4401327

THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG

DOUGLAS W. SPARKS*

The Teochiu1 are a highly visible ethnic group2 in Hong Kong. They are aggressive, belligerent, likely to be involved in triads or narcotics, highly organized and shrewd businessmen. This is the stereotype of Teochiu that is widely held by non-Teochiu in Hong Kong. Emotional reactions to Teochiu at times seem to approach the vehemence of racist beliefs, although the diacritics signalling identity are not phenotypic but linguistic, cultural (food, emphasis placed on certain rituals rather than others) and most importantly for this article an individual's self-identification as Teochiu and concomitant involvement in largely Teochiu social networks and possibly in Teochiu organizations. It is difficult, however, to explicate the meaning of this identity in that there is tremendous diversity in the Teochiu population of Hong Kong. Some estimates of this population suggest that it is as high as one-fifth of the total population (see below). There is no clear cut relationship between ethnicity and occupation in urban Hong Kong, much less between ethnicity and class. Teochiu are found in all sectors of the economy and at all socio-economic levels.

* The author is a postgraduate research student from The Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at Austin, who recently carried out 18 months field work in Hong Kong. This research was supported by a National Science Foundation Dissertation Research Grant, for which he expresses his indebtedness and appreciation.

1 The most widely recognized romanization for this ethnic in Hong Kong is "Chiu Chow" which is the Cantonese pronunciation of the characters M '>H . Newspapers, government publications and even Teochiu associations in Hong Kong use this romanization. "Teochiu" and other variants (Taechew, Tiochew) represent the romanization corresponding to the pronunciation of the characters in the Teochiu language and are widely used by Western scholars in South East Asia.

2 The Teochiu as well as other Chinese ethnic groups in South East Asia and Hong Kong have until recently been labelled "dialect groups" and their languages considered to be dialects of "the" Chinese language. This terminology is inappropriate in that these so called dialects are quite clearly languages, being for the most part mutually unintelligible. The use of the term "dialect group" not only reflects the lack of interest and possibly the unawareness of the importance of ethnicity as a variable in studies of overseas Chinese, but has also served to obscure and minimize that importance.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch

© RASHKB and author ISSN 1991-7295

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26 DOUGLAS W. SPARKS

This article begins with a brief, general overview of the social history of the Teochiu in Hong Kong, and then outlines the Teochiu formal and informal organizational structure, with the intention of examining the nature of Teochiu solidarity. Attention then focuses upon a micro-analysis of the Teochiu population of one government housing estate in order to examine some of the processes that will have been mentioned. Tentative conclusions are then made concerning the nature of ethnicity in urban areas, as opposed to "rural" areas, of the Colony.

Current anthropological approaches to the study of ethnicity view it primarily as a reflection of political economic dynamics and are oriented toward conflict and competition models while de-emphasizing the importance of cultural content as an explanatory variable of inter-ethnic interaction and conflict. The identification of cultural differences is generally, of course, a salient feature in ethnic ideology and myths and is an important aspect of ethnic stereotypes in Hong Kong. Differences between ethnic groups in Hong Kong in ritual, beliefs, and family structure, etc. are minimal however, particularly in the urban areas. "Cultural" explanations of ethnic solidarity in Hong Kong, as well as reductionist explanations postulating the traditional psychological tendency for Chinese from the same village or district to cohere, are insufficient. An individual has a choice as to when, if ever, and in which social contexts a particular role or "identity" is asserted. One can quite obviously be a "member" of an ethnic group and choose to ignore that membership or identify with a larger, perhaps more inclusive category or a politically dominant category. Ethnic identity is not fixed from birth; anthropologists have been particularly interested in studies of individuals who cross ethnic boundaries and become "members" of another ethnic group (see Barth, 1969). An individual's decision is influenced by pre-existing conditions or constraints within the social system. One purpose of this paper is to indicate several constraints influencing some Teochiu to positively assert their identity as Teochiu.

Ethnic Studies1 in Hong Kong Past studies of Chinese social organization in Hong Kong and

South East Asia generally have not dealt with ethnicity as an important variable in that organization nor with different ethnic groups,

1 The concern here is with studies of Chinese ethnic groups and not with studies of Westerners in Hong Kong vis-a-vis Chinese.



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THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG 27

with the exception of the many studies of Hakka and the so-called "boat people" of Hong Kong. (Aijmer, 1967; Kani, 1967; Cohen, 1968). Some studies, while discussing ethnic divisions in overseas Chinese communities and the functions of ethnic associations, do not provide an intensive analysis of the dynamics of inter-ethnic interaction, the psychological processes inherent in subjective feelings of ethnic identity, or the processes involved in the maintenance or erosion of ethnic solidarity. (Skinner, 1958; Crissman, 1969). One exception to this is a recent study of Chinese ethnic occupational specialization and interaction in Sabah, Malaysia. (Han, 1971) One of the earliest discussions of ethnicity based on research in Hong Kong focused on ethnic cognitive categories as verbalized by 'Tanka' boat people (Anderson, 1967). More recently Blake examined inter-ethnic interaction and political-economic participation in a small market town in the New Territories of Hong Kong, (Blake, 1973) and Michael Palmer examined the interplay of religion, ethnicity and politics in several villages in N.T. (as yet unpublished). Greg Guldin's (as yet unpublished) study of Fukien youth in North Point, Hong Kong Island, in 1974-75 was the first attempt to examine ethnicity in an urban area.1 The increasing interest in the study of ethnicity in Hong Kong is partially the result of an increasing concern in anthropological studies with ethnicity and is also a reflection of a well established trend for young American anthropologists to undertake studies in urban multi-ethnic communities.

Ethnic Stereotypes in Hong Kong It is difficult to describe general stereotypes of ethnic groups

that would be applicable to all categories in Hong Kong, in that the members of different ethnic groups may attribute dissimilar characteristics to a particular ethnic group in question. Attributed characteristics may also be expected to vary with the socio-economic and education level of the respondents. Further, we would expect to find that the ethnic groups considered important to a particular person depend not only on his personal experiences and interactions with other ethnic groups but also on the ethnic composition of the localities where he lives and works. For example, the classification of ethnic groups relevant to a person living in a fishing village may include categories which are not significant to a person living in a government housing estate. These "superfluous" categories

1 The applicability of the urban/rural dichotomy to Hong Kong will be discussed below.



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may be more or less unknown to the latter or they may be included in a larger category with no internal divisions. For, example a brief analysis of ethnic stereotypes in the Castle Peak Bay area in the New Territories (Anderson, 1967:98-99) mentions certain groups (particularly Cantonese boat people) which are not significant to the Teochiu that I studied in a housing estate. With regard, however, to very positively or negatively stigmatized categories, members of which are found throughout the Colony, considerable similarity in attributed characteristics is found. This is particularly true of stereotypes of Teochiu. For example, according to the Castle Peak stereotypes, Teochiu are dishonest, rascals, and involved in triads (Anderson, 1967:98). Almost all non-Teochiu that I have spoken to concerning their conceptions of Teochiu, regardless of their educational levels, have verbalized a mostly negative stereotype, The key elements of this stereotype seem to be the conservativeness of Teochiu; their clannishness or tendency to stick together, particularly in the face of adversity (this aspect is invariably given an implied negative connotation); their proclivity for involvement in crime and narcotics; their religious and non-religious superstitious-ness, proven by their commitment to certain rituals, particularly the Hungry Ghost Festival; their violent, aggressive and pushy personality which leads to conflict with others in the market or factory. These elements are causally inter-linked in the minds of non-Teochiu. Teochiu of course are well aware of the stereotype and have counter-explanations or rationalizations for each element. The origin of the various elements can be explained in terms of recent patterns of interethnic interaction following the immigration of large numbers of Teochiu after 1949; that is, in the way that non-Teochiu reacted to this group which initially could not speak Cantonese, and in the manner that Teochiu in turn solidified ethnic boundaries and separated themselves. It is therefore important to consider Teochiu conceptions of themselves and other ethnic groups.

The date presented here is largely drawn from a questionnaire which was administered to Teochiu in a resettlement estate whose residents included former squatters and refugees from mainland China, Teochiu living in other localities, and non-Teochiu from various localities. Probability survey methods were found to be impractical in application and questionnaires were administered to people I met during the research. The questionnaire contains questions concerning ethnic stereotypes and rank ordering of ethnic



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THE TEOCHIU : ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG 29

groups in relation to a number of variables, as well as behavioural questions concerning actual interaction with other ethnic groups.1

Teochiu generally conceive of their own ethnic group in positive terms, although there are some exceptions. Positive conceptions of Teochiu focus on three pivotal elements:

(1) Economic values—Teochiu are very thrifty and hard working, and want to fully support their families by themselves (this usually means that they want to run their own business).

(2) Group solidarity—Teochiu are united vis-a-vis other ethnic groups and place strong emphasis on willingness to assist other Teochiu.

(3) Familial and social behavioural norms—Teochiu place greater emphasis upon traditional norms than do other ethnic groups and particularly stress filial devotion, respectful behaviour toward elders, the importance of maintaining face, protecting the family and clan reputation, concern for public affairs.

A small number of respondents to the questionnaire verbalized negative conceptions, primarily emphasizing the selfishness of Teochiu, their concern only for themselves and their families rather than for the wider group.

Teochiu generally consider Shanghai people fairly positively, emphasizing their ability to manage large scale factories and their politeness (which is seen as a function of having lived in a large city like Shanghai). Cantonese are generally not perceived as very threatening to Teochiu but are considered to be lacking in moral fibre, in that they do not place much emphasis upon traditional norms (that is, they eat out too much, spend rather than save money, the men allow their wives to leave home to work, are not as filial as Teochiu, etc). Teochiu either know very little about Fukien or consider them to be friendly and polite. Hakka are simple, plain and diligent, although there is some question about the morality of Hakka men in allowing their women to work so hard. The most vehement and outspoken statements are reserved for Hoi Luk Fung (jtfcf£<j£), people from two districts adjacent to Teochiu further south along the Kwangtung coast. This group is relatively unknown except to people from northeastern Kwangtung. Most Teochiu

1 The questionnaire data has not yet been fully analysed. Findings presented here represent general trends in the data.



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strongly dislike and distrust these people and in fact perceive them in much the same way as non-Teochiu perceive Teochiu.

Questions arise as to the degree that Teochiu themselves have defined and maintained their own ethnic distinctiveness, as opposed to the role of the wider society (that is, other ethnic groups in conjunction with the political administrative structure and opinion influencing media), in structuring Teochiu identity by propagating a certain stereotype which influences non-Teochiu in their interactions with Teochiu and thus reinforces feelings of separation and distance. These questions cannot be answered a priori by logical reasoning from theoretical models of pluralistic societies, but must be examined in terms of the history of a particular ethnic group and its relationships with other groups and in terms of the socioeconomic position of that group within the society.

A Brief History of the Teochiu in Hong Kong The vast majority of Teochiu in Hong Kong immigrated after

World War II; prior to that most Teochiu who emigrated from Teochiu (that is, the nine Teochiu districts in northeastern Kwang-tung) went to Southeast Asia, particularly Thailand.1

Hong Kong census reports prior to 1897 do not subdivide the Chinese population into ethnic groups. The census of 1897 states that there were 4,278 Teochiu of which only 293 were women; by 1901, the total was 4,631, a very small increase, of which 332 were women. In 1911 there were 6,592 Teochiu, defined according to birth place, in Hong Kong and Kowloon, and 63 in the New Territories; in 1921 8,033 Teochiu of which 1,076 were women. By 1931 out of a total Chinese population of 821,429, the figure increased to 11,373, of which 2,457 were women (H.K. Census Reports 1841-1941, reports for the years 1897, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931). The 1941 census did not subdivide the Chinese population into ethnic groups. It is clear that prior to World War II Teochiu were a very small portion of the total population and that the number of Teochiu females was very small, although gradually increasing in size relative to males. According to the 1971 Census, there were about

1 This paper will not deal with the origin or history of Teochiu in China nor with Teochiu emigration to Southeast Asia. My dissertation, which is in preparation, deals with these and other topics not discussed here.



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371,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong in that year (1971 Census). All "official" Teochiu estimates of the total Teochiu population suggest that the census figure is considerably too low. Various Teochiu associations have estimated that there are as many as one million Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:105; Chiu Chow Cultural and Educational Association, 1974:125). If this is an accurate estimate, then between 20 to 25% of the total population is Teochiu. This figure is most probably, however, an overestimate and the true figure probably lies somewhere between the government figure and the Teochiu estimate. Whatever the actual number of Teochiu, they are the second largest ethnic group in Hong Kong, Cantonese being the largest.

It is difficult to outline the pre-World War II history of Teochiu in Hong Kong in that there are few written sources aside from brief statements in Teochiu publications. The major source of information is thus the recollections of older Teochiu who lived in Hong Kong prior to World War II. It is clear that the largest portion of Teochiu lived and worked in Nam Pak Hong ({jq^tft), a triangular area of several blocks in what is now Western District. This area was the location of the earliest import export trading firms after the establishment of the Colony in 1842. Many of these firms were owned by Teochiu and although there appear to be no records indicating the extent of Teochiu control in the early entrepot trade, Teochiu informants suggest that many of the firms in Nam Pak Hong were Teochiu.

The success of these early firms, some of which are still in existence, is in large part due to what must have been a very rapid development of commercial ties with Teochiu businessmen in Thailand, other areas in Southeast Asia and Swatow.1 It can be assumed that many of the Teochiu and perhaps a majority, who came to Hong Kong in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did so in order to participate in and to extend the regional Teochiu commercial networks. A Teochiu publication discusses the biography of an important Teochiu businessmen who came to Hong Kong in 1842. This man had emigrated from his home district in

1 Swatow was the second largest town in Teochiu in the 1800s and not very important commercially, but quickly became the centre of commercial and industrial development after it was opened as a treaty port in 1858. It later became the administrative center for Teochiu and is still the administrative center today.



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China to Thailand where he worked for a Teochiu trading firm. He came to Hong Kong in 1842 to establish his own import/export firm which became active in the extensive trading between Southeast Asia and the sea ports of China. This person, and the man who established a certain company still well known among Teochiu merchants today, 0ft4£@b), are treated as the first important Teochiu merchants in Hong Kong. The former was also one of the original founders of the Tung Wah Hospital {%%•=.$&), one of the most important charitable and prestigious Chinese organizations throughout the history of British Hong Kong. In 1892 this man served as the Chairman of the hospital board, a reflection of the prestige accorded him. It is interesting to note that of his nine sons, two became prominent in Teochiu; one established a textile factory in the family's home town and the other became active in politics in Swatow during the 1911 Revolution and later owned a utility company in Swatow. (Ching Hoi Clansmen's Assn, 1970: 55-57). The success of the enterprises of the two sons is presumably related to the commercial success of the father's firm in Hong Kong. This example illustrates the manner in which commercial networks were established between China, Hong Kong and Southeast Asia and also partially explains Teochiu specialization in international trading in certain commodities, such as Chinese medicines and Thai rice. Teochiu firms in one country are likely to consider Teochiu firms in another country as potential business partners (there are exceptions of course) and thus the latter may easily acquire a semi-monopoly over commodities shipped from the former. International Teochiu friendship and kinship networks are undoubtedly an important basis for this intra-ethnic trading. Present-day Teochiu domination of the rice importation, wholesale and retail trade in Hong Kong illustrates the extent to which local commerce has been influenced by the development of Teochiu international networks.

The following brief discussion suggests the outlines of the development of Teochiu commercial relationships between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia. Most of the firms mentioned below were presumably located in Nam Pak Hong. Prior to the establishment of Hong Kong in 1842, trade between Thailand and China was dominated by Teochiu in Thailand. A Teochiu publication states that after 1842 many Thai Teochiu came to Hong Kong expressly to expedite trade between Thailand and China and that Hong Kong Teochiu soon handled most of this trade (Hung, 1961:3). Trading



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THE TEOCHIU : ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG 3 3

between Hong Kong and Thailand was at its height during two periods of several years following the two World Wars. Teochiu import/export firms trading with Thailand established a commercial association in 1946 (Hung, 1961:4). In the 1920s there were at least 21 Teochiu firms involved in trade with Singapore, and in 1930 these firms established a commercial association which by 1951 had 41 member firms (Hung, 1961:2). Teochiu trade between Hong Kong and Vietnam began in the last years of the Ch'ing Dynasty and became substantial in 1914, apparently as a result of World War I. This trading gradually increased until the involvement of the U.S. in the war of liberation at which time the importation of goods into Vietnam from China ceased. This drastically curtailed the importing activities of Teochiu firms in Hong Kong exporting Chinese commodities to Vietnam (Hung, 1961:7). After the opening of Swatow as a treaty port in 1858, Teochiu firms in Hong Kong became active in importing Teochiu products from there and then re-exporting them to Southeast Asia, primarily for Teochiu consumption. In 1946 there were at least 20 firms involved in such trading and by 1948 about 100. Many of these were evidently forced out of business or into other areas of business after 1949, although there were still about 20 firms still involved in Swatow/ Southeast Asian trading during the 1950s. These firms were evidently forced to operate with a very low profit margin (Hung, 1961: 8).

Immediately prior to World War II there were perhaps 20,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong, many living in Western District. During the 1930s, however, some Teochiu began to move over to the Tsim Sha Tsui district of Kowloon, particularly Haiphong, Hankow and Canton Roads (Lee: 1969:55). Many of these people were employed as coolies in the Kowloon Godown, which still today employs predominately Teochiu laborers. Most, however, were forced to move out of the area after World War II with the commercial and tourist development of Tsim Sha Tsui. Another area of Teochiu concentration prior to World War II was in the hills around Kowloon Walled City where Teochiu squatters raised pigs and poultry (Lee, 1969:56). This early concentration was undoubtedly a factor in the later heavy concentration of Teochiu in Kowloon City in the 1950s and 1960s. By 1961, according to the government census, there were 257,319 Teochiu in Hong Kong and by 1971 the figure



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had risen to 391,474 (1961 Census, 2:35; 1971 Census Main Report: 30-31). Most probably these figures substantially understate the total number of Teochiu, as suggested above.

This rapid increase in numbers was the result of large scale immigration of refugees from China in the late 1940s and 1950s. Large numbers of these immigrants were peasants who brought little or nothing with them to Hong Kong. Many were unable to find work other than unskilled labouring jobs at wages that seem impossibly low today (the cost of living was also substantially lower) and were forced to build makeshift huts on whatever land they could occupy as squatters. Virtually all of the Teochiu that immigrated after World War II that I have spoken to made contact upon arrival in Hong Kong with friends, fellow villagers or kinsmen who initially provided food and lodging and later helped them find jobs and places to live.

Within squatter settlements Teochiu tended to reside in huts adjacent to other Teochiu, and there began to appear concentrations of Teochiu in particular settlements from one of the Teochiu districts in China or even from one village. This was a function of the tendency for new immigrants to live close to kinsmen, friends or friends of friends. Very substantial friendship networks were developed in these Teochiu "neighbourhoods" before many of these squatter areas were cleared and the residents moved to resettlement estates. Informants have stated that resettlement entailed a difficult adjustment period which was considerably eased by reciprocal assistance obtainable from long established friendships and, for many, from extensive kinship networks. The Teochiu populations of resettlement estates with which I am familiar, primarily in Tsuen Wan, did not move into the massive housing estates friendless and without potential sources of assistance other than unknown and possibly unfriendly new neighbours. This is not to say that all Teochiu were equally involved in Teochiu networks or relying primarily on other Teochiu for assistance or friendship, nor that Teochiu solidarity was not internally fractured by conflict and division.

Many Teochiu continued to participate in Teochiu networks after resettlement because they found such participation to be effective in dealing with various kinds of problems and conflicts with other people, government officers, police, etc. This tendency to utilize Teochiu contacts and resources was, of course, partially



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a reflection of the general mutual animosity between Teochiu and other Chinese. Any further discussion of general patterns becomes less meaningful given the variation within the Teochiu population. The discussion in one of the following sections of the Teochiu population in one resettlement estate considers this variation and the processes discussed above in a particular social setting.

The geographical distribution of Teochiu in Hong Kong in 1971 is presented in Table l.1 The only area of heavy Teochiu concentration in Hong Kong Island is the West census district, which of course includes Nam Pak Hong, the oldest area of Teochiu concentration. Hung Horn is the only area of substantial Teochiu settlement in the Kowloon census districts. More than one half of the Teochiu recorded in the census reside in the New Kowloon census districts, with one-fourth of all Teochiu in the Kai Tak district and almost one-fourth in Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun districts. The Kai Tak census district includes Kowloon City, an area of heavy Teochiy residential concentration. The Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun census districts roughly correspond to the industrial town of Kwun Tong. Thousands of Teochiu squatters were resettled into Kwun Tong's resettlement estates, particularly Ngau Tau Kok Resettlement Estate. Another census district in New Kowloon with significant Teochiu concentration is Shek Kip Mei; many Teochiu in this district reside in the Shek Kip Mei Resettlement Estate. The only areas of significant Teochiu concentration in the New Territories are Tsuen Wan and Yuen Long. Again, many Teochiu in Tsuen Wan reside in resettlement estates, mostly in Kwai Chung. Personal experiences in Tsuen Wan suggest that the actual number of Teochiu in Hong Kong is greater than the 1971 census figures.

Table II indicates that more than 39% of Teochiu land domestic households are located in resettlement estates and almost one-half are located in one kind of housing estate or another. I would estimate that at least one half of Teochiu households at one time or another resided in squatter structures. In 1971 over 8,000 Teochiu households resided in "temporary housing" and another 4,700 households in "stone structures". These two categories refer primarily to illegal squatter structures, which suggests that a fairly large number of Teochiu are still squatters.

1 The information in Table 1 and in the other tables was very kindly provided by Mr. M. C. Lcong, Statistician, Census and Statistics Department, Hong Kong Government.



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The 1961 Census and 1966 By-Census include "place of origin" and "usual language" as variables and cross-tabulate them with a number of other variables, including age, education, number of children, place of residence in Hong Kong, length of residence, etc.1 The two variables are not cross-tabulated, however, with occupation and income. The only sources of information concerning Teochiu occupational structure are unpublished data from the 1971 Census, provided by Mr. M.C. Leong of the Census and Statistics Department, and data from Teochiu publications.

Tables III and IV provide occupational information from the 1971 Census. The first category in Table III includes unemployed women and children. Many of these women, who may have been represented as unemployed housewives to the census interviewers, are in fact doing piece work in their homes. The largest category is "craftsmen production workers and laborers" which reflects the large number of Teochiu semi-skilled factory workers and coolies, and represents 20% of all employed Teochiu. The next largest category is "clerical and sales workers" which represents over 29,000 workers, followed by "service, sport and recreation workers" (17,581), transport and communication workers (9,460), and then the smallest significant category — administrative, executive and managerial workers (8,826). The large number of transport workers recorded in the census reflects the fact that probably a majority of mini-bus drivers in Hong Kong are Teochiu.

Table IV classifies economically active ever married men by occupation. The same ordering of categories is found in this table as in Table III. It should be noted that many unmarried, young men and women are employed as unskilled and semi-skilled workers in large factories. These tables suggest a preponderance of Teochiu in relatively low paid and unskilled jobs. Unfortunately, the occupational classification presented in these tables do not include ownership of businesses, particularly ownership of small shops, small workshops or flatted factories, and large-scale factories. There are numerous Teochiu owned light industrial firms, including plastic factories, machine tooling factories, garment factories, aluminum factories, as well as many import/export trading firms, banks and financial companies, stock companies, insurance companies and restaurants (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1961; Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971).

1 A more extensive analysis of the census statistics appears in my dissertation.



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As mentioned above, the sale of rice in Hong Kong has always been dominated by Teochiu businessmen. Prior to World War II, the importation of rice into Hong Kong was virtually controlled by Teochiu in that the exportation of rice from Thailand, Vietnam and Burma was almost exclusively managed by Teochiu merchants in Southeast Asia (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:91). Part of the imported rice was re-exported to Swatow and other cities in South China and Japan. Teochiu domination lessened following the introduction of a quota system for rice importation after World War II. However, Teochiu firms are still of considerable importance in the importation of rice. In 1955 the number of government-authorized rice importing firms was increased to 48; of these, 19 were owned or operated by Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:92) The 12 Teochiu rice wholesale firms, representing one-third of the number of such firms, are responsible for 65% of all wholesale rice transactions. Not supri-singly, 1700 of the 2,000 or so rice retail shops in Hong Kong are run by Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:92, 93). One Teochiu association estimates that 70,000 Teochiu, one-ninth of the total Teochiu population, earn their living from the sale of rice (that is, rice shop owners, employees or dependents of the former) (Cultural and Educational Association, 1964:34). This estimate is probably an overstatement but perhaps as many as 10% of all employed males are working in the rice trade. This specialization is clearly a result of and a reflection of the successful functioning of Teochiu international commercial networks.

Another pattern which is not reflected in the census occupation tables is the preponderance of Teochiu owned and operated shops of all kinds, including hawker stalls, cooked and uncooked food stalls in and around housing estates. No data is available classifying ownership of such small-scale businesses by ethnic group, but my own experiences suggest Teochiu ownership is considerably higher than the relative population sizes of different ethnic groups would suggest, even in areas of relatively low Teochiu residential concentration.

Another area of alleged Teochiu specialization is narcotic tra-fficing between Hong Kong, Southeast Asia, Europe and the U.S. The production and distribution of heroin originating in the Golden Triangle in Southeast Asia is said to be largely controlled by



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Teochiu syndicates based in Thailand and Hong Kong. It is unfortunate, however, that the public media in Hong Kong has perhaps over-emphasized Teochiu involvement and helped create the impression that many Teochiu are involved in drugs and organized crime. Teochiu control of international heroin production and distribution in Asia can be related to two factors:

(1) Teochiu involvement in drug trafficing in China, particularly in Shanghai, prior to 1949 and the gradually established monopoly of the Hong Kong trade by Teochiu syndicates after 1949 (McCoy, 1972:224-229);

(2) the successful functioning of long established Teochiu international commercial networks in Southeast Asia.

Most Teochiu businessmen are of course engaged in legitimate trade within Hong Kong and with Southeast Asia.

With regard to the so-called triads in Hong Kong, I have been told that Teochiu triads are much more controlled and hierarchically organized within areas in which they operate compared with other ethnic triad organizations; such as the Cantonese 14K triad which tend to be splintered into local level groups with little, if any, control or co-ordination from higher levels. Needless to say, the highly organized nature of Teochiu criminal groups is partially a function of interethnic dynamics and hostility in Hong Kong. The question arises as to the role of Teochiu triads at the "street level" in the maintenance of Teochiu solidarity and ethnic boundaries. No definitive answer can be given as my research was not concerned with criminal organizations, but it would seem that Teochiu criminal networks, regardless of the fact that non-elite Teochiu are "victims" of triad extortion, etc., do provide a potential source of assistance in conflicts with members of other ethnic groups (and their triads) and with the police. Ethnic based criminal syndicates in all societies function as alternative authority structures to which some people, perhaps thinking that the "legitimate" governmental structure is irresponsive, turn when their immediate resources and contacts are insufficient in coping with a particular problem. The successful functioning of Teochiu criminal organizations is probably partially a result of strong feelings of ethnic identity and solidarity among many Teochiu and is in itself a probable contributing factor in the maintenance of Teochiu solidarity.



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Teochiu Associational Structure

Teochiu are reputed to be highly organized, much more so than other ethnic groups. The proliferation of Teochiu associations in Hong Kong must certainly give the impression to outsiders that the Teochiu community is an hierarchically organized, monolithic structure. Teochiu themselves, however, are well aware of internal divisions and the lack of communication between different "levels" within the formal organizational structure.

There are a number of different kinds of formal and informal Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong. A preliminary distinction can be made between what will be called '"higher level" and "lower level" associations. This distinction is based partially on the primary functions or activities of particular associations and partially on the influence of an association as a group and the influence of individual leaders and members. "Higher level" associations include commercial organizations of various kinds ranging from the most influential and powerful Chiu-Chow Chamber of Commerce to associations whose membership is limited to certain occupations such as the wholesale rice trade or ownership of plastic factories. "Lower level" associations include surname, district and Hungry Ghost Festival organizations.

There are probably at least 150 Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong, including 58 Hungry Ghost Festival organizations, a number of other religious organizations and numerous Teochiu Christian organizations. These organizations are not tightly interconnected through formal communication channels, nor are the "lower level" associations controlled by "higher level" associations. Many organizations are fairly autonomous, with few formal links to other organizations, and are largely concerned with activities pertinent to their own sphere of interest. This is reflected in the failure of an attempt by some Teochiu leaders several years ago to establish a general Teochiu association to be composed of representatives of all Teochiu organizations. This kind of association would presumably have been a very potent special interest group. The attempt failed because of an apparent lack of interest on the part of many elite Teochiu, the feeling that "higher level" Teochiu associations already sufficiently fulfilled the functions of such an association, and, according to one informant, the dominant concern of some leaders with their own limited sphere of interest.



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Another example was an attempt, again several years ago, initially promoted by several very prominent Teochiu elites, to use some of the money donated for the three day Hungry Ghost Festival for charitable purposes. Total expenditures on each of these 58 festivals ranges from HK$ 150,000 to more than HK$200,000. The minimum total annual expenditure is at least HK$9,000,000. The attempt was unsuccessful in that the organizers were unable to convince local level leaders to set aside part of the collected funds for a general fund for certain charitable puposes.

There is considerable diversity among Teochiu leaders in attitudes toward this particular festival which, as a three day public ritual, is largely performed by Teochiu (though many non-Teochiu families also make individual offerings to the hungry ghosts on the 15th day of the 7th lunar month). Some leaders regard the festival as a "superstitious" waste of money, and this attitude was one of the motivations behind the attempt to siphon donated funds into charitable purposes. This example illustrates the lack of agreement among Teochiu organizations and leaders at different levels concerning attitudes toward religious beliefs and ritual in general and this important Teochiu festival in particular. It is important in that it is the ritual focus of a number of locally organized informal groups and is considered by many Teochiu and non-Teochiu as the cultural symbol par excellance of Teochiu ethnic viability. Although it is possible to argue that this huge expenditure is a waste of money and effort, it is my belief that local level leaders would not be able to generate sufficient enthusiasm for the donation of money and physical labor for purposes other than those which non-elite would choose to participate in. The festival organizations are largely autonomous and locally organized informal groups which would not exert such effort for goals originating at higher levels within the Teochiu community.

If Teochiu organizations are not tightly inter-linked by formal mechanisms, they are of course interconnected by personal networks. These are the threads tying together the Teochiu community and literally run up and down socio-economic levels and have contact points with the formal organizations. Ego-centric networks also cross-cut ethnic boundaries, a reflection of numerous friendship, commercial and political ties across ethnic categories. There is of course considerable variation in the extent to which ego-centric networks include non-Teochiu linkages.



Vol. 16 (1976 )

THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG 4 1

Variation and Solidarity within Teochiu Population1

As noted above, there were sufficiently large numbers of Teochiu immigrants coming to Hong Kong after the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 to enable Teochiu to reside and work together in fairly large concentrations. The initial contact period between non-Teochiu and the new immigrants was generally marked by ethnic hostility, at times erupting into physical violence between individuals or groups at places of work. Interethnic rivalry and violence was particularly common among coolies. Recently arrived Teochiu could not of course speak or understand Cantonese and were often forced to work in the most physically demanding and lowest paid occupations. Informants have indicated that it required a period of up to one year in some cases for Teochiu to learn sufficient Cantonese to enable limited communication with non-Teochiu. Communication difficulties and concomitant misunderstandings were undoubtedly one cause of inter-ethnic hostility and have contributed to the widely held belief among non-Teochiu that Teochiu are loud spoken and quarrelsome. Teochiu who were born in China and learned Cantonese after immigrating to Hong Kong speak Cantonese with a distinct accent and can be easily identified as Teochiu by others. The fact that many Teochiu could initially find work only in low status occupations reinforced the opinions of others that Teochiu were rough and coarse menial laborers. Teochiu were widely discriminated against and treated with fear and disrespect in this early period. They found it difficult to obtain jobs from non-Teochiu and were considered by many to be too violent and aggressive to function well in some jobs. The belief that Teochiu are violent in nature is largely derived from the very real tendency for Teochiu to go to the aid of other Teochiu in a fight, even if they are complete strangers. This norm, involving mutual assistance on the street, was a reflection of the struggles involved in survival and adaptation. It is thus not suprising that most initially relied on Teochiu sources of assistance and that many remained heavily involved in primarily Teochiu networks and committed to a Teochiu identity as they grew older.

The greater part of my research was concerned with an intensive analysis of Teochiu social networks and several formal and informal religious organizations in one resettlement estate. The Teochiu

1 The discussion that follows, unless stated otherwise, refers to Teochiu living in urban areas of the Colony.



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population of this estate, comprising more than one tenth of the 67,000 people in the estate, were for the most part resettled from several squatter settlements in Tsuen Wan and Kowloon, where extensive friendship and kinship networks were already developed prior to resettlement. These networks were elaborated and extended within the housing estate. There is of course differential involvement in local Teochiu organizations and in reliance upon solely Teochiu sources of assistance, although virtually all contribute money and participate in the locally organized Hungry Ghost Festival in early August. Only a minority of Teochiu men in the estate are actively involved in the three Teochiu organizations in the estate, which suggests one kind of variation within the Teochiu population of Hong Kong. Most of the Teochiu households in the estate are composed of two or three generations and the primary wage earners are usually men, ranging from the late twenties to middle age, who immigrated from China. They identity themselves as Teochiu, have primarily Teochiu close friends (this statement is based on observation and not informants' statements) and for the most part marry Teochiu women. The majority of these men are primarily concerned with their jobs or businesses and their families and do not choose to become actively involved in local Teochiu associations. All Teochiu in the estate do have friendship relationships with non-Teochiu who are either work colleagues, neighbors or friends of friends. However, given the large numbers of Teochiu in the estate from a small number of villages in one of the Teochiu districts in China, it is not surprising that most leisure time is spent with kinsmen, fellow villagers or Teochiu friends who are also the primary sources of assistance in resolving problems.

Based on experiences in other resettlement estates, I would suggest that the behavioral patterns outlined above can be generalized to that segment of the Teochiu population residing in resettlement estates. It is not necessarily possible to equate Hong Kong's resettlement population with one social class, in that some resettled families now own very successful businesses. Within the resettlement estate discussed above, however, the majority of Teochiu families, while having modest savings, consume most of their monthly earnings and not infrequently are forced to borrow money from friends or relatives for short periods of time.

It is much more difficult to generalize about interethnic interaction and attitudes toward ethnic identity for Teochiu residing



Vol. 16 (1976 )

THE TEOCHIU : ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG 4 3

in private housing and at higher socio-economic levels. Certainly many Teochiu businessmen are heavily committed to Teochiu commercial networks and there generally appears to be a positive relationship between age, psychological orientation to Teochiu identity, and primary interaction with Teochiu. One pattern that does apply to all Teochiu, regardless of social class and educational level, is the tendency for most Teochiu youth born in Hong Kong to abandon any commitment to a Teochiu identity. They feel, and this to a large extent reflects the attitudes of their parents, that an ethnic identity is largely irrelevent to their lives. Rich and poor parents alike have told me that Teochiu-ness is entirely irrelevant to life in Hong Kong today, and that their children must concern themselves with the problems of living in Hong Kong, particularly getting an education and a good job.

This de-emphasis of ethnicity in socialization is reflected in the fact that many Teochiu born in Hong Kong and now aged 20 years or less are unable to speak Teochiu, although they may be able to partially understand Teochiu when it is spoken by others. This is reflected in Table V which categorizes the Teochiu population according to usual language. The columns of interest are those labelled "Cantonese" and "Hoklo" (the latter is defined by the 1971 Census as all Min languages, including Teochiu). The relative percentages of those Teochiu whose "usual language" is Cantonese decreases in the higher age groups. Table VI presents these percentages according to age groups. There are questions which arise concerning the use of the expression "usual language" when the census questionnaires are administered. It is difficult to know what respondents think when asked this question but Teochiu have responded to my questioning with the reply that they use Teochiu in some contexts and Cantonese in others. It is questionable whether only 52% of Teochiu aged 55 and over consider Teochiu to be their usual language. In any case, it is clear that age is generally related to usual language and I would suggest that this is primarily due to the inability of many young Teochiu to speak Teochiu. The latter have or are attending schools in which the medium of instruction is Cantonese and/or English; this is also true of all Teochiu secondary and primary schools in Hong Kong. They are also more likely, at least in the resettlement estate intensively studied, to have more non-Teochiu close friends and to marry non-Teochiu.



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These changes may have future implications for the continued growth and viability of Teochiu religious organizations. Present growth in number and size of Hungry Ghost festival organizations, the majority of which are located in resettlement estates, suggests that Teochiu local leaders have been successful in mobilizing support for this festival within the lower socio-economic levels of the Teochiu population. This mobilization has obviously been carried out and expressed in terms of ethnic solidarity and a common cultural heritage, and has been successful partially because it has utilized and in fact worked through the extensive and dense friendship and kinship networks that have developed within the housing estates. These festival organizations can be viewed as extensions of these networks into the organization of rituals which express Teochiu cultural solidarity to others and reflect underlying inter-ethnic rivalry and hostility in the local area.

One purpose of this article is to derive a preliminary conceptualization of ethnicity in the urban areas of Hong Kong. Such a conceptualization should involve more than an analysis of ethnic groups residing in a city. It should also indicate in what ways urban ethnicity is different from rural or non-urban ethnicity as a result of particularly urban processes and urban structure. This would involve the consideration of such factors as urbanization and urban planning, transportation networks, available housing and different types of residential settlements, the extent of housing segregation, occupational structure and occupational specialization by particular groups, differential access to and ethnic competition for economic resources.

This paper has briefly discussed some of these factors with reference to urban areas of Hong Kong; in particular, the relative lack of Teochiu occupational specialization, the absence of housing segregation but the tendency of many Teochiu to segregate themselves in squatter settlements, the general absence of restrictions on social mobility based on ethnic group membership, the effects of urban housing policies on ethnic identity in resettling large ethnic concentrations to housing estates. Certain features of the urban system have thus clearly influenced the expression of ethnic identity and hostility. It is questionable, however, whether any part of



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Hong Kong can now be considered rural or non-urban given current development and planning in the New Territories centering on three New Towns (Tsuen Wan, Tuen Mun and Sha Tin). This is not to say that that there are no differences in scale or social organization between villages or small market towns in the New Territories and Mongkok, the area of highest population density in Hong Kong, but rather that these differences can no longer be usefully conceptualized as corresponding to urban and rural social systems. Some of these differences appear to be significant in influencing the nature of ethnicity, and in particular interethnic rivalry and competition.

Blake's study of Sai Kung, a market town in the New Territories, indicates that the formation of ethnic categories is a process in which "powerful men struggle for the land and status positions in the emerging organization of the market" [Blake, 1975:233]. Ethnic groups in Sai Kung are closely identified with particular ecological niches in the local area. For example, Tanka [Cantonese] fishermen do deep sea fishing while "Hoklo" Hoi Luk Fung fishermen are restricted to less lucrative shallow fishing. Blake found that interethnic dynamics are largely centered upon these traditional niches and that immigrant Chinese have had to negotiate their ethnic identity with the traditionally dominant ethnic group in the local area, the Hakka.

The patterns of interethnic dynamics that Blake describes for Sai Kung are very different from those in the housing estates I studied. Apparently much of the dynamics of interethnic relationships in small market towns and villages in the New Territories are related to two factors: *

(1) Competition over access and ownership of land and local markets between traditional lineage groups and the immigrant population, and between different ethnic groups.

(2) Competition over control of formal political positions within the locality, such as village representative and membership of

* These generalizations are based upon Blake's study and a paper read to the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, by Michael Palmer in March 1977.



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a Rural Committee, and over attendant influence with the government and in local affairs.

With regard to the first factor, there is no such direct, intense competition over economic resources in those resettlement estates with which I am familiar. There is of course ethnic based triad competition over control of territory. Factory jobs, however, are easily obtained by anyone, regardless of ethnic affiliation, although there is a tendency for Teochiu to work in factories where many Teochiu work (this is a result of the fact that such jobs are usually obtained through kinsmen, friends or friends of friends). Employment and business opportunities in the urban areas are largely not restricted to members of particular ethnic groups, and economic competition is generally not operating along ethnic lines. There are exceptions of course; for example, the often violent competition between Teochiu and non-Teochiu coolies in Hong Kong's port areas. There are some areas where commercial networks are largely co-terminous with ethnic networks. Teochiu dominance in rice importation, wholesale and retail trade is well known. Many import/export firms involved in international trade between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia are owned and managed by Teochiu. Within economic institutions there are ethnic blocs; for example, Teochiu stock brokers form a bloc in contrast with Cantonese and Shanghai blocs. In each of these areas, however, there are also competing firms owned by members of other ethnic groups. Ethnic occupational specialization appears to have considerably weakened in the several decades following World War II, primarily due to Hong Kong's rapid industrial growth. Traditional areas of ethnic specialization seem to be of decreasing importance in the overall economic structure of Hong Kong.

With regard to the second factor, control over formal political positions and organizations within the local area, there also appear to be significant differences between "rural" areas and the urban housing estates where I carried out research. These differences are largely due to governmental policy. The government has created formal political organizations, the Rural Committees, and officially recognized positions of village representatives in the New Territories, with direct input into the local governing process. These positions are filled by indigenous local residents and have become one focus of interethnic competition.



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There are no comparable local level organizations in the urban areas,* though the government has encouraged the development of local-level urban neighborhood associations (Kaifongs), which are presumed to reflect local opinion and to be effective in influencing government decisions affecting the local area. The Kaifongs in resettlement estates with which I am familiar currently fulfill neither of these functions and are hardly considered organizations worthy of much effort to control. Teochiu have primarily been "isolationist" in devoting attention and effort to developing their own associations into what are clearly the most active and representative organizations in the local area. The local Kaifongs have thus not become an important focus of interethnic competition. Kaifong associations in other areas of Hong Kong are at times more active in local affairs. They appear to be particularly active when organising local protest against new governmental policy which would adversely affect local residents. Hong Kong's newspapers periodically carry stories telling of the efforts of particular Kaifongs to mobilize support of local residents against new policy.

The primary functions of Kaifongs have been to provide social welfare services, serve as a communication channel to government, and to provide prestigious positions for ambitious local leaders (Kan, 1970:95). Kan describes the general image of Kaifongs in the following manner:

. . . the more 'generalistic' orientation of the Kaifongs is more amenable to the government than is the 'particularistic' orientation of the clan, district, and dialect associations. For this reason, the majority of the population as well as the government itself have believed that the Kaifongs may become the most effective intermediaries between government and people. (Kan, 1970:94).

* The City District Office scheme, initiated in 1968, is intended to bridge the communication gulf between the masses of people in urban areas and government. City District Officers are charged with assessing the overall impact of government policy, and with maintaining contact with all local organizations. In effect, the purpose of the scheme is to "provide the public with a local manifestation of the Government " (The City District Officer Scheme, 1969: title page).

For brief discussions of divergent government policy in the New Territories and urban area, see Report by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, The City District Officer Scheme, 1969; Wong, 1975; and Miners, 1975.

See Annual Departmental Reports of the District Commissioner, New Territories, for brief descriptions of the Rural Committees.



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According to Kan, the potential role of Kaifongs in mediating between government and people has been negatively affected by actual government policy. Government has tended to de-emphasize the potential role of Kaifongs in community organization, and has indirectly controlled them by withholding possible funds, while providing support to other voluntary organizations (Kan, 1970: 221). Whatever their overall effects upon Hong Kong society, it is clear that there is considerable variation in their impact on local areas. I would suggest that Kaifongs in resettlement estates may be the least active and effective among their number in uniting and developing the local community. The more active and influential of such organizations appear to be located in commercial and private housing areas. These statements are tentative in that the existing literature on Kaifongs in Hong Kong does not appear to resolve these questions.1

That there is less direct economic and political competition in the urban areas, or at least in some resettlement estates, does not mean that there is no interethnic hostility. The viability and successful functioning of Teochiu organizations and festivals is a reflection of such hostility and of a general feeling of competition with other ethnic groups, particularly in the organization of ritual, in which there is implicitly the aim of having the biggest and the best festival in the local area. Conflict with a neighbor, work colleague, or stranger in the market may escalate and be expressed in terms of ethnic hostility and perhaps require reinforcements from one's own ethnic group in order to "resolve". Interpersonal conflict between members of different ethnic groups might even be more frequent and likely to lead to violence with the increase in density and the chance that an appropriate mediator would not be immediately available.

In conclusion, it is clear that economic and political structure have been important determinants of variation in the expression and organization of ethnicity in Hong Kong. Differences in urban and "rural" social structure are obviously related to differences in the nature of interethnic dynamics in the respective areas. The study of ethnicity in Hong Kong should prove to be a particularly fruitful

i There is an extensive literature on Kaifongs, much of which is impressionistic and not based on intensive research. Kan's dissertation (Kan, 1970) and later publications are the most extensive and detailed studies (her later publications are in the name Aline K. Wong).



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area of research, given the above mentioned differences and variation within ethnic groups. Previous sections of this paper have discussed variation within the Teochiu population, and the difficulties involved in generalizing about the nature of Teochiu ethnic identity. Another important source of variation is generational differences in the importance ascribed to an ethnic identity in a changing society. The study of these kinds of variation will provide insight into intergroup dynamics in Chinese—here more specifically Hong Kong Chinese—society, and contribute to the comparative study of ethnicity.



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TABLE I

Teochiu Population by Census District (N.T. & Marine in Census Area) — 1971 Census

Census district I area No. of persons

Central Sheung Wan West Mid-levels & Pokfulam Peak Wanchai Tai Hang North Point Shau Kei Wan Aberdeen South HONG KONG ISLAND Tsim Sha Tsui Yau Ma Tei Mong Kok Hung Horn Ho Man Tin KOWLOON Cheung Sha Wan Shek Kip Mei Kowloon Tong Kai Tak Ngau Tau Kok Lei Yue Mun NEW KOWLOON TSUEN WAN YUEN LONG TAI PO ISLANDS SAI KUNG MARINE COLONY TOTAL

1,352 5,844

27,557 2,634

115 4,966 5,309 8,359

13,641 13,141 1,352

84,270 6,744 6,575 4,731

13,132 4,129

35,311 12,048 21,827

1,170 100,935 46,507 34,889

217,376 27,496 13,365 6,552 4,575

835 1,674

391,454



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TABLE II

Number of Land Domestic Households (household head being of Teochiu origin)

By Type of Living Quarter (data from the 1971 Census)

Type of Living Quarter No. of land domestic households

Apartment flat Tenement flat Resettlement Estate Government low cost housing Housing Authority or Society housing Stone Structures Houses of one or 2 stories Temporary Housing Others Total

10,653 16,508 31,193

1,792 3,867 4,780

474 8,099

651 78,017

TABLE III

Teochiu Population Living on Land by Occupation—1971 Census

Occupation No. of person

Armed forces, unclassified, economically inactive & job-seekers

Farmers, Fisherfolk, etc. Miners etc. Service, sport and recreation workers Transport and communication workers Clerical and sales workers Craftsmen, production workers & labourers Administrative, executive & managerial workers Artists, draughtsmen and technicians Professional & technological workers Total

243,133 3,155

497 17,581 9,460

29,113 74,203 8,826 2,173 1,639

389,780



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TABLE IV

Teochiu Economically Active Ever Married Men by Occupation 1971 Census.

Occupation Economically Active Ever Married Men

Armed forces, unclassified & job-seekers Farmers, fisherfolk, etc. Miners, etc. Service, sport & recreation workers Transport & communication workers Clerical & sales workers Craftsmen, production workers & labourers Administrative, executive & managerial workers Artists, draughtsmen & technicians Professional & technological workers Total

2,744 1,896

263 8,607 6,880

14,858 22,886 6,988

808 552

66,482



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TABLE V

Teochiu population by usual language by age group —1971 Census

Age group SeX Cantonese Hakka Hoklo SZe Yap 0theJf £ ™ - ^ fij^S D m * ToU*

14 & below

15-24

25-39

40-54

55 & over

Total

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

T

66,312 62,821

28,819

25,008

23,011

14,561

18,938

11,404

6,595

5,214

143,675

119,008

262,683

734

688

345

221

535

316

831

537

510 452

2,955

2,214

5,169

15,073

13,950

8,277

6,980

10,766

8,739

14,185

12,561

7,092

10,356

55,393

52,586

107,979

99

103

49

51

127

87

150

116

88

136

513

493

1,006

1,425

1,320

893

709

1,536

1,259

1,926

1,727

1,191

1,814

6,971

6,829

13,800

27

21

16

15

18

14

9

16

5 2

75

68

143

12

5

5

9

16

4

8

8

2

5

43

31

74

246

243

30

24

12

14

11

6

8

6

307

293

600

83,928

79,151

38,434

33,017

36,021

24,994

36,058

26,375

15,491

17,985

209,932

181,522

391,454



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TABLE VI

Percentage of total Teochiu population speaking Cantonese and Hoklo in different age groups, males and females combined:

Age Group Cantonese Hoklo

14 15-24 25-39 40-54 55 and over

79 % 75 % 61.6% 48.6% 35.3%

18 % 21 % 32 % 42.8% 52 %

Total 67 % 27.6%

Aijmer, L. Goran 1967

Anderson, E. 1967

Barnett, K. M. A. 1962

Barth, F. 1969

Blake, C. Fred

Census & Statistics Dept., H.K. Govt. 1973

Commissioner of Census Report., H.K. Govt. 1968

Cohen, Myron 1968

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"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society" JHKBRAS, 7, 1967, pp. 42 - 79.

"Prejudice & ethnic stereotypes in Rural H.K." Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 37, pp. 90 -107.

Report on the 1961 Census. H.K.: Government Printer

Ethnic Groups & Boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown.

"Ethnolingustic Affiliation and Political Participation in the develop of a Chinese market town: Sai Kung in New Territories" Canton Delta Seminar Conference Paper, presented at Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, April 28, 1973. Mimeograph.

Negotiating Ethnolinguistic Symbols in a Chinese Market Town. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1975.

Hong Kong Population Housing Census, 1971 Main Report. Hong Kong: Government Printer.

Report on the 1966 By-Census. Hong Kong: Government Printer.

"The Hakka or 'Guest People': Dialect as a sociocultural variable in South East China". Ethnohistory, vol. 15, No. 3, 237-92.



Vol. 16 (1976 )


Crissman, Lawrence 1967

Han Sin-fong 1971

"The segmentary structure of urban overseas Chinese communities". Man, vol. 2, no. 2, 185 - 204.

A Study of the Occupational Patterns and Social Interaction of Overseas Chinese in Sabah, Malaysia. Ph.D., thesis, University of Michigan.

Hong Kong Census Reports, 1841 -1941.

Hong Kong Government.

The Kaifong (Neighborhood) Associations in Hong Kong. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.

A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Southeast Asian Studies Section, New Asia Research Institute, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.

The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. New York : Harper and Row.

The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press.

The City District Officer Scheme. Report by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. Hong Kong : Government Printer.

Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

"Communication between Government and People: Hong Kong's New City District Officer Scheme". In Marjorie Topley (ed.), Hong Kong: The Interaction of Traditions and Life in the Towns. Published by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

TEOCHIU PUBLICATIONS

Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce (ed), 1971 -#;.§• $3

[Joint Publication on the Celebration of the Completion and Opening of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Union Building and the Jubilee Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce].

Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce. Hung, Cheung Piu, 1961 # & & # ! j t f i h f c £ w - f i a 4 t t J W f t # * £

[Publication for the 40th Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce and to commemorate the establishment of a new school building of the Chiu Chow Commerce School]. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce.

Hong Kong

Kan, Aline Lai-Chung 1970

Kani, Hiroaki 1967

McCoy, Alfred 1972

Miners, N. J. 1975

Secretary for Chinese Affairs 1969

Skinner, G. William 1958

Wong, Christopher K. K. 1975



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Ching Hoi Fellow Natives Association of Hong Kong, 1970. £.«$»

[First Publication for the Founding of the Ching Hoi Fellow Natives Association of Hong Kong.]

Hong Kong: Ching Hoi Fellow Natives Association of Hong Kong.

Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-chow and Swatow Residents, 1974. * j&**b*«lH|«HH , l ( %•=-$& ) [Year Book of the Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-Chow and Swatow Residents, no. 3.]

Hong Kong: The Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents.



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4401327

Documents

south east

government

urban hong

chinese ethnic

hong kong

boat people

traditional

attributed