gibraltarand Op Grand Slam) to take Kashmir, but failed.

This was the last time Pakistan could have tak-en Kashmir by direct military force. And they had-n’t sent their troops and tanks to win Kashmirisazadi.

These three pretty much account for the twistsand turns in the Kashmir story in its first, UN

to Simla epoch (1947-72), though at a kind of digi-

tal pace in fast-forward. That brings us to thefourth:4. Why is the Modi government not settlingKashmir in accordance with the Simla Agreementas even Imran Khan is now saying?

The answer again: Do read the short SimlaAgreement. The literal sense is all India-Pakistanproblems are now bilateral. Which means, no UNResolutions. The spirit was, both realise that nonecan take any territory by force. So, rename theCease Fire Line (CFL) as the Line of Control (LoC)and work on persuading your people to accept it asthe border. Why this wasn’t stated more explicitly,is a brilliant subject for some genuine scholar fora book called “The Guilty Indians (not just men) ofSimla”.

But, the spirit was betrayed as soon as the pris-oners of war returned. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto beganIslamising his country (yes, he, not Zia, did), host-ed the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC)summit in Lahore, even named its cricket stadiumafter Muammar Gaddafi as he launched a fund-raiser for his “Islamic Bomb”.

The cool breeze of Simla lasted only until thebomb was ready. By 1989, Pakistan was back in“action”, trying to take Kashmir with force again,avoiding direct confrontation which they knewthey would lose.

The Simla Agreement was indeed violated.Only by Pakistan.5. But the Kashmiris don’t want to be with you,what can you do?

Again, a counter-question: Who are theKashmiris? The Right-Nationalists are missingnuance when they say just 10 districts of the Valley

can’t speak for all of the state.Because these represent the state’smajority. The liberal argument ismore flawed. If the majority view ofValley Muslims then subsumes thesizeable minorities of the state, whatdo we do for the view of the rest,about 99.5 per cent of India? Canyou have the democratic logic ofmajority work in one place and notin the other?

Whether you like Narendra Modior not, he has now broken the post-Simla status quo. Pakistan’s spacefor sub-military manoeuvre is gone.No political party of consequence

is questioning the abrogation of Article 370, onlythe method.

There is a new status quo. Pakistan can riskbreaking it. There is a problem in Kashmir, withanger, alienation, violence, human rights abuses,and it needs addressing. It must begin with accept-ing that the borders today are the permanent bor-ders of India and Pakistan. We shouldn’t need BillClinton to come here and tell us that maps of theregion can no longer be redrawn with blood. Onceyou accept this reality, you can argue about thefuture.

By special arrangement with ThePrint

NATIONAL INTERESTSHEKHAR GUPTA

LINE AND LENGTHT C A SRINIVASA RAGHAVAN

Facts, fiction and reality in J&KModi has broken the post-Simla status quo on Kashmir. The new reality has to be accepted to move onfrom its complex and complicated past

VIEWPOINTDEVANGSHU DATTA One example of a

black elephantwas the nuclearbombings ofHiroshima andNagasaki. Thedestructivepower of theatom bombstunned Japaninto surrender

Pakistan’s supposedsupport for Kashmiri“azadi” is fraudulent,but it has also hadsome Goebbelsiansuccess with this greatdeception thatPakistanis backfreedom for Kashmiris.Pakistan has built thismasterfully over 70years, calling the partof Kashmir occupied byit “Azad Kashmir”

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DELHI THE HINDU

SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 201910EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

P.S. Raghavan

The Prime Minister’s announcement in his IndependenceDay address on Thursday,

appointing a Chief of Defence Staff��(CDS), is one that could have a farreaching impact on the management of defence in India.

The issue of effi��cient management of the higher defence organisation came into sharp focus afterthe Kargil war in 1999, when the K.Subrahmanyamheaded task forcewas asked to examine questionsabout the anticipation and detection of Pakistani intrusions in Kargil and the military response. Thestrategic expert and his team highlighted the systemic issues bedevilling our national security structures, which included poorcoordination and technological inadequacies.

On its recommendations, theGovernment tasked a Group of Ministers (GoM) in the early 2000s toundertake a review of national security management. Their recommendations covered intelligence,internal security, border management and defence. These resultedin an overhaul, which included theappointment of a National Security Adviser, a strengthening of intelligence coordination mechanisms, upgrading the technologicalcapacity of security agencies, andsharpening institutional responsesto traditional and emerging inter

nal security challenges. Defencemanagement was the one area inwhich the implementation of theGoM’s recommendations was disappointing.

The issues are wellknown. Thefi��rst is a pervasive sentiment in thearmed forces that they are not formally involved in decisionmakingon defence planning and strategy.This perception is reinforced bythe fact that the Service Headquarters are not within the Ministry ofDefence; they are treated morelike attached offi��ces. This structure has led to cumbersome,opaque and antiquated decisionmaking processes, from administrative requirements to weaponsacquisitions.

Changing face of confl��ictFrom an operational perspective,the concept of military confl��ict today extends beyond land, air andsea, into the domains of space,cyber, electronic and information.Eff��ective defence preparedness requires a ‘jointness’ of the IndianArmy, Indian Air Force and IndianNavy in incorporating these domains into their warfi��ghting strategies. It also requires a prioritisation of the weapons requirementsof the forces and optimisation oftheir resource allocations basedon a clearly defi��ned national defence strategy.

The GoM had recommendedbetter effi��ciency by integrating thearmed forces headquarters intothe Ministry of Defence (MoD). Ithad also pitched for the appointment of a CDS, who could promotean integrated approach to interservice prioritisation and resourceallocation as well as a pooling of

common structures to avoid unnecessary redundancies. The CDSwas to administer triservice institutions such as the Andaman andNicobar Command. In today’s context, his charge would also presumably include the recently established triservice space and cyberagencies. He would provide coordinated military advice to the Defence Minister, incorporating theperspectives of the individual services. He would develop the national defence strategy, which itself should fl��ow from a nationalsecurity strategy that factors intraditional and nontraditionalthreats as well as internal securityrequirements and external strategic objectives. This would be in collaboration with the civilian defence leadership of the MoD.

A thread of resistanceAll recommendations were accepted barring the one on the CDS. Opposition from sections of thearmed forces and the bureaucracyand from a political party resultedin this lastminute decision. Therewas apprehension that a CDSwould undermine of the authorityof the three service chiefs overtheir forces. The establishment in

many countries of theatre commands under the CDS reinforcedthis fear. The other concern wasthat an allpowerful CDS woulddistort the civilmilitary balance inour democracy.

This opposition was based onmisperceptions and “turf” considerations. Many democracies havethe institution of a CDS or itsequivalent, with varying degreesof operational control over theirarmed forces. It has not diluted civilian control over their governance. Instead, it has meant greater participation of the military indefence decisionmaking alongside the civilian bureaucracy, enhancing the coherence and transparency of policies. In almostevery case, the appointment of aCDS has been a topdown decision, to which the system has subsequently adjusted.

Need for indigenisationThe role envisaged for a CDS in India is that of developing multidomain military strategies, strengthening triservice synergies andenabling perspective planning. Itis only after achieving jointness intraining, exercises and infrastructure that the feasibility of regionalcommands can be explored in thespecifi��c context of India’s geography and the nature of its internaland external threats. The CDS cancontribute to rational defence acquisition decisions, preventing redundancy of capacities among theservices and making best use ofavailable fi��nancial resources.

While implementing this reform, we should also focus on theimportant objective of indigenisation. It is a shame that India is still

among the top arms importers.This abject dependence on othercountries, for weapons systems,components and even ammunitions, does not befi��t an aspiringgreat power. There must be procedures and practices to ensure thatevery acquisition is structured in away as to strengthen our indigenous technological capacities, inturn aiding defence selfreliance.

A corollary of the appointmentof a CDS is integration of his establishment into the MoD withoutwhich he cannot meaningfully fulfi��l the role assigned to him. Eventually, the three Service headquarters would also need to be suitablyintegrated into the Ministry. Itwould require changing their current functional structure as well asamending the existing rules of business of the government. This wasenvisaged by the GoM, but when adecision on the CDS was deferred,action on it lost steam.

In his announcement on theCDS, the Prime Minister mentioned past reports on defence reforms, the transforming nature ofmilitary confl��ict, the impact oftechnology and the need for modernisation, coordination andjointness. This leads to hope thatthe GoM recommendations of2001 will be implemented. If carried out objectively, undistortedby turf considerations, this longawaited reform would soothe frictions in civilmilitary relations andbring greater effi��ciency, transparency and accountability into decisionmaking on defence matters.

P.S. Raghavan is Chairman, National

Security Advisory Board. The views

expressed are personal

Giving shape to an elusive strategic concept The post of Chief of Defence Staff�� will enable more effi��ciency in defence planning and help civilmilitary relations

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more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

The recent decision by the government to abrogate Article370 has resulted in a coun

trywide debate on the subject. Thegeneral perception is that a vastmajority of people in the countryfeel that the abrogation is a welcome step. They also feel that theabrogation should not be viewedthrough a narrow political prismas it centres around the unity andintegrity of the nation. In fact, it isalso seen as a major step towardsensuring an inclusive India.

Historical perspectiveBefore delving into the issue, oneshould understand the essence ofArticle 370; it was only a temporary, transitional arrangement andwas never intended to be a permanent provision.

Under Part XXI of the Constitution of India, which deals with‘Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions’, the special statuswas conferred upon Jammu andKashmir ( J&K) after Maharaja HariSingh signed The Instrument ofAccession on October 2627, 1947.

However, an important nuggetof history is that Article 370 wasnot incorporated at the time of accession. It was included in October1949 at the instance of Sheikh Abdullah, who was a member of theConstituent Assembly that draftedthe Constitution. It became operative only in 1952.

Under Article 370, Jammu andKashmir State was allowed to havea separate Constitution and a Flag.Its Constituent Assembly, initially,and the State legislature, subsequently, were empowered eitherto adopt or not to adopt any lawpassed by the Indian Parliament.Except for matters such as ‘Defence’, ‘External Aff��airs’, ‘Commu

nications’ and matters mentionedin ‘The Instrument of Accession’,the Indian Parliament had no jurisdiction on extending its legislations to the border State withoutthe concurrence of Jammu andKashmir.

While considering the proposalto incorporate it in the Constitution, Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru advised Sheikh Abdullah to convince B.R. Ambedkar,who apparently was not in favourof it.

In the book, Dr. B.R. AmbedkarFraming of Indian Constitution, byDr. S.N. Busi, Dr. Ambedkar wascited as saying: “Mr. Abdullah, youwant that India should defendKashmir. You wish India shouldprotect your borders, she shouldbuild roads in your area, sheshould supply you food grains,and Kashmir should get equal status as India, but you don’t want India and any citizen of India to haveany rights in Kashmir and Government of India should have only limited powers. To give consent tothis proposal would be a treacherous thing against the interests ofIndia, and I, as the Law Minister ofIndia, will never do. I cannot betray the interests of my country”.

Even Pandit Nehru had pointedout in Parliament on November 27,1963 that “Article 370 is part of certain transitional, provisional arrangements. It is not a permanentpart of the Constitution. It is a partas long as it remains so.”

Hardly unifyingHistory shows that instead ofbringing people of Kashmir closerto the rest of India, Article 370 hasonly widened the chasm. Thisschism has been systematically widened by vested interests. WhileArticle 370 has failed to benefi��t thepeople in a meaningful way, it wasused by separatists to drive awedge between those living in J&Kand the rest of India. It was usedby a neighbouring country tospread terrorism.

The demand for abrogation ofArticle 370 has been under consid

eration for a long time. In fact, Parliament had discussed this wayback in 1964. A discussion on aprivate member’s bill seekingabrogation of Article 370 foundnearunanimous support backthen.

It would be pertinent to pointout that the nonoffi��cial resolutionmoved by Prakash Vir Shastri inthe Lok Sabha was supported byleaders like Ram Manohar Lohiaand K. Hanumanthaiya, a seniorCongress leader.

Hanumanthaiya not only pointed out that the members, irrespective of party affi��lations, wanted theabrogation of Article 370 to bemade into law but also went on tosay: “To go against or to say anything against this unanimous opinion in this House is to disownconstitutional responsibility in aconvenient manner. Article 370…stands in the way of fullintegration.”

Of the 12 members who favoured its abrogation, seven belonged to the Congress includingInder J. Malhotra, Sham Lal Saraf(from J&K), H.V. Kamath, Socialist,Sarjoo Pandey (CPI) and BhagwatJha Azad, former Chief Minister ofBihar.

The country felt that this provision needed to go sooner or later.As Jawaharlal Nehru’s colleagueand then Home Aff��airs MinisterGulzarilal Nanda had told Parliament decades ago, “Article 370 isnothing more than a shell emptiedof its contents. Nothing has beenleft in it; we can do it in one day, in10 days, 10 months. That is entire

ly for us to consider.”Parliament and the Govern

ment have now come to the conclusion, fi��nally, that such a dysfunctional provision has norelevance in the current contextand that the time has come to integrate Jammu and Kashmir fully into the rest of India. Without havingimproved the lives of people inany way, Article 370 had becomean impediment to the very development of the State.

A levellerThe people of the country alsoneed to know, as pointed out bythe present Home Minister, AmitShah, in the Lok Sabha recently,that key Central laws made for thewelfare of citizens of the countrycould not be implemented in J&Kdue to Article 370. With its abrogation, a total of 106 Central laws willnow be extended to J&K. Some ofthe key pieces of legislation include the Prevention of Corruption Act, the Land Acquisition Act,the National Commission for Minorities Act, the Right to Education Act and those relating to empowering local bodies.

With Article 35A becomingvoid, the decades old discrimination against the women of J&K hasbeen eliminated. They can nowpurchase and transfer property totheir children, even if they getmarried to a nonresident.

In my view, the abrogation ofArticle 370 is indeed a step in theright direction to safeguard theunity and integrity of India.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir has been an integral part ofour country. It will always remainso. So, the action to remove Article370 is purely an internal matter. Itgoes without saying that India willnot allow outsiders to meddle inits internal aff��airs. People shouldguard against false and mischievous propaganda by a section ofthe Indian and western media,which probably still believes in thecolonial mindset of ‘divide andrule’.

Parliament has carefully consi

dered and taken a decision thatthis transitory provision needs togo and that J&K must be fully integrated with the rest of India. Thenaysayers who are alleging thatconstitutional impropriety hasbeen committed must know thatthe Bill was passed by twothirdsin the Rajya Sabha and fourfi��fthsin the Lok Sabha after an elaboratediscussion.

Game changerI am sure that this integration fulfi��ls a longstanding demand of many sections of the people in J&K,including Ladakh. The speech ofthe Ladakh MP, Jamyang TseringNamgyal, in the Lok Sabha recently, was truly noteworthy, where hepointed out that Ladakh was notjust a piece of land but a preciousgem of Bharat. I am also confi��dentthat the status of a State would beaccorded once things improve andtotal normalcy is restored in Jammu and Kashmir.

The Government’s decisionwould facilitate greater investments by both individual entrepreneurs and major private companies in diff��erent sectorsincluding hospitality, tourism,education and health. It wouldnaturally generate muchneededemployment for local youth. Itwould also enable greater scrutinyof the implementation of theschemes of the Government of India.

In conclusion, it should be noted that the abrogation of Article370 is a national issue involvingour country’s safety, security, unity and equitable prosperity. It is astep in the right direction that theIndian Parliament has taken withan overwhelming majority. It is astep that opens up new vistas forthe allround development in aState that was relatively neglected.It is a stepping stone to enable animproved quality of life for the people of Jammu, Kashmir andLadakh.

M. Venkaiah Naidu is the Vice President of

India

A considered step that opens up new vistas The abrogation of Kashmir’s special status is a major move towards ensuring an inclusive India

M. Venkaiah Naidu

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UNSC meet on KashmirChina, being a permanentmember of the UN SecurityCouncil, seems to bepandering to the whims ofits allweather friend,Pakistan. The decision, atthe goading of China, tohold a closeddoordiscussion on Kashmir is amatter of surprise as it is asubject that involves theinternal aff��airs of India(Page 1, August 16). Muchhas changed since 1947.The move also shows thebig brother attitude ofChina which has manyproblems of its own. China

should fi��rst concentrate onmaking peace with theHong Kong protesters andalso respecting Tibet andthe Uighur Muslims. It hasno right to be sermonisingabout Kashmir, which isbeing sorted out in apeaceful manner indemocratic traditions. Sravana Ramachandran,

Chennai

Population controlThe most signifi��cant issuethat the Prime Ministerhighlighted in hisIndependence Day speechon Thursday was of

population control (“PMputs population back ongovt. agenda”, August 16).While the twochild normhas been able to slow downthe rate of populationgrowth, there is a need tohave smarter moves in thepresent situation. Apartfrom an incentivisation ofsmaller families, largefamilies must lose statesponsored welfare benefi��tsand privileges. Aninterventionist move orpolicy formulation mustalso balance sustainabilitywithout aff��ecting thesegment of a young and

workingage population. N. Sadhasiva Reddy,

Bengaluru

Climate planningThe increasing frequency ofheavy rainfall in manyStates is a reality, probablylinked to climate change.The havoc being caused is awakeup call. From peopleto wild animals beingaff��ected to disruptedagricultural operations, thelist can go on. While theAssam fl��oods threatenedalready endangeredspecies, in Kerala, it was thewashing up of tons of

page, “Lessons after thegreat deluge”, August 16).Taking over lakebeds andfl��oodplains to allowconstruction is aff��ectingpercolation. Mangrovevegetation is also beingmindlessly exploited.Rampant mining, nowwidespread, is leading to theloss of precious topsoil andlandslides. Revisiting theGadgil report is a must forregions falling under theWestern Ghats. Abhishek M.R.,

Ajjarkad, Udupi, Karnataka

plastic material thatrefl��ected our grossnegligence ofenvironmental issues.Thus, man could beresponsible for the changedconditions. Widescaledeforestation and theplundering of naturalresources are cause forworry. The simple lesson isthat we need to respectnature.Janga Bahadur Sunuwar,

Bagrakote, Jalpaiguri, West Bengal

■ Kerala is pursuingdevelopment projects at theexpense of nature (Editorial

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

It was fi��rst encouraged as a voluntary contribution by

business; six years ago it evolved into a cooption of

the corporate sector to promote inclusiveness in so

ciety and now, corporate social responsibility or CSR

has become an imposition on India Inc. Key amend

ments to the relevant sections of the Companies Act in

the last session of Parliament have now made noncom

pliance with CSR norms a jailable off��ence for key offi��c

ers of the company, apart from hefty fi��nes up to ₹��25

lakh on the company and ₹��5 lakh on the offi��cer in de

fault. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman is said to

have assured representatives of India Inc. when they

met her last week that this amendment will be re

viewed. Yet, it is curious that the government rushed

through with amendments on the CSR law even as a

committee constituted by it was fi��nalising its report on

the same subject. As it happened, the committee, head

ed by the Corporate Aff��airs Secretary submitted its re

port on August 13, well after Parliament had passed the

amendments. On the specifi��c issue of penalties, the

committee has proposed that noncompliance be de

criminalised and made a civil off��ence. “CSR is a means

to partner corporates for social development and such

penal provisions are not in harmony with the spirit of

CSR,” the committee’s report says and rightly so. CSR

should not be treated as another tax on businesses.

Every company with a net worth of ₹��500 crore or tur

nover of ₹��1,000 crore or net profi��t of ₹��5 crore should

spend 2% of the average profi��ts it made over the pre

vious three years on social development. The expe

rience since this provision was operationalised in 2013

has been mixed. Filings with the Ministry of Corporate

Aff��airs show that in 201718, only a little over half of

those liable to spend on CSR have fi��led reports on their

activity to the government. The other half either did not

comply or simply failed to fi��le. The average CSR spend

by private companies was just ₹��95 lakh compared to

₹��9.40 crore for public sector units. These are early days

yet, and compliance will improve as corporates imbibe

CSR culture fully. The committee’s suggestion to off��er a

tax break for expenses on CSR makes sense as it may in

centivise companies to spend. It has also recommend

ed that unspent CSR funds be transferred to an escrow

account within 30 days of the end of the fi��nancial year.

It should be recognised that CSR is not the main busi

ness of a company and in these challenging times they

would rightly be focusing their energies on the business

rather than on social spending. The government should

be careful to not micromanage and tie down businesses

with rules and regulations that impose a heavy com

pliance burden. Else it might end up with the opposite

of what it intends — to rope in corporates as citizens to

promote social inclusion.

Making CSR workNoncompliance by corporates should be

decriminalised and made a civil off��ence

It is a sign of the times that vigilante mobs can get

away with daylight murder. Even after visual evi

dence becomes available; and even when the victim

names his assailants in a dying declaration. The acquit

tal of all those charged by the Rajasthan police with

beating dairy farmer Pehlu Khan to death in April 2017

is a stark reminder that there is a humongous gap bet

ween capturing video footage of a man being beaten up

and bringing the culprits to book. The Additional Dis

trict Judge of Alwar has given the benefi��t of doubt to the

six men charged with Khan’s murder. A principal rea

son given is that the six persons named by Khan were

not chargesheeted by the police. It seems that the de

railment of the prosecution case began early. Based on

mobile phone call records and the statement of staff�� at a

cow shelter, the police gave a clean sheet to the named

suspects and booked a diff��erent set of people, including

three minors. The police failed to conduct an identifi��ca

tion parade, while there was an apparent contradiction

between government doctors declaring that the victim

died of injuries, and a private hospital’s claim that the

cause was cardiac arrest. It is not diffi��cult to surmise

that infi��rmities were built into the case in advance. The

court also need not have held inadmissible the footage

of the incident, as the Supreme Court had ruled last

year that authentic and relevant electronic evidence

can be accepted even in the absence of the required

certifi��cation under the Evidence Act.

Last year, Jharkhand managed to obtain convictions

in two cases of lynching, but the Pehlu Khan lynching

case had emblematic signifi��cance. It was vital that it was

properly investigated and the culprits convicted. Unfor

tunately, the wholesale acquittal is a setback to combat

ing the rampant vigilantism of our times. Each such in

cident imperils India’s image as a modern democracy.

There is ample evidence to suggest that the institutional

bias in favour of cow vigilantes is working against the in

terest of justice. The CIDCrime Branch took over the

case two months after the incident, and fi��led a charge

sheet. Those chargesheeted were granted bail not long

after. Even after the change of regime late last year, the

police obtained permission to prosecute two sons of

Pehlu Khan for transporting bovines in violation of a

State law. This indicates the assiduity with which cattle

protection laws are implemented, while lynch mobs in

the garb of cow protectors are treated with kid gloves.

The Rajasthan Chief Minister, who recently got a new

expansive law enacted to punish lynching, has pro

mised to take the matter on appeal. A mere appeal may

not suffi��ce; orders for a fresh investigation and trial —

one that would lead to the formal indictment of all

those responsible for the murderous attack — may be

needed to restore a sense of justice.

Justice for the mobAcquittal in the emblematic case of Pehlu

Khan’s murder imperils the country’s image

EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

THE HINDU DELHI

SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 2019 11EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

GROUND ZERO

Gurmeet Singh, 60, a tall landowning farmer in BhattiwalKhurd village, which is located in

Punjab’s Sangrur district, has yet againplanted the waterguzzling paddy cropthis summer (kharif ) as he is sceptical ofany other crop fetching him a remunerative price.

Standing on the edge of the Ghaggarbranch canal, which fl��ows barely a fewmetres away from his fi��eld, Gurmeet reveals that hardly anyone in the village irrigates his/her fi��eld with canal water.That is because motoroperated tubewells, with their powerful submersiblepumps, have become an easy and preferred choice for most of the households to extract groundwater, he says.

Punjab’s policy of providing free electricity to farmers, in place since 1997,along with the Central government’s favourable attitude towards paddy cultivation, are the key factors that have motivated farmers like Gurmeet to persistwith paddy, despite the grave groundwater crisis faced by the State.

“Most of us here in the village havetube wells installed, be it on our farm orinside our houses. We use groundwaterfor irrigation, drinking and other domestic purposes. In 1977, we got our fi��rsttube well drilled at a depth of 35 ft40 ft.Water at that time was easily available at15 ft20 ft. Since then, we have drilled asmany as four tube wells as the water levels have been consistently falling. I gotthe latest one installed two years ago ataround 300 ft. It cost me around₹��1,00,000,” he says, his head droppingin despair as he mentions the high costof his latest tube well.

The green revolution impactGurmeet’s father Magar Singh, 90, intervenes to point out that farmers like himshifted to cultivation of rice and wheatduring the hara inquilab (green revolution); till then, he says, crops like pulses, maize, vegetables and cotton weremainly grown in the village.

“Paddy (rice) requires far more waterthan other crops and as farmers startedcultivating paddy, the need for tubewells arose. The extraction of groundwater only increased as farmers shiftedfrom the use of monoblock pumps inthe 1980s to other types like submersible pumps,” he says.

Ideally, groundwater should be available at a depth of 50 ft to 60 ft, but inPunjab, its level has signifi��cantlydropped to 150ft to 200 ft in most places. Many attribute this drastic fall to anindiscriminate extraction of groundwater in the last two decades.

Further, deepening of tube wells, andpurchase of the powerful motors to carry out the deepening, is costing farmers₹��1,100 crore per year, according to government data. The State, which givesfree power to farmers, is also facing anincreased fi��nancial burden due to therising use of electricity. This year, thetotal power subsidy to the farm sector isestimated at ₹��9,674 crore.

To counter this, the Punjab StateFarmers’ Policy, drafted by the State’sFarmers and Farm Workers’ Commission in June last year, suggested rationalising of power subsidy and asked thegovernment to restrict the subsidy tothe nonincome tax payee farmers. It also recommended that cultivation ofpaddy on common lands be disallowed.Common (shamlat) village lands, whoseutilisation is regulated under Punjab Village Common Lands (Regulation) Act1961, have been increasingly used forpaddy cultivation over the years. Experts feel that a restriction on such usage can help arrest groundwater depletion. The government, however, is yet totake a fi��nal call on these policyproposals.

The Punjab government is well awareof the fast depleting groundwater reserves. Last month, Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh directed the StatePlanning Board to chalk out a comprehensive crop diversifi��cation model. TheBoard was also directed to undertake adetailed review of the various schemesof the agriculture department to bringin muchneeded reforms in the sector.

The Chief Minister, who has beenstressing the need to prioritise the cultivation of crops that consume less water like maize, cotton and sugar cane,asked the Board to come up with a strategy to persuade the farmers to shift tothese crops.

However, while the State governmenthas been advocating crop diversifi��cation to save groundwater, farmers don’tseem to be keen on shifting to othercrops unless they are given an assuredmarket and a guaranteed price for theirproduce. “I am aware that paddy consumes more water than other crops butwhat is the alternative? Governmentagencies purchase rice and wheat (during rabi season) at the minimum support price (MSP), which assures me of aremunerative return. But in the case ofother crops, there’s hardly any such assurance. The government should purchase all major crops at MSP as is donein case of rice and wheat; until then, it'sdiffi��cult to shift,” says Randhir Singh, 51,who grows paddy at his threeacre farmin Bhattiwal Khurd village.

This sentiment is echoed in otherparts of the State as well. In Fatehpurvillage, located in the Chief Minister’spocket borough of Patiala, KaramjeetSingh says that after suff��ering fi��nancialloss owing to a price crash in the market, he stopped the cultivation of potatoa few years ago. “Three years ago, Iplanted a potato crop in my fi��eld butprices in the market crashed badly. Thepotato was fetching as low as ₹��2 per kiloin the market. I couldn’t even recoverthe cost of my crop and suff��ered a lossof around ₹��3,00,000. Since then, I havestopped its cultivation and have beensowing rice and wheat, for which I amassured of getting a remunerative priceas government agencies will purchasemy produce at the MSP,” he says, as hetakes a seat along with his fellow farmers at the public shed in the village.

‘Wrong to blame farmers’As the farmers beat the heat and humidity of an August afternoon under a fanmounted on the shed’s ceiling, AjaibSingh, 62, points out that it is wrong toblame farmers for groundwater depletion. “There are industries and factoriesthat are extracting a huge amount ofgroundwater — legally and illegally. Notonly this, the unsystematic disposal ofwaste from these industries is contaminating the water, making it increasinglyalkaline,” he says.

For Dilbag Singh, 43, usage of waterfrom the Kherimala branch (canal),which fl��ows barely three km from thevillage, is an aff��ordable and doable wayto reduce dependence on groundwater.“The government needs to upgrade andwork on maintenance of canal irrigationsystem. It needs to ensure the supply ofwater at tailends [the last part of thewater outlet]. If an underground pipeline system can be laid, it will help usoptimise water use. Also, it will checkthe theft of canal water,” he says.

“Farmers like me are using tube wellsbecause it’s an easy way of extractingwater with powerful submersiblepumps these days, but if the government develops a mechanism and lays apipeline till my farm, why would I needto invest in a tube well? I remember weused to get water in canal outlets and also from wells for irrigation during the1980s, but now almost every house inthe village has a tube well,” says KesarSingh, 52, who has sown rice in his fi��veacre farm.

Another ricegrowing farmer, NirmalSingh, who is a farmer leader as well,points out that the government needs tofocus on establishing an assured marketmechanism. “What farmers want is amarket — where the purchase of their

products is guaranteed and they get anassured remunerative price,” he says.

Punjab’s economy is highly dependent on agriculture. The sector. however, is experiencing slower growth as theState’s cropping intensity and irrigationpotential have been fully exploited andthe growth in productivity has alsoreached a saturation point.

The intensive groundwater extraction in the last fi��ve decades through installation of shallow tube wells is refl��ected in tube well numbers — which haveincreased by almost 200% in 35 years,from six lakh in the 1980s to 14.76 lakhin 201718. Also, the area under rice cultivation has increased from 11.83 lakhhectares in 1980 to 28.86 lakh hectaresin 201718. On an average, there are 34tube wells per sq. km of net sown areain Punjab (201516).

According to the Draft DynamicGround Water Estimation Report2017,109 blocks out of the 138 blocks takenfor its study were “overexploited”, twoblocks were “critical” and fi��ve blockswere “semicritical” while 20 blocks arein “safe” category. The water table was

declining in nearly 80% of the area ofthe State.

The report also said that while the annual replenishable groundwater resource in Punjab was about 17.5 millionacreft (MAF), the annual draft (extraction) was 29 MAF, implying that the extraction rate outstripped availability byquite a few notches.

“If this trend continues, it will adversely aff��ect the agricultural economy ofthe State and it is apprehended that irrigated area may decrease by up to 15% inthe year 2025. Further, in the coming 20years, supply from about 60% of topaquifers may be jeopardised. There willbe an increase in the cost of raisingcrops, placing an increased fi��nancialburden on farmers and the government. A shortage in water supply couldalso act as a deterrent when it comes toinvestment in industries requiring water. Around 30 million residents of thePunjab region may face a collapse inagricultural output,” says S.K. Saluja,Superintending Engineer, Directorate ofGround Water Management.

Salinity in waterThe report also raised concerns aboutthe deteriorating quality of groundwater due to pollution caused by urbanisation, industrialisation and an increaseduse of fertilisers and pesticides. It saidthat while nearly 50%60% of groundwater was “fresh and fi��t”, 20%30% was“moderately saline and of marginalquality”. Further, about 15%25% of thegroundwater was “saline, alkaline andnot fi��t for irrigation”.

Water in south and southwestern districts — like Sangrur, Muktsar, Bathindaand Mansa — came under the last category, containing “varying concentrationof soluble salts” and its use for irrigationwill adversely aff��ect agricultural pro

duction, said the report.An increased awareness about the

need for safe drinking water has causedmany households in Bhattiwal Khurdvillage to install RO (reverse osmosis)water purifi��cation systems. “I felt theneed for RO system at my home aftermy family members started falling illdue to waterborne diseases at regularintervals. We have been consuminggroundwater directly from tube wellsfor a long time,” says Randhir Singh.

Untreated industrial effl��uentsP.S. Rangi, a noted agriculture economist and a former adviser to PunjabState Farmers Commission, says thatwater quality is being impacted by untreated or inadequately treated industrial effl�uents and sewage that fl��ows intorivulets and rivers in Punjab.

“Also, traditional water bodies suchas ponds and wells in the villages are under threat. In most of the places, pondshave been fi��lled and encroached uponwhile in other places, they have becomea dumping ground for sewage. The problem is further compounded by themixing of storm water and sewage in various municipal towns. The pollutionand contamination of water resourcesdue to industrial waste, sewage and excessive use of chemical pesticides inagriculture is a major cause of concernthat needs immediate attention,” saysRangi.

Given the grim situation, Punjab’sDepartment of Water Supply and Sani

tation is planning to implement 10 surface water projects at a cost of ₹��1,021crore. These projects intend to providepotable piped water supply to 1,021“qualityaff��ected” villages, making themless reliant on groundwater and moreon canal water.

A total of 130 such villages — including 85 uraniumaff��ected villages in Mogaand 45 ironaff��ected ones in Roopnagar— have so far been shifted from groundwater to canal water.

Lakhwinder Singh, professor of economics at Punjabi University, Patiala,who has been mapping rural Punjab fordecades, asserts that agriculture in theState thrived in the past due to easyavailability of both groundwater andsurface water but, over the past fewyears, the availability has reached a saturation point.

Increase in indebtedness“Successive State governments investedon drainage systems that saved cropsfrom damage in the case of heavy anduntimely rains. Over the years, due toan incentivising of groundwater irrigation by the government and an irrational increase in the number of electrictube wells, water tables have receded.Experts have been time and again cautioning the State on the longterm consequences of excessive exploitation ofgroundwater. Now, farmers are forcedto borrow from informal and formalsources to install tube wells, causing indebtedness and farmer suicides,” saysLakhwinder, adding that that faulty public policy and irrational cropping system should be blamed for the scenario.

“Governments never visualised a scenario where agriculture would blockthe natural groundwater rechargingprocess and create conditions for fallingwater tables,” he says.

He proposes that the drainage systembe used for artifi��cial recharge of groundwater. “There is also a dire need tochange the cropping pattern, especiallyin major parts of Malwa, which need totake up cotton cultivation again,” hesays, adding that “water recharging system, if put in place, can solve weatherrelated problems and economic incentives can be used to change farmers’mindsets, making them shift to multicropping system”.

He feels that a “major policy shiftwith long term vision can solve both theagrarian crisis and the problem of waterdepletion.”

Realising the magnitude of agrariancrises, the draft policy framed by Punjab’s Farmers and Farm Workers’ Commission points out that a decade of business as usual has left farmers in anunenviable position.

The policy strikes a cautious note intelling that the State is struggling tomeet the aspirations of its farmers andthe time has come to take a critical lookat the deteriorating resources, thechanging economic environment andthe emerging market scenarios.

A farmer at his paddy fi��eld in Sangrur as a bore well extracts groundwater. Increased cultivation of the waterguzzling rice crop, augmented by free power supply, has caused depletion in water reserves. * AKHILESH KUMAR

Paddy, tube wells and depleting groundwaterRice cultivation in Punjab, which thrived in the past due to the easy availability of water resources and free supply of electricity to farmers, is under considerablestrain now. Vikas Vasudeva examines how overexploitation has made groundwater not only scarce but also increasingly alkaline

Farmers in Fatehpur, Patiala, looking at an abandoned well, which once used to be a major water source for irrigation but hasnow run dry due to overextraction of groundwater. * AKHILESH KUMAR

<> Irrigated area in Punjab may

decrease by up to 15% in the

year 2025. Around 30 million

residents could face a collapse

in agricultural output

S.K. Saluja,

Engineer, Directorate of Ground Water Management

<> The government should

purchase all major crops at

MSP as it does for rice and

wheat; until then, it's diffi��cult

to shift to other crops

Randhir Singh,

Farmer at Bhattiwal Khurd village

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F…¯FÊ¨F³Qi ¦F„´°F. F…½FÊ Fi²FF³F ÀFa´FFQIY-À½F.³FSm³Qi FûWX³F. ÀFa´FFQIYe¹F d³FQZVFIY-¸FWZX³Qi FûWX³F ¦F„´°F. Fi²FF³F ÀFa´FFQIY-ÀFaªF¹F ¦F„´°F, ªFF¦FSX¯F FiIYFVF³F d»F. IZY d»FE: ³Fe°FZ³Qi ßFe½FFÀ°F½F õXFSXF 501, AFBÊX.E³F.EÀF. d¶Fd»OaX¦F,SXRYe FF¦FÊ, ³FBÊX dQ»»Fe ÀFZ FiIYFdVF°F AüSX CX³WXeÔ IZY õXFSXF OXe-210, 211, ÀFZ¢MXSX-63 ³FûEOXF ÀFZ F„dQi°F, ÀFa´FFQIY (SXF¿MÑXe¹F ÀFaÀIYSX¯F) -d½F¿¯F„ FiIYFVF dÂF´FFNXe* Q…SX·FF¿F : ³FBÊX dQ»»Fe IYF¹FFÊ»F¹ 0120-4615800 E-mail: [email protected], R.N.I. No. DELHIN/2017/74721 * BXÀF AaIY FZÔ FiIYFdVF°F ÀF¸FÀ°F ÀF¸FF¨FFSXûÔ IZY F¹F³F E½Fa À F WZX°F„ Fe.AFSX.¶Fe. E¢MX IZY Aa°F¦FÊ°F CXØFSXQF¹FeÜ ÀF¸FÀ°F d½F½FFQ dQ»»Fe ³¹FF¹FF»F¹F F : 011-43166300, ³FûEOXF IYF¹FFÊ»F¹F : , Fa´FFQ³ IZY A²Fe³F WXe WXûÔ¦FZÜ WX½FFBÊX VF„»IY A d°FdSX¢°FÜSXF¿MÑXe¹FX ÀFaÀIYSX¯Fwww.jagran.com

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8 issues and insights mumbai | 17 august 2019 breaking ... · new delhi's lodhi colony....

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