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2New Civilizations inthe Eastern and Western Hemispheres,2200–250 B.C.E.

CHAPTER OUTLINEEarly China, 2000–221 B.C.E.

Nubia, 3100 B.C.E.–350 C.E.

First Civilizations of the Americas: The Olmec and Chavín, 1200–250 B.C.E.

ENVIRONMENT AND TECHNOLOGY: Divination in Ancient Societies

DIVERSITY AND DOMINANCE: Hierarchy and Conduct in the Analects of Confucius

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Around 2200 B.C.E. an Egyptian official namedHarkhuf˚, who lived at Aswan˚ on the southern

boundary of Egypt, set out for a place called Yam, far tothe south in the land that later came to be called Nubia.He had made this trek three times before, so he was fa-miliar with the route and skillful in dealing with variousNubian chieftains along the way. He brought gifts fromthe Egyptian pharaoh for the ruler of Yam, and he re-turned home with three hundred donkeys loaded withincense, dark ebony wood, ivory, panthers, and otherexotic products from tropical Africa. While this ex-change was couched in the diplomatic fiction of gifts,we should probably regard it as a form of trade andHarkhuf as a brave and enterprising caravan leader. Onthis particular trip he returned with something so spe-cial that the eight-year-old boy pharaoh, Pepi II, couldnot contain his excitement. He wrote:

Come north to the residence at once! Hurry andbring with you this pygmy whom you broughtfrom the land of the horizon-dwellers live, hale,and healthy, for the dances of the god, to gladdenthe heart, to delight the heart of king Neferkare[Pepi] who lives forever! When he goes down withyou into the ship, get worthy men to be aroundhim on deck, lest he fall into the water! When helies down at night, get worthy men to lie aroundhim in his tent. Inspect ten times at night! Mymajesty desires to see this pygmy more than thegifts of the mine-land and of Punt!1

Although the precise location of Yam is uncertain,scholars are beginning to identify it with Kerma, laterthe capital of the kingdom of Nubia, on the upper Nilein modern Sudan. From the Egyptian point of view, Nu-bia was a wild and dangerous place. Yet we can see thatit was developing features of more complex politicalorganization, and that the burgeoning trade betweenNubia and Egypt was important to both societies.

In contrast to the river-valley civilizations of Meso-potamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley surveyed in the

previous chapter, the complex societies examined inthis chapter subsequently emerged in ecological condi-tions quite a bit more diverse, sometimes indepen-dently, sometimes under the influence of the oldercenters. Whereas the river-valley civilizations were orig-inally largely self-sufficient, each of the new civiliza-tions discussed in this chapter and the next was shapedby the development of networks of long-distance trade.

In the second millennium B.C.E. a civilizationbased on irrigation agriculture arose along the valleyof the Yellow River and its tributaries in northernChina. In the same epoch, in Nubia (southern Egyptand northern Sudan), the first complex society intropical Africa continued to develop from the rootsobserved earlier by Harkhuf. The first millenniumB.C.E. witnessed the flourishing of the earliest complexsocieties of the Western Hemisphere, the Olmec ofMesoamerica and the Chavín culture on the flanks ofthe Andes Mountains in South America. These soci-eties had no contact with one another, and they repre-sent a variety of responses to different environmentaland historical circumstances. Thus, their stories willnecessarily be separate. However, as we shall see, theyhave certain features in common and collectivelypoint to a distinct stage in the development of humansocieties.

As you read this chapter, ask yourself the follow-ing questions:

● How did the peoples of early China, Nubia, and theOlmec and Chavín civilizations each develop dis-tinctive political and social institutions, culturalpatterns, and technologies in response to the chal-lenges of the environment?

● What was the basis of the status, power, and wealthof elite groups in each society, and how did theydominate the rest of the population?

● How did the technological and cultural influencesof older centers affect the formation of the newcivilizations?

● Why did societies in the Eastern and Western Hemi-spheres acquire complex organizations and potenttechnologies at different times and in differentsequences?Harkhuf (HAHR-koof) Aswan (AS-wahn)

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38 Chapter 2 New Civilizations in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, 2200–250 b.c.e.

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EARLY CHINA, 2000–221 B.C.E.

On the eastern edge of the great Eurasian landmass,Neolithic cultures developed as early as 8000 B.C.E.

A more complex civilization evolved in the second mil-lennium B.C.E. Under the Shang and Zhou monarchsmany of the institutions and values of classical Chinesecivilization emerged and spread south and west. As inMesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley, the rise ofcities, specialization of labor, bureaucratic government,writing, and other advanced technologies depended onthe exploitation of a great river system—the Yellow River(Huang He˚) and its tributaries—to support intensiveagriculture. Although there is archaeological evidence ofsome movement of goods and ideas between westernand eastern Asia, developments in China were largely in-dependent of the complex societies in the Middle Eastand the Indus Valley.

China is isolated from the restof the Eastern Hemisphere byformidable natural barriers:the Himalaya˚ mountain range

on the southwest; the Pamir˚ and Tian˚ mountains andthe Takla Makan˚ Desert on the west; the Gobi˚ Desertand the treeless and grassy hills and plains of the Mon-golian steppe on the northwest (see Map 2.1). To the eastlies the Pacific Ocean. Although China’s separation wasnot total—trade goods, people, and ideas moved backand forth between China, India, and Central Asia—inmany respects its development was distinctive.

Most of East Asia is covered with mountains, makingoverland travel, transport, and communications difficultand slow. The great river systems of eastern China, how-ever—the Yellow and the Yangzi˚ Rivers and their tribu-taries—facilitate east-west movement. In the easternriver valleys dense populations could practice intensiveagriculture; on the steppe lands of Mongolia, the desertsand oases of Xinjiang˚, and the high plateau of Tibetsparser populations engaged in different forms of liveli-hood. The climate zones of East Asia range from the dry,subarctic reaches of Manchuria in the north to the lush,subtropical forests of the south, and support a rich vari-ety of plant and animal life adapted to these zones.

Within the eastern agricultural zone, the north andthe south have strikingly different environments. Each

Geography andResources

zone produced distinctive patterns for the use of theland, the kinds of crops that could flourish, and the or-ganization of agricultural labor. The monsoons that af-fect India and Southeast Asia (see Chapter 1) drenchsouthern China with heavy rainfall in the summer, themost beneficial time for agriculture. Northern China, incontrast, where rainfall is much more erratic, receivesless moisture. As in Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley,where technological and social developments unfoldedin relatively adverse conditions, China’s early historyunfolded on the northern plains, a demanding environ-ment that stimulated important technologies and politi-cal traditions as well as the philosophical and religiousviews that became hallmarks of Chinese civilization. Bythe third century C.E., however, the gradual flow of popu-lation toward the warmer southern lands caused the po-litical and intellectual center to move south.

The eastern river valleys and North China Plain con-tained timber, stone, scattered deposits of metals, and,above all, potentially productive land. Since prehistorictimes, winds blowing from Central Asia have deposited ayellowish-brown dust called loess˚ (these particles sus-pended in the water give the Yellow River its distinctivehue and name). Over the ages a thick mantle of soil hasaccumulated that is extremely fertile and soft enough tobe worked with wooden digging sticks. The lack of com-pactness of this soil accounts for the severity of earth-quake damage in this region.

In this landscape, agriculture demanded the coordi-nated efforts of large groups of people. In parts of north-ern China forests had to be cleared. Recurrent floods onthe Yellow River necessitated the construction of earthendikes and channels to carry off the overflow. To cope withthe periodic droughts, catch basins (reservoirs) were dugto store river water and rainfall. As the population grew,people built retaining walls to partition the hillsides intotiers of flat arable terraces.

The staple crops in the northern region were mil-let, a grain indigenous to China, and wheat, which hadspread to East Asia from the Middle East. Rice requires awarmer climate and prospered in the south. The cultiva-tion of rice in the Yangzi River Valley and the south re-quired a great outlay of labor. Rice paddies—the fieldswhere rice is grown—must be absolutely flat and sur-rounded by water channels to bring and lead away wateraccording to a precise schedule. Seedlings sprout in anursery, and are transplanted one by one to the paddy,which is then flooded. Flooding eliminates weeds andrival plants and supports microscopic organisms thatkeep the soil fertile. When the crop is ripe, the paddy isdrained; the rice stalks are harvested with a sickle; and

Huang He (hwahng-HUH) Himalaya (him-uh-LAY-uh)Pamir (pah-MEER) Tian (tee-en)Takla Makan (TAH-kluh muh-KAHN) Gobi (GO-bee)Yangzi (yang-zuh) Xinjiang (shin-jyahng) loess (less)

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Early China, 2000–221 b.c.e. 39

C H R O N O L O G YChina Nubia Americas

8000–2000 B.C.E. Neolithiccultures

2000 B.C.E. Bronze metallurgy

1750–1027 B.C.E. Shang dynasty

1027–221 B.C.E. Zhou dynasty

600 B.C.E. Iron Metallurgy

4500 B.C.E. Early agriculture inNubia

2200 B.C.E. Harkhuf’s expeditionsto Yam

1750 B.C.E. Rise of kingdom ofKush based on Kerma

1500 B.C.E. Egyptian conquest of Nubia

1000 B.C.E. Decline of Egyptiancontrol in Nubia

750 B.C.E. Rise of kingdom basedon Napata

712–660 B.C.E. Nubian kings ruleEgypt

300 B.C.E.–350 C.E. Kingdom ofMeroë

3500 B.C.E. Early agriculture inMesoamerica and Andes

2600 B.C.E. Rise of Caral

1200–900 B.C.E. Rise of Olmeccivilization, centered on SanLorenzo

900–600 B.C.E. La Venta, thedominant Olmec center

900–250 B.C.E. Chavíncivilization in the Andes

600–400 B.C.E. Ascendancy ofTres Zapotes and Olmec decline

500 B.C.E.Early metallurgy in Andes

2500 B.C.E.

2000 B.C.E.

1500 B.C.E.

1000 B.C.E.

500 B.C.E

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the edible kernels are separated out. The reward for thiseffort is a spectacular yield. Rice can feed more peopleper cultivated acre than any other grain, which explainswhy the south eventually became more populous andimportant than the north.

Archaeologists have identifiedseveral Neolithic cultural com-plexes in China, primarily onthe basis of styles of potteryand forms of burial. These

early populations grew millet, raised pigs and chickens,and used stone tools. They made pottery on a wheel andfired it in high-temperature kilns. They pioneered theproduction of silk cloth, first raising silkworms on mul-

The ShangPeriod,1750–1027 B.C.E.

berry trees, then carefully unraveling their cocoons toproduce silk thread. The early Chinese built walls ofpounded earth by hammering the soil inside tempor-ary wooden frames until it became hard as cement. By2000 B.C.E. they had begun to make bronze (roughly athousand years after the beginnings of bronze-workingin the Middle East).

Later generations of Chinese told stories about theancient dynasty of the Xia, said to have ruled the coreregion of the Yellow River Valley. The validity of thosestories is difficult to gauge, though some archaeologistsidentify the Xia with the Neolithic Longshan culturalcomplex in the centuries before and after 2000 B.C.E. Chi-nese history proper begins with the rise to power of theShang clans, which coincides with the earliest writtenrecords anywhere in China.


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The Shang˚ originated in the part of the Yellow RiverValley that lies in the present-day province of Henan˚.After 1750 B.C.E. they extended their control north intoMongolia, west as far as Gansu˚, and south to the YangziRiver Valley. Shang society was dominated by a warrioraristocracy whose greatest pleasures were warfare, hunt-ing (for recreation and to fine-tune skills required forwar), exchanging gifts, feasting, and wine-filled revelry.

The king and his court ruled the core area of theShang state directly. Aristocrats served as generals, am-bassadors, and supervisors of public projects. Othermembers of the royal family and high-ranking nobilitygoverned outlying provinces. The most distant regionswere governed by native rulers who swore allegianceto the Shang king. The king was often on the road, travel-ing to the courts of his subordinates to reinforce theirloyalty.

Frequent military campaigns provided the warrioraristocracy with a theater for brave achievements andyielded considerable plunder. The nomadic peoples whooccupied the steppe and desert regions to the north andwest were periodically rolled back and given a demon-

stration of Shang power. (Chinese sources refer to thesepeoples as “barbarians.” Modern readers should be waryof the Chinese claim that these nomads were culturallybackward and morally inferior to the Chinese.) Largenumbers of prisoners of war were taken in these cam-paigns and used as slaves in the Shang capital.

Various cities served as the capital of the Shang king-dom. The last and most important was near modernAnyang˚ (see Map 2.1). Shang cities were centers of po-litical control and religion. Surrounded by massive wallsof pounded earth, they contained palaces, administra-tive buildings and storehouses, royal tombs, shrines ofgods and ancestors, and houses of the nobility. The com-mon people lived in agricultural villages outside thesecenters. Because stone was in short supply, buildingswere set on foundation platforms of pounded earth andconstructed with wooden posts and dried mud. Thesecities, which were laid out on a grid plan aligned with thenorth polar star and had gates opening to the cardinaldirections, are an early manifestation of the Chineseconcern with the orientation of buildings known as fengshui,˚ and they symbolized the order imposed by godsand monarchs.

A key to effective administration was the form ofwriting developed in this era. Pictograms (pictures repre-senting objects and concepts) and phonetic symbols rep-resenting the sounds of syllables were combined to forma complex system of hundreds of signs. Only a small, ed-ucated elite had the time to master this system. Despitesubstantial changes through the ages, the fundamentalprinciples of the Chinese system still endure today. As aresult, people speaking essentially different languages,such as Mandarin and Cantonese, can read and under-stand the same text. In contrast, the cuneiform of Meso-potamia and the hieroglyphics of Egypt were eventuallyreplaced by simpler alphabetic scripts.

The Shang ideology of kingship glorified the king asthe indispensable intermediary between the people andthe gods. The Shang royal family and aristocracy wor-shiped the spirits of their male ancestors. They believedthat these ancestors were intensely interested in the for-tunes of their descendants and had special influencewith the gods. Before taking any action, the Shang rulersused divination to determine the will of the gods (seeEnvironment and Technology: Divination in Ancient So-cieties). They made ritual sacrifices to their gods and an-cestors in order to win divine favor. Burials of kings alsoentailed sacrifices, not only of animals but also of hu-mans, including noble officials of the court, women, ser-vants, soldiers, and prisoners of war.

Possession of bronze objects was a sign of authority

Anyang (ahn-yahng) feng shui (fung shway)Shang (shahng) Henan (heh-nahn) Gansu (gahn-soo)

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The ancient inhabitants of China, the Middle East, Europe,and the Americas, as well as many other peoples through-

out history, believed that the gods controlled the forces ofnature and shaped destinies. Starting from this premise, theypracticed various techniques of divination—the effort to in-terpret phenomena in the natural world as signs of the gods’will and intentions. Through divination the ancients soughtto communicate with the gods and thereby anticipate—eveninfluence—the future.

The Shang ruling class in China frequently sought infor-mation from shamans, individuals who claimed the ability tomake direct contact with ancestors and other higher powers.The Shang monarch himself often functioned as a shaman.Chief among the tools of divination used by a shaman wereoracle bones. The shaman touched a tortoiseshell or theshoulder bone of an animal (sometimes holes had beendrilled in it ahead of time) with the heated point of a stick.The shell or bone would crack, and the cracks were “read” asa message from the spirit world.

Tens of thousands of oracle bones survive. They are a ma-jor source of information about Shang life; usually the ques-tion, the resulting answer, and often confirmation of the

accuracy of the prediction were inscribed on the back of theshell or bone. The rulers asked about the proper performanceof ritual, the likely outcome of wars or hunting expeditions,the prospects for rainfall and the harvest, and the meaningof strange occurrences.

In Mesopotamia in the third and second millennia B.C.E.the most important divination involved the close inspectionof the form, size, and markings of the organs of sacrificedanimals. Archaeologists have found models of sheep’s liversaccompanied by written explanations of the meaning of var-ious features. Two other techniques of divination were follow-ing the trail of smoke from burning incense and examiningthe patterns that resulted when oil was thrown on water.

From about 2000 B.C.E. Mesopotamian diviners foretoldthe future from their observation of the movements of thesun, moon, planets, stars, and constellations. In the centuriesafter 1000 B.C.E. celestial omens were the most importantsource of predictions about the future, and specialists main-tained precise records of astronomical events. Mesopotamianmathematics, essential for calculations of the movements ofcelestial bodies, was the most sophisticated in the ancientMiddle East. Astrology, with its division of the sky into the

Divination in Ancient Societies

and nobility. Bronze weapons allowed the state to assertits authority, and bronze vessels were used in ritualsseeking the support of ancestors and gods. The quantityof bronze objects found in Shang tombs is impres-sive. The relatively modest tomb of one queen contained450 bronze articles (ritual vessels, bells, weapons, andmirrors)—remarkable because copper and tin, the prin-cipal ingredients of bronze, were not plentiful in north-ern China. (Also found in the same tomb were numerousobjects in jade, bone, ivory, and stone; seven thousandcowrie shells; sixteen sacrificed men, women, and chil-dren; and six dogs!) The Shang elite expended huge ef-fort to find and mine deposits of copper and tin, refinethem into pure metal, transport the ingots to the capital,and commission the creation of weapons and beauti-fully decorated objects.

Artisans worked in foundries outside the main cities.They poured the molten bronze into clay molds, andjoined together the hardened pieces as necessary.

Shang artisans made weapons, chariot fittings, musicalinstruments, and the ritual vessels used in religious cer-emonies. Many of these elegant vessels were vividly dec-orated with stylized depictions of real and imaginaryanimals.

Far-reaching networks of trade sprang up acrossChina, bringing the Shang valued commodities such asjade, ivory, and mother of pearl (a hard, shiny substancefrom the interior of mollusk shells) used for jewelry,carved figurines, and decorative inlays. Some evidencesuggests that Shang China may have exchanged goodsand ideas with distant Mesopotamia. The horse-drawnchariot, which the Shang may have adopted from West-ern Asia, was a formidable instrument of war.

Shang domination of centraland northern China lastedmore than six centuries. In the

The Zhou Period,1027–221 B.C.E.

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twelve segments of the zodiac and its use of the posi-tion of the stars and planets to predict an individ-ual’s destiny, developed out of long-standingMesopotamian attention to the movementsof celestial objects. Horoscopes—chartswith calculations and predictions based onan individual’s date of birth—have beenfound from shortly before 400 B.C.E. Inthe Hellenistic period (323–30 B.C.E.),Greek settlers flooding into westernAsia built on this Mesopotamianfoundation and greatly advancedthe study of astrology.

Little is known for certain aboutthe divinatory practices of earlyAmerican peoples. The Olmec pro-duced polished stone mirrors whoseconcave surfaces gave off reflectedimages that were thought to emanatefrom a supernatural realm. Painted basinsfound in Olmec households have been com-pared to those attested for later Meso-

american groups. In the latter, women threw maizekernels onto the surface of water-filled basins

and noted the patterns by which theyfloated or sank, in order to ascertain in-formation useful to the family, such asthe cause and cure of illness, the right

time for agricultural tasks or mar-riage, and propitious names fornewborn children.

It may seem surprising thatdivination is being treated hereas a form of technology. Mostmodern people would regardsuch interpretations of patternsin everyday phenomena as mere

superstition. However, within thecontext of the laws of nature as

understood by ancient societies (thegods control and direct events in thenatural world), divination involvedthe application of principles of cau-sation to the socially beneficial task

of acquiring information about whatwould happen in the future. These

techniques were usually known only toa class of experts whose special training

and knowledge gave them high status intheir society.

eleventh century B.C.E. the last Shang king was defeatedby Wu, the ruler of Zhou˚, a dependent state in the Wei˚River Valley. The Zhou line of kings (ca. 1027–221 B.C.E.)was the longest lasting and most revered of all dynastiesin Chinese history. Just as the Semitic peoples inMesopotamia had adopted and adapted the Sumerianlegacy (see Chapter 1), the Zhou preserved the essentialsof Shang culture and added new elements of ideologyand technology.

The positive image of Zhou rule was skillfully con-structed by propagandists for the new regime. The earlyZhou monarchs had to justify their seizure of power tothe restive remnants of the Shang clans. The chief deitywas now referred to as “Heaven”; the monarch was calledthe “Son of Heaven”; and his rule was called the “Man-date of Heaven.” According to the new theory, the ruler

had been chosen by the supreme deity and would retainhis backing as long as he served as a wise, principled,and energetic guardian of his people. The proof of divinefavor was the prosperity and the stability of the king-dom. If the ruler misbehaved, as the last Shang ruler haddone, his right to rule could be withdrawn. Corruption,violence, arrogance, and insurrection, such as had oc-curred under the last Shang king, were signs of divinedispleasure and validated the ruler’s replacement by anew dynasty that was committed to just rule.

The Zhou kings continued some of the Shang ritu-als, but there was a marked decline in the practice ofdivination and in extravagant and bloody sacrifices andburials. The priestly power of the ruling class, the onlyones who had been able to make contact with the spiritsof ancestors during the Shang period, faded away. Theresulting separation of religion and government pro-moted the development of important philosophical andmystical systems in the Zhou period. The bronze vesselsZhou (joe) Wei (way)

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that had been sacred implements in the Shang periodnow became family treasures.

The early period of Zhou rule, the eleventh throughninth centuries B.C.E., is sometimes called the WesternZhou era because of the location of the capitals in thewestern part of the kingdom. These centuries saw the de-velopment of a sophisticated administrative apparatus.The Zhou built a series of capital cities with pounded-earth foundations and walls. The major buildings allfaced south, in keeping with an already ancient concernto orient structures so that they would be in a harmo-nious relationship with the terrain, the forces of wind,water, and sunlight, and the invisible energy perceivedto be flowing through the natural world. All governmentofficials, including the king, were supposed to be modelsof morality, fairness, and concern for the welfare of thepeople.

Like the Shang, the Zhou regime was highly decen-tralized. Members and allies of the royal family ruledmore than a hundred largely autonomous territories.The court was the scene of elaborate ceremonials, em-bellished by music and dance, that impressed on ob-servers the glory of Zhou rule and reinforced the bondsof obligation between rulers and ruled.

Around 800 B.C.E. Zhou power began to wane. Ambi-tious local rulers operated ever more independently andwaged war on one another, while nomadic peoples at-tacked the northwest frontiers (see Map 2.1). The followingfive hundred years are sometimes referred to as theEastern Zhou era. In 771 B.C.E. members of the Zhou line-age relocated to a new, more secure, eastern capital near

Luoyang˚, where they continued to hold the royal title andreceived at least nominal homage from the real powerbrokers of the age. This was a time of political fragmenta-tion, rapidly shifting centers of power, and fierce competi-tion and warfare among numerous small and independentstates. Historians conventionally divide Eastern Zhou intothe “Spring and Autumn Period,” from 771 to 481 B.C.E., af-ter a collection of chronicles that give annual entries forthose two seasons, and the “Warring States Period,” from480 to the unification of China in 221 B.C.E.

The many states of the Eastern Zhou era contendedwith one another for leadership. Cities, some of themquite large, spread across the Chinese landscape. Longwalls of pounded earth, the ancestors of the Great Wall ofChina, protected the kingdoms from each other and fromnorthern nomads. The Chinese also learned from thesteppe nomads to put fighters on horseback. By 600 B.C.E.iron began to replace bronze as the primary metal fortools and weapons. There is mounting evidence thatironworking came to China from the nomadic peoples ofthe northwest. Subsequently, metalworkers in southernChina, which had limited access to copper and tin formaking bronze, were the first in the world to forge steelby removing carbon during the iron-smelting process.

In many of the states, bureaucrats expanded innumber and function. Codes of law were written down.Governments collected taxes from the peasants directly,imposed standardized money, and managed large-scale

Luoyang (LWOE-yahng)

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public works projects. The wealth and power of the stateand its demands for obedience were justified by an au-thoritarian political philosophy that came to be calledLegalism. Legalist thinkers maintained that human na-ture is essentially wicked and that people behave in anorderly fashion only if compelled by strict laws andharsh punishments. Legalists believed that every aspectof human society ought to be controlled and personalfreedom sacrificed for the good of the state.

The governments of the majorZhou states took over many ofthe traditional functions of thearistocracy. To maintain theirinfluence, aristocrats sought a

new role as advisers to the rulers. One who lived throughthe political flux and social change of this anxious timewas Kongzi (551–479 B.C.E.)—known in the West by theLatin form of his name, Confucius. Coming from one ofthe smaller states, he had not been particularly success-ful in obtaining administrative posts. His doctrine ofduty and public service, initially aimed at fellow aristo-crats, was to become a central influence in Chinesethought (see Diversity and Dominance: Hierarchy andConduct in the Analects of Confucius).

Many elements in Confucius’s teaching had roots inearlier Chinese belief, including folk religion and therites of the Zhou royal family, such as the veneration ofancestors and elders and worship of the deity Heaven.Confucius drew a parallel between the family and thestate. Just as the family is a hierarchy, with the father atits top, sons next, then wives and daughters in order ofage, so too the state is a hierarchy, with the ruler at thetop, the public officials as the sons, and the commonpeople as the women.

Confucius took a traditional term for the feelings be-tween family members (ren) and expanded it into a uni-versal ideal of benevolence toward all humanity, which hebelieved was the foundation of moral government. Gov-ernment exists, he said, to serve the people, and theadministrator or ruler gains respect and authority by dis-playing fairness and integrity. Confucian teachings em-phasized benevolence, avoidance of violence, justice,rationalism, loyalty, and dignity. Confucius, who held a farmore optimistic view of the basic goodness of human na-ture than the adherents of Legalism, sought to affirm andmaintain the political and social order by improving it.

It is ironic that Confucius, whose ideas were to be-come so important in Chinese thought, actually had lit-tle influence in his own time. His later follower Mencius(Mengzi, 371–289 B.C.E.), who opposed despotism and

Confucianism,Daoism, andChinese Society

argued against the authoritarian political ideology of theLegalists, made Confucius’s teachings much betterknown. In the era of the early emperors, Confucianismbecame the dominant political philosophy and the coreof the educational system for government officials (seeChapter 5).

The Warring States Period also saw the rise of theschool of thought known as Daoism˚. According to tra-dition, Laozi˚, the originator of Daoism (believed to havelived in the sixth century B.C.E., though some scholarsdoubt his existence), sought to stop the warfare of theage by urging humanity to follow the Dao, or “path.”Daoists accept the world as they find it, avoiding uselessstruggles and adhering to the “path” of nature. Theyavoid violence if at all possible and take the minimal ac-tion necessary for a task. Rather than fight the current ofa stream, a wise man allows the onrushing waters to passaround him. This passivity arises from the Daoist’s sensethat the world is always changing and lacks any absolutemorality or meaning. In the end, Daoists believe, all thatmatters is the individual’s fundamental understandingof the “path.”

The original Daoist philosophy was greatly ex-panded in subsequent centuries to incorporate popularbeliefs, magic, and mysticism. Daoism represented animportant stream of thought throughout Chinese his-tory. By idealizing individuals who find their own “path”to right conduct, it offered an alternative to the Confu-cian emphasis on hierarchy and duty and to the Legalistapproval of force.

Social organization also changed in this period. Thekinship structures of the Shang and early Zhou periods,based on the clan (a relatively large group of related fam-ilies), gave way to the three-generation family of grand-parents, parents, and children as the fundamental socialunit. A related development was the emergence of theconcept of private property. Land was considered to be-long to the men of the family and was divided equallyamong the sons when the father died.

Little is known about the conditions of life for womenin early China. Some scholars believe that women mayhave acted as shamans, entering into trances to commu-nicate with supernatural forces, making requests on be-half of their communities, and receiving predictions ofthe future. By the time written records begin to illumi-nate our knowledge of women’s experiences, they showwomen in a subordinate position in the strongly patriar-chal family.

Confucian thought codified this male-female hierar-

Daoism (DOW-izm) Laozi (low-zuh)

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T he Analects are a collection of sayings of Confucius,probably compiled and written down several generations

after he lived, though some elements may have been addedeven later. They cover a wide range of matters, includingethics, government, education, music, and rituals. Taken asa whole, they are a guide to living a proper, honorable, vir-tuous, useful, and satisfying life. While subject to reinter-pretation according to the circumstances of the times,Confucian principles have had a great influence on Chinesevalues and behavior ever since.

Chinese society in Confucius’s time was very attuned todistinctions of status. Confucius assumed that hierarchy isinnate in the order of the universe and that human societyshould echo and harmonize with the natural world. Eachperson has a role to play, with prescribed rules of conductand proper ceremonial behavior, in order to maintain the so-cial order. The following selections illuminate the particularattention paid by Confucius to the important status cate-gories in his society, the proper way for individuals to treatothers, and the necessity of hierarchy and inequality.

1:6 Confucius said: “A young man should serve his parents athome and be respectful to elders outside his home. He shouldbe earnest and truthful, loving all, but become intimate withren [an inner capacity, possessed by all human beings, to dogood]. After doing this, if he has energy to spare, he canstudy literature and the arts.”

4:18 Confucius said: “When you serve your mother and fa-ther it is okay to try to correct them once in a while. But ifyou see that they are not going to listen to you, keep yourrespect for them and don’t distance yourself from them.Work without complaining.”

2:5 Meng Yi Zi asked about the meaning of filial piety. Con-fucius said, “It means ‘not diverging (from your parents).’”Later, when Fan Chi was driving him, Confucius told Fan Chi,“Meng asked me about the meaning of filial piety, and I told

him ‘not diverging.’” Fan Chi said, “What did you mean bythat?” Confucius said, “When your parents are alive, servethem with propriety; when they die, bury them with propri-ety, and then worship them with propriety.”

1:2 Master You said: “There are few who have developedthemselves filially and fraternally who enjoy offending theirsuperiors. Those who do not enjoy offending superiors arenever troublemakers. The Superior Man concerns himselfwith the fundamentals. Once the fundamentals are estab-lished, the proper way (dao) appears. Are not filial piety andobedience to elders fundamental to the enactment of ren?”

1:8 Confucius said: “If the Superior Man is not ‘heavy,’ thenhe will not inspire awe in others. If he is not learned, then hewill not be on firm ground. He takes loyalty and good faithto be of primary importance, and has no friends who are notof equal (moral) caliber. When he makes a mistake, hedoesn’t hesitate to correct it.”

4:5 Confucius said, “Riches and honors are what all men de-sire. But if they cannot be attained in accordance with thedao they should not be kept. Poverty and low status are whatall men hate. But if they cannot be avoided while staying inaccordance with the dao, you should not avoid them. If a Su-perior Man departs from ren, how can he be worthy of thatname? A Superior Man never leaves ren for even the time ofa single meal. In moments of haste he acts according to it. Intimes of difficulty or confusion he acts according to it.”

15:20 Confucius said: “The Superior Man seeks within him-self. The inferior man seeks within others.”

16:8 Confucius said: “The Superior Man stands in awe ofthree things:

(1) He is in awe of the decree of Heaven.(2) He is in awe of great men.(3) He is in awe of the words of the sages.

D I V E R S I T Y A N D D O M I N A N C E

HIERARCHY AND CONDUCT

IN THE ANALECTS OF CONFUCIUS

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First Civilizations of the Americas: The Olmec and Chavín, 1200–250 b.c.e. 47The inferior man does not know the decree of Heaven; takesgreat men lightly and laughs at the words of the sages.”

4:14 Confucius said: “I don’t worry about not having a goodposition; I worry about the means I use to gain position. Idon’t worry about being unknown; I seek to be known in theright way.”

7:15 Confucius said: “I can live with coarse rice to eat, waterfor drink and my arm as a pillow and still be happy. Wealthand honors that one possesses in the midst of injustice arelike floating clouds.”

4:17 Confucius said: “When you see a good person, think ofbecoming like her/him. When you see someone not so good,reflect on your own weak points.”

13:6 Confucius said: “When you have gotten your own lifestraightened out, things will go well without your giving or-ders. But if your own life isn’t straightened out, even if yougive orders, no one will follow them.”

12:2 Zhonggong asked about the meaning of ren. The Mas-ter said: “Go out of your home as if you were receiving animportant guest. Employ the people as if you were assistingat a great ceremony. What you don’t want done to yourself,don’t do to others. Live in your town without stirring up re-sentments, and live in your household without stirring up re-sentments.”

1:5 Confucius said: “If you would govern a state of a thou-sand chariots (a small-to-middle-size state), you must paystrict attention to business, be true to your word, be eco-nomical in expenditure and love the people. You should usethem according to the seasons.”

2:3 Confucius said: “If you govern the people legalisticallyand control them by punishment, they will avoid crime, buthave no personal sense of shame. If you govern them bymeans of virtue and control them with propriety, they willgain their own sense of shame, and thus correct themselves.”

12:7 Zigong asked about government.The Master said, “Enough food, enough weapons and the

confidence of the people.”Zigong said, “Suppose you had no alternative but to give

up one of these three, which one would be let go of first?”The Master said, “Weapons.”Zigong said “What if you had to give up one of the re-

maining two which one would it be?”The Master said, “Food. From ancient times, death has

come to all men, but a people without confidence in itsrulers will not stand.”

12:19 Ji Kang Zi asked Confucius about government saying:“Suppose I were to kill the unjust, in order to advance thejust. Would that be all right?”

Confucius replied: “In doing government, what is theneed of killing? If you desire good, the people will be good.The nature of the Superior Man is like the wind, the natureof the inferior man is like the grass. When the wind blowsover the grass, it always bends.”

2:19 The Duke of Ai asked: “How can I make the people fol-low me?” Confucius replied: “Advance the upright and setaside the crooked, and the people will follow you. Advancethe crooked and set aside the upright, and the people willnot follow you.”

2:20 Ji Kang Zi asked: “How can I make the people reverentand loyal, so they will work positively for me?” Confuciussaid, “Approach them with dignity, and they will be reverent.Be filial and compassionate and they will be loyal. Promotethe able and teach the incompetent, and they will work pos-itively for you.”

QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS1. What are the important social categories and status

distinctions in early China? What kinds of behaviors areexpected of individuals in particular social categoriestoward individuals in other categories?

2. How does Confucius explain and justify the inequalitiesamong people? Why is it important for people to be-have in appropriate ways toward others?

3. How does the experience of family life prepare an indi-vidual to conduct himself or herself properly in thewider spheres of community and state?

4. Which personal qualities and kinds of actions will allowa ruler to govern successfully? Why might Confucius’spassionate concern for ethical behavior on the part ofofficials and rulers arise at a time when the size andpower of governments was growing?

Source: From “Hierarchy and Conduct in the Analects of Confucius,” translated byCharles Muller, as seen at http://www.human.toyogakuen-u.ac.jp/~acmuller/contao/analects.htm.

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chy. Only men could conduct rituals and make offeringsto the ancestors, though women could help maintainthe household’s ancestral shrines. Fathers held authorityover the women and children, arranged marriages fortheir offspring, and could sell the labor of family mem-bers. A man was limited to one wife but was permittedadditional sexual partners, who had the lower status ofconcubines. The elite classes used marriage to create po-litical alliances, and it was common for the groom’s fam-ily to offer a substantial “bride-gift,” a proof of the wealthand standing of his family, to the family of the prospec-tive bride. A man whose wife died had a duty to remarryin order to produce male heirs to keep alive the cult ofthe ancestors.

These differences in male and female activities wereexplained by the concept of yin and yang, the comple-mentary nature of male and female roles in the naturalorder. The male principle (yin) was equated with the sun,active, bright, and shining; the female principle (yang)corresponded to the moon, passive, shaded, and reflec-tive. Male toughness was balanced by female gentle-ness, male action and initiative by female enduranceand need for completion, and male leadership by femalesupportiveness. In its earliest form, the theory consid-ered yin and yang as equal and alternately dominant,like day and night, creating balance in the world. How-ever, as a result of the changing role of women in theZhou period and the pervasive influence of Confucianideology, the male principle came to be seen as superiorto the female.

The classical Chinese patterns of family, property,and bureaucracy took shape during the long centuries ofZhou rule and the competition among small states. Atthe end of this period the state of Qin˚, whose aggressiveand disciplined policies made it the premier poweramong the warring states, defeated all rivals and unifiedChina (see Chapter 6).

NUBIA, 3100 B.C.E.–350 C.E.

Since the first century B.C.E. the name Nubia has beenapplied to a thousand-mile (1,600-kilometer) stretch

of the Nile Valley lying between Aswan and Khartoum˚and straddling the southern part of the modern nation ofEgypt and the northern part of Sudan (see Map 2.2). Theancient Egyptians called it Ta-sety, meaning “Land of theBow,” after the favorite weapon of its warriors. Nubia isthe only continuously inhabited stretch of territory con-necting sub-Saharan Africa (the lands south of the vast

Sahara Desert) with North Africa. For thousands of yearsit has served as a corridor for trade between tropicalAfrica and the Mediterranean. Nubia was richly endowedwith natural resources such as gold, copper, and semi-precious stones.

Nubia’s location and natural wealth, along withQin (chin) Khartoum (kahr-TOOM)

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Egypt’s quest for Nubian gold, explain the early rise ofa civilization with a complex political organization, so-cial stratification, metallurgy, monumental building, andwriting. Nubia traditionally was considered a periphery,or outlying region, of Egypt, and its culture was regardedas derivative. Now, however, most scholars emphasizethe interactions between Egypt and Nubia and the mu-tually beneficial borrowings and syntheses that tookplace, and there is growing evidence that Nubian culturedrew on influences from sub-Saharan Africa.

The central geographical fea-ture of Nubia, as of Egypt, isthe Nile River. This part of theNile flows through a landscapeof rocky desert, grassland, andfertile plain. River irrigation

was essential for agriculture in a climate that was se-verely hot and, in the north, nearly without rainfall. Sixcataracts, barriers formed by large boulders and rapids,obstructed boat traffic. Commerce and travel wereachieved by boats operating between the cataracts andby caravan tracks alongside the river or across the desert.

In the fourth millennium B.C.E. bands of people innorthern Nubia made the transition from seminomadichunting and gathering to a settled life based on grain

Early Culturesand EgyptianDomination,2300–1100 B.C.E.

agriculture and cattle herding. From this time on, themajority of the population lived in agricultural villagesalongside the river. Even before 3000 B.C.E. Nubia servedas a corridor for long-distance commerce. Egyptiancraftsmen of the period were working in ivory and inebony wood—products of tropical Africa that had tohave come through Nubia.

Nubia enters the historical record around 2300 B.C.E.in Old Kingdom Egyptian accounts of trade missions tosouthern lands. At that time Aswan, just north of the FirstCataract, was the southern limit of Egyptian control. Aswe saw with the journey of Harkhuf at the beginningof this chapter, Egyptian noblemen stationed there leddonkey caravans south in search of gold, incense, ebony,ivory, slaves, and exotic animals from tropical Africa.This was dangerous work, requiring delicate negotia-tions with local Nubian chiefs in order to secure protec-tion, but it brought substantial rewards to those whosucceeded.

During the Middle Kingdom (ca. 2040–1640 B.C.E.),Egypt adopted a more aggressive stance toward Nubia.Egyptian rulers sought to control the gold mines in thedesert east of the Nile and to cut out the Nubian middle-men who drove up the cost of luxury goods from thetropics. The Egyptians erected a string of mud-brick fortson islands and riverbanks south of the Second Cataract.The forts protected the southern frontier of Egypt against

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Nubians and nomadic raiders from the desert, and regu-lated the flow of commerce. There seem to have beenpeaceable relations but little interaction between theEgyptian garrisons and the indigenous population ofnorthern Nubia, which continued to practice its age-oldfarming and herding ways.

Farther south, where the Nile makes a great U-shapedturn in the fertile plain of the Dongola Reach (seeMap 2.2), a more complex political entity was evolvingfrom the chiefdoms of the third millennium B.C.E. TheEgyptians gave the name Kush to the kingdom whosecapital was located at Kerma, one of the earliest ur-banized centers in tropical Africa. Beginning around1750 B.C.E. the kings of Kush marshaled a labor force tobuild monumental walls and structures of mud brick.The dozens or even hundreds of servants and wives sac-rificed for burial with the kings, as well as the rich objectsfound in their tombs, testify to the wealth and power ofthe rulers of Kush and suggest a belief in some sort ofafterlife in which attendants and possessions would beuseful. Kushite craftsmen were skilled in metalworking,whether for weapons or jewelry, and their pottery sur-passed anything produced in Egypt.

During the expansionist New Kingdom (ca. 1532–1070 B.C.E.) the Egyptians penetrated more deeply intoNubia (see Chapter 3). They destroyed Kush and its cap-ital and extended their frontier to the Fourth Cataract.A high-ranking Egyptian official called “Overseer ofSouthern Lands” or “King’s Son of Kush” ruled Nubiafrom a new administrative center at Napata˚, near GebelBarkal˚, the “Holy Mountain,” believed to be the home ofa local god. In an era of intense commerce among thestates of the Middle East, when everyone was looking toEgypt as the prime source of gold, Egypt exploited themines of Nubia at considerable human cost. Fatalitieswere high among native workers in the brutal desert cli-mate, and the army had to ward off attacks from desertnomads.

Five hundred years of Egyptian domination in Nu-bia left many marks. The Egyptian government im-posed Egyptian culture on the native population. Childrenfrom elite families were brought to the Egyptian royalcourt to guarantee the good behavior of their relatives inNubia; they absorbed Egyptian language, culture, andreligion, which they later carried home with them. OtherNubians served as archers in the Egyptian armed forces.The manufactured goods that they brought back to Nu-bia have been found in their graves. The Nubians builttowns on the Egyptian model and erected stone temples

to Egyptian gods, particularly Amon. The frequent de-piction of Amon with the head of a ram may reflect ablending of the chief Egyptian god with a Nubian ramdeity.

Egypt’s weakness after 1200 B.C.E.led to the collapse of its au-thority in Nubia. In the eighthcentury B.C.E. a powerful newnative kingdom emerged in

southern Nubia. The story of this civilization, whichlasted for over a thousand years, can be divided into twoparts. During the early period, between the eighth andfourth centuries B.C.E., Napata, the former Egyptianheadquarters, was the primary center. During the laterperiod, from the fourth century B.C.E. to the fourth cen-tury C.E., the center was farther south, at Meroë˚, nearthe Sixth Cataract.

For half a century, from around 712 to 660 B.C.E., thekings of Nubia ruled all of Egypt as the Twenty-fifth Dy-nasty. They conducted themselves in the age-old man-ner of Egyptian rulers. They were addressed by royaltitles, depicted in traditional costume, and buried ac-cording to Egyptian custom. However, they kept theirNubian names and were depicted with physical featuressuggesting peoples of sub-Saharan Africa. They inaugu-rated an artistic and cultural renaissance, building on amonumental scale for the first time in centuries andreinvigorating Egyptian art, architecture, and religion.The Nubian kings resided at Memphis, the Old Kingdomcapital, while Thebes, the New Kingdom capital, was theresidence of a celibate female member of the king’s fam-ily who was titled “God’s Wife of Amon.”

The Nubian dynasty made a disastrous mistake in701 B.C.E. when it offered help to local rulers in Palestinewho were struggling against the Assyrian Empire. TheAssyrians retaliated by invading Egypt and driving theNubian monarchs back to their southern domain by 660B.C.E. Napata again became the chief royal residence andreligious center of the kingdom. Egyptian cultural influ-ences remained strong. Court documents continued tobe written in Egyptian hieroglyphs, and the mummifiedremains of the rulers were buried in modestly sizedsandstone pyramids along with hundreds of shawabti˚figurines.

By the fourth century B.C.E. the center of gravity hadshifted south to Meroë, perhaps because Meroë was bet-ter situated for agriculture and trade, the economic main-

The Kingdomof Meroë,800 B.C.E.–350 C.E.

Napata (nah-PAH-tuh) Gebel Barkal (JEB-uhl BAHR-kahl) Meroë (MER-oh-ee) shawabti (shuh-WAB-tee)

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stays of the Nubian kingdom. As a result, sub-Saharan cul-tural patterns gradually replaced Egyptian ones. Egyptianhieroglyphs gave way to a new set of symbols, still essen-tially undeciphered, for writing the Meroitic language.People continued to worship Amon as well as Isis, anEgyptian goddess connected to fertility and sexuality.But those deities had to share the stage with Nubiandeities like the lion-god Apedemak, and elephants hadsome religious significance. Meroitic art combined Egyp-tian, Greco-Roman, and indigenous traditions.

Women of the royal family played an important rolein Meroitic politics, another reflection of the influence ofsub-Saharan Africa. The Nubians employed a matrilinealsystem in which the king was succeeded by the son of hissister. Nubian queens sometimes ruled by themselvesand sometimes in partnership with their husbands. Greek,Roman, and biblical sources refer to a queen of Nubianamed Candace. Since these sources relate to differenttimes, Candace was probably a title rather than a propername. At least seven queens ruled between 284 B.C.E.and 115 C.E. They played a part in warfare, diplomacy, andthe building of temples and pyramid tombs. They are de-picted in scenes reserved for male rulers in Egyptian im-agery, smiting enemies in battle and being suckled bythe mother-goddess Isis. Roman sources marvel at thefierce resistance put up by a one-eyed warrior-queen.

Meroë was a huge city for its time, more than asquare mile in area, overlooking fertile grasslands anddominating converging trade routes. Much of the city isstill buried under the sand. In 2002 archaeologists usinga magnetometer to detect buried structures discovered alarge palace and will soon begin excavation. Great reser-voirs were dug to catch precious rainfall. The city was amajor center for iron smelting (after 1000 B.C.E. iron hadreplaced bronze as the primary metal for tools andweapons). The Temple of Amon was approached by anavenue of stone rams, and the enclosed “Royal City” wasfilled with palaces, temples, and administrative buildings.The ruler, who may have been regarded as divine, wasassisted by a professional class of officials, priests, andarmy officers.

Meroë collapsed in the early fourth century C.E. It mayhave been overrun by nomads from the western desertwho had become more mobile because of the arrival ofthe camel in North Africa. Meroë had already been weak-ened when profitable commerce with the Roman Empirewas diverted to the Red Sea and to the rising kingdom ofAksum˚ (in present-day Ethiopia). In any case, the end ofthe Meroitic kingdom, and of this phase of civilization in

Nubia, was as closely linked to Nubia’s role in long-distancecommerce as had been its beginning.

FIRST CIVILIZATIONS OF THE

AMERICAS: THE OLMEC AND

CHAVÍN, 1200–250 B.C.E.

Humans reached the Western Hemisphere through aseries of migrations from Asia. Some scholars be-

lieve that the first migrations occurred as early as 35,000to 25,000 B.C.E., but most accept a later date of 20,000 to13,000 B.C.E. Although some limited contacts with othercultures—for example, with Polynesians—may have oc-curred later, the peoples in the Western Hemispherewere virtually isolated from the rest of the world for atleast fifteen thousand years. The duration and compre-hensiveness of their isolation distinguishes the Americasfrom the world’s other major cultural regions. Whiletechnological innovations passed back and forth amongthe civilizations of Asia, Africa, and Europe, the peoplesof the Americas faced the challenges of the natural envi-ronment on their own.

Over thousands of years the population of theAmericas grew and spread throughout the hemisphere,responding to environments that included frozen re-gions of the polar extremes, tropical rain forests, andhigh mountain ranges as well as deserts, woodlands, andprairies. Two of the hemisphere’s most impressive cul-tural traditions developed in Mesoamerica (Mexico andnorthern Central America) and in the mountainous An-dean region of South America. Well before 1000 B.C.E. thedomestication of new plant varieties, the introduction ofnew technologies, and a limited development of tradeled to greater social stratification and the beginnings ofurbanization in both regions. Cultural elites associatedwith these changes used their increased political and re-ligious authority to organize great numbers of laborersto construct large-scale irrigation and drainage works, toclear forests, and to unleash the productive potential offloodplains and steeply pitched hillsides. These trans-formed environments provided the economic platformfor the construction of urban centers dominated bymonumental structures devoted to religious purposesand to housing for members of the elite. By 1000 B.C.E.the major urban centers of Mesoamerica and the Andeshad begun to project their political and cultural powerover broad territories: they had become civilizations.The cultural legacies of the two most important of theseearly civilizations, the Olmec of Mesoamerica and ChavínAksum (AHK-soom)

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of the Andes, would persist for more than a thousandyears.

Mesoamerica is a region ofgreat geographic and climaticdiversity. It is extremely activegeologically, experiencing bothearthquakes and volcanic erup-tions. Mountain ranges break

the region into micro environments, including thetemperate climates of the Valley of Mexico and theGuatemalan highlands, the tropical forests of the Petenand Gulf of Mexico coast, the rain forest of the southernYucatán and Belize, and the drier scrub forest of thenorthern Yucatán (see Map 2.3).

TheMesoamericanOlmec, 1200–400 B.C.E.

Within these ecological niches, Amerindian peoplesdeveloped specialized technologies that exploited in-digenous plants and animals, as well as minerals like ob-sidian, quartz, and jade. Eventually, contacts across theseenvironmental boundaries led to trade and cultural ex-change. Enhanced trade, increasing agricultural produc-tivity, and rising population led, in turn, to urbanizationand the gradual appearance of powerful political and re-ligious elites. Although a number of militarily powerfulcivilizations developed in Mesoamerica, the region wasnever unified politically. All Mesoamerican civilizations,however, shared fundamental elements of material cul-ture, technology, religious belief and ritual, political or-ganization, art, architecture, and sports.

The most influential early Mesoamerican civiliza-tion was the Olmec, flourishing between 1200 and 400

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B.C.E. (see Map 2.3). The center of Olmec civilization waslocated near the tropical Atlantic coast of what are nowthe Mexican states of Veracruz and Tabasco. Olmec cul-tural influence reached as far as the Pacific coast of Cen-tral America and the Central Plateau of Mexico.

Olmec urban development was made possible byearlier advances in agriculture. Original settlementsdepended on the region’s rich plant diversity and onfishing. Later, by 3500 B.C.E or earlier, the staples ofthe Mesoamerican diet—corn, beans, and squash—were domesticated. Recent research indicates thatmanioc, a calorie-rich root crop, was also grown inthe floodplains of the region, multiplying food re-sources. The ability of farmers to produce depend-able surpluses of these products permitted the firststages of craft specialization and social stratification.As religious and political elites emerged, they usedtheir prestige and authority to organize the popula-tion to dig irrigation and drainage canals, developraised fields in wetlands that could be farmed moreintensively, and construct the large-scale religiousand civic buildings that became the cultural signa-ture of Olmec civilization.

The cultural core of the early Olmec civilization waslocated at San Lorenzo but included smaller centers

nearby (1200–900 B.C.E.). La Venta˚, which developed atabout the same time, became the most important Olmeccenter after 900 B.C.E. when San Lorenzo was abandonedor destroyed. Tres Zapotes˚ was the last dominant cen-ter, rising to prominence after La Venta collapsed or wasdestroyed around 600 B.C.E. The relationship amongthese centers is unclear. Scholars have found little evi-dence to suggest that they were either rival city-states ordependent centers of a centralized political authority. Itappears that each center developed independently toexploit and exchange specialized products like salt, ca-cao (chocolate beans), clay for ceramics, and limestone.Each major Olmec center was eventually abandoned, itsmonuments defaced and buried and its buildings de-stroyed. Archaeologists interpret these events differ-ently; some see them as evidence of internal upheavalsor military defeat by neighboring peoples, and otherssuggest that they were rituals associated with the deathof a ruler.

Large artificial platforms and mounds of packedearth dominated Olmec urban centers and served toframe the collective ritual and political activities thatbrought the rural population to the cities at special timesin the year. Some of the platforms also served as founda-tions for elite residences, in effect lifting the elite abovethe masses. The Olmec laid out their cities in alignmentwith the paths of certain stars, reflecting their strong be-lief in the significance of astronomical events. Sincethese centers had small permanent populations, thescale of construction suggests that the Olmec elite wasable to require and direct the labor of thousands of menand women from surrounding settlements and dis-persed family plots in the region. This labor pool wasused primarily for low-skill tasks like moving dirt andstone construction materials. Skilled artisans who livedin or near the urban core decorated the buildings withcarvings and sculptures. They also produced the high-quality crafts, such as exquisite carved jade figurines,necklaces, and ceremonial knives and axes, that distin-guished Olmec culture. Archaeological evidence sug-gests the existence of a class of merchants who tradedwith distant peoples for obsidian, jade, and pottery.

Little is known about Olmec political structure, butit seems likely that the rise of major urban centers coin-cided with the appearance of a form of kingship thatcombined religious and secular roles. Finely crafted ob-jects decorated the households of the elite and distin-guished their dress from that of the commoners wholived in dispersed small structures constructed of sticks

La Venta (LA BEN-tah) Tres Zapotes (TRACE zah-POE-tace)

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and mud. The authority of the rulers and their kin groupsis suggested by a series of colossal carved stone heads,some as large as 11 feet (3.4 meters) high. Since eachhead is unique and suggestive of individual personality,most archaeologists believe they were carved to memo-rialize individual rulers. This theory is reinforced by thelocation of the heads close to the major urban centers,especially San Lorenzo. These remarkable stone sculp-tures are the best-known monuments of Olmec culture.

The organization of collective labor by the Olmecelites benefited the commoners by increasing food pro-duction and making it more reliable. People also enjoyeda more diverse diet. Ceramic products such as utilitarianpots and small figurines as well as small stone carvingsassociated with religious belief have been found in com-moner households. This suggests that at least some ad-vantages gained from urbanization and growing elitepower were shared broadly in the society.

The Olmec elite used elaborate religious rituals tocontrol this complex society. Thousands of commonerswere drawn from the countryside to attend awe-inspiringceremonies at the centers. The elevated platforms andmounds with carved stone veneers served as potentbackdrops for these rituals. Rulers and their close kincame to be associated with the gods through bloodlet-ting and human sacrifice, evidence of which is found inall the urban centers. The Olmec were polytheistic, andmost of their deities had dual (male and female) natures.Human and animal characteristics were also blended.Surviving representations of jaguars, crocodiles, snakes,and sharks suggest that these powerful animals providedthe most enduring images used in Olmec religious repre-sentation. The ability of humans to transform themselvesinto these animals is a common decorative motif. Rulerswere especially associated with the jaguar.

An important class of shamans and healers attachedto the elite organized religious life and provided practi-cal advice about the periodic rains essential to agricul-tural life. They directed the planning of urban centers toreflect astronomical observations and were responsiblefor developing a form of writing that may have influ-enced later innovations among the Maya (see Chapter11). From their close observation of the stars, they pro-duced a calendar that was used to organize ritual life andagriculture. The Olmec were also the likely originators ofa ritual ball game that became an enduring part ofMesoamerican ceremonial life.

There is little evidence for the existence of an Olmecempire. Given the limited technological and agriculturalbase of the society, it is unlikely that the power of theOlmecs could have been projected over significant dis-tances militarily. However, the discovery of Olmec prod-

ucts and images, such as jade carvings decorated with thejaguar-god, as far away as central Mexico provides evi-dence that the Olmec did exercise cultural influence overa wide area. This influence would endure for centuries.

Geography played an impor-tant role in the development ofhuman society in the Andes.The region’s diverse environ-ment—a mountainous core,arid coastal plain, and denseinterior jungles—challenged

human populations, encouraging the development ofspecialized regional production as well as complex so-cial institutions and cultural values that facilitated inter-regional exchanges and shared labor responsibilities.These adaptations to environmental challenge becameenduring features of Andean civilization.

The earliest urban centers in the Andean regionwere villages of a few hundred people built along thecoastal plain or in the foothills near the coast. The abun-dance of fish and mollusks along the coast of Peru pro-vided a dependable supply of food that helped make thedevelopment of early cities possible. The coastal popula-tions traded these products as well as decorative shellsfor corn, other foods, and eventually textiles produced inthe foothills. The two regions also exchanged ceremonialpractices, religious motifs, and aesthetic ideas. Recentdiscoveries demonstrate that as early as 2600 B.C.E. thevast site called Caral in the Supe Valley had developedmany of the characteristics now viewed as the hall-marks of later Andean civilization, including ceremonialplazas, pyramids, elevated platforms and mounds, andextensive irrigation works. The scale of the public worksin Caral suggests a population of thousands and a politi-cal structure capable of organizing the production anddistribution of maritime and agricultural products over abroad area.

Chavín, one of the most impressive of South Amer-ica’s early urban civilizations (see Map 2.3), inheritedmany of the cultural and economic characteristics ofCaral. Its capital, Chavín de Huantar˚, was located at10,300 feet (3,139 meters) in the eastern range of the An-des north of the modern city of Lima. Between 900 and250 B.C.E., a period roughly coinciding with Olmec civi-lization in Mesoamerica, Chavín dominated a denselypopulated region that included large areas of the Peru-vian coastal plain and Andean foothills. Chavín de

Early SouthAmericanCivilization:Chavín, 900–250 B.C.E.

Chavín de Huantar (cha-BEAN day WAHN-tar)

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Huantar’s location at the intersection of trade routesconnecting the coast with populous mountain valleysand the tropical lowlands on the eastern flank of the An-des allowed the city’s rulers to control trade among thesedistinct ecological zones and gain an important eco-nomic advantage over regional rivals.

Chavín’s dominance as a ceremonial and commer-cial center depended on earlier developments in agri-culture and trade, including the introduction of maizecultivation from Mesoamerica. Maize increased the foodsupplies of the coast and interior foothills, allowinggreater levels of urbanization. As Chavín grew, its tradelinked the coastal economy with the producers of quinoa(a local grain), potatoes, and llamas in the high moun-tain valleys and, to a lesser extent, with Amazonian pro-ducers of coca (the leaves were chewed, producing amild narcotic effect) and fruits.

These developments were accompanied by the evo-lution of reciprocal labor obligations that permitted theconstruction and maintenance of roads, bridges, tem-ples, palaces, and large irrigation and drainage projectsas well as textile production. The exact nature of thesereciprocal labor obligations at Chavín is unknown. Inlater times groups of related families who held landcommunally and claimed descent from a common an-cestor organized these labor obligations. Group mem-bers thought of each other as brothers and sisters andwere obligated to aid each other, providing a model forthe organization of labor and the distribution of goods atevery level of Andean society.

The increased use of llamas to move goods from oneecological zone to another promoted specialization ofproduction and increased trade. Llamas were the onlydomesticated beasts of burden in the Americas, and theyplayed an important role in the integration of the Andeanregion. They were first domesticated in the mountainousinterior of Peru and were crucial to Chavín’s develop-ment, not unlike the camel in the evolution of trans-Saharan trade (see Chapter 7). Llamas provided meat andwool and decreased the labor needed to transport goods.A single driver could control ten to thirty animals, eachcarrying up to 70 pounds (32 kilograms); a human portercould carry only about 50 pounds (22.5 kilograms).

The enormous scale of the capital and the dispersalof Chavín’s pottery styles, religious motifs, and architec-tural forms over a wide area suggest that Chavín imposedsome form of political integration and trade dependencyon its neighbors that may have relied in part on militaryforce. Most modern scholars believe that, as in the caseof the Olmec civilization, Chavín’s influence dependedmore on the development of an attractive and convincingreligious belief system and related rituals. Chavín’s most

potent religious symbol, a jaguar deity, was dispersedover a broad area, and archaeological evidence suggeststhat Chavín de Huantar served as a pilgrimage site.

The architectural signature of Chavín was a largecomplex of multilevel platforms made of packed earth orrubble and faced with cut stone or adobe (sun-dried brickmade of clay and straw). Small buildings used for ritualpurposes or as elite residences were built on these plat-forms. Nearly all the buildings were decorated with reliefcarvings of serpents, condors, jaguars, or human forms.The largest building at Chavín de Huantar measured 250feet (76 meters) on each side and rose to a height of 50 feet(15 meters). About one-third of its interior is hollow, con-taining narrow galleries and small rooms that may havehoused the remains of royal ancestors.

American metallurgy was first developed in theAndean region. The later introduction of metallurgy inMesoamerica, like the appearance of maize agriculturein the Andes, suggests sustained trade and cultural con-tacts between the two regions. Archaeological investiga-tions of Chavín de Huantar and smaller centers haverevealed remarkable three-dimensional silver, gold, andgold alloy ornaments that represent a clear advance overearlier technologies. Improvements in both the manu-facture and the decoration of textiles are also associatedwith the rise of Chavín. The quality of these products,probably used only by the elite or in religious rituals,added to the reputation and prestige of the culture andaided in the projection of its power and influence. Themost common decorative motif in sculpture, pottery,and textiles was a jaguar-man similar in conception tothe Olmec symbol. In both civilizations and in manyother cultures in the Americas, this powerful predatorprovided an enduring image of religious authority and avehicle through which the gods could act in the world ofmen and women.

Class distinctions appear to have increased duringthis period of expansion. A class of priests directed reli-gious life. Modern scholars also see evidence that bothlocal chiefs and a more powerful chief or king domi-nated Chavín’s politics. Excavations of graves reveal thatsuperior-quality textiles as well as gold crowns, breast-plates, and jewelry distinguished rulers from common-ers. These rich objects, the quality and abundance ofpottery, and the monumental architecture of the majorcenters all suggest the presence of highly skilled artisansas well.

There is no convincing evidence, like defaced build-ings or broken images, that the eclipse of Chavín (unlikethe Olmec centers) was associated with conquest or re-bellion. However, recent investigations have suggestedthat increased warfare throughout the region around 200

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B.C.E. disrupted Chavín’s trade and undermined the au-thority of the governing elite. Regardless of what causedthe collapse of this powerful culture, the technologies,material culture, statecraft, architecture, and urban plan-ning associated with Chavín influenced the Andeanregion for centuries.

CONCLUSION

The civilizations of early China, Nubia, the Olmec,and Chavín emerged in very different ecological

contexts in widely separated parts of the globe, and thepatterns of organization, technology, behavior, and be-lief that they developed were, in large part, responses tothe challenges and opportunities of those environments.

In the north China plain, as in the river-valley civi-lizations of Mesopotamia and Egypt, the presence ofgreat, flood-prone rivers and the lack of dependablerainfall led to the formation of powerful institutions ca-pable of organizing large numbers of people to dig andmaintain irrigation channels and build dikes. An author-itarian central government has been a recurring featureof Chinese history, beginning with the Shang monarchyand warrior elite.

In Nubia, the initial impetus for the formation of astrong state was the need for protection from desert no-mads and from the Egyptian rulers who coveted Nubiangold and other resources. Control of these resources and ofthe trade route between sub-Saharan Africa and the north,as well as the agricultural surplus to feed administratorsand specialists in the urban centers, made the rulers ofKush, Napata, and Meroë wealthy and formidable.

While the ecological zones in Mesoamerica andSouth America in which the Olmec and Chavín culturesemerged were quite different, both societies created net-works that brought together the resources and productsof disparate regions. Little is known about the politicaland social organization of these societies, but archaeo-logical evidence makes clear the existence of ruling elitesthat gathered wealth and organized labor for the con-struction of monumental centers.

In most complex societies small groups achieve alevel of wealth and prestige that allows them to domi-nate the majority. It is important to understand howthese elite groups maintain and justify their position.

Among the early Chinese a warrior aristocracy, withwealth based on land and flocks, controlled significantnumbers of human laborers. When the Zhou overthrewthe Shang, they curtailed the power of the warrior elite,and over time a new elite of educated government offi-cials evolved. Much less is known about the emergence of

elite groups in Nubia and the states of the Olmec andChavín. However, it is likely that they played key roles inthe organization of trade and the construction of the irri-gation networks that greatly increased the food supplyavailable to their communities.

In the Eastern Hemisphere, the production of metaltools, weapons, and luxury and ceremonial implementswas vital to the success of elite groups. Bronze metal-lurgy began at different times—in western Asia around2500 B.C.E., in East Asia around 2000 B.C.E., in northeast-ern Africa around 1500 B.C.E. Possession of bronze weap-ons with hard, sharp edges enabled the warriors ofShang and Zhou China, like the royal armies of Egyptand Mesopotamia, to dominate the peasant masses. InShang China bronze was also used to craft the vesselsthat played a vital role in the rituals of contact with thespirits of ancestors.

Throughout history, elites have used religion to bol-ster their position. The Shang rulers of China were indis-pensable intermediaries between their kingdom andpowerful and protective gods and ancestors. Their Zhousuccessors developed the concept of the ruler as divineSon of Heaven who ruled in accord with the Mandate ofHeaven. The rulers of Nubia, drawing on Egyptian con-cepts, claimed to be gods on earth. In the Olmec andChavín zones there is some evidence of religious ritualsperformed to affirm the position of the ruling class. Hu-man sacrifice was practiced in Shang China, Nubia, andOlmec Mesoamerica. This, too, was a mechanism bywhich ruling elites inspired fear and obedience in theirsubjects.

The construction and use of “urban” centers andmonumental spaces and structures for dramatic reli-gious rituals and colorful political events also propagatedthe ideologies of power. Ceremonies involving impres-sive pageantry communicated a message of the “superi-ority” of the elite and the desirability of being associatedwith them. In early China and the Olmec and Chavín civ-ilizations, the centers appear to have been the sites ofpalaces, shrines, and the dwellings of the elite.

Scholars have debated why powerful civilizationsappeared many centuries later in the Western Hemi-sphere than in the Eastern Hemisphere. Recent theorieshave focused on environmental differences. The EasternHemisphere was home to a far larger number of wildplant and animal species that were particularly wellsuited to domestication. In addition, the natural east-west axis of the huge landmass of Europe and Asia al-lowed for the relatively rapid spread of domesticatedplants and animals to climatically similar zones alongthe same latitudes. Settled agriculture led to populationgrowth, more complex political and social organization,and increased technological sophistication. In the Amer-

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icas, by contrast, there were fewer wild plant and animalspecies that could be domesticated, and the north-southaxis of the continents made it more difficult for domesti-cated species to spread because of variations in climateat different latitudes. As a result, the processes that fosterthe development of complex societies evolved some-what more slowly.

The comparison of the two hemispheres leads to an-other important realization. The complex societies of theWestern Hemisphere did not necessarily develop tech-nologies in the same sequence as their Eastern Hemi-sphere counterparts. The Olmec and Chavín peoples didnot possess large draft animals, wheeled vehicles, ormetal weapons and tools. Nevertheless, they created so-phisticated political, social, and economic institutionsthat rivaled those developed in the Eastern Hemispherein the third and second millennia B.C.E.

■ Key Termsloess Legalism Meroë

Shang Confucius Olmec

divination Daoism Chavín

Zhou yin/yang llama

Mandate of Heaven Kush

■ Suggested ReadingCaroline Blunden and Mark Elvin, Cultural Atlas of China(1983), contains general geographic, ethnographic, and histor-ical information about China through the ages, as well as manymaps and illustrations. Conrad Schirokauer, A Brief History ofChinese Civilization (1991), and John King Fairbank, China: ANew History (1992), offer useful chapters on early China. Ed-ward L. Shaughnessy and Michael Loewe, eds., The CambridgeHistory of Ancient China (1998), approaches the subject in fargreater depth. Nicola Di Cosmo, Ancient China and Its Enemies:The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History (2002), sets thedevelopment of Chinese civilization in the broader context ofinteractions with nomadic neighbors. Jessica Rawson, AncientChina: Art and Archaeology (1980), Kwang-chih Chang, The Ar-chaeology of Ancient China, 4th ed. (1986), and Ronald G. Knapp,China’s Walled Cities (2000), emphasize archaeological evidence.W. Thomas Chase, Ancient Chinese Bronze Art: Casting the Pre-cious Sacral Vessel (1991), contains a brief but useful discussionof the importance of bronzes in ancient China, as well as a de-tailed discussion of bronze-casting techniques. Robert Temple,The Genius of China: 3,000 Years of Science, Discovery, and In-vention (1986), explores many aspects of Chinese technology,using a division into general topics such as agriculture, engi-neering, and medicine. Anne Behnke Kinney, “Women inAncient China,” in Women’s Roles in Ancient Civilizations: AReference Guide, ed. Bella Vivante (1999), and Patricia Ebrey,“Women, Marriage, and the Family in Chinese History,” in Her-itage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civiliza-

tion, ed. Paul S. Ropp (1990), address the very limited evidencefor women in early China. Michael Loewe and Carmen Blacker,Oracles and Divination (1981), addresses practices in Chinaand other ancient civilizations. Simon Leys, The Analects ofConfucius (1997), provides a translation of and a commentaryon this fundamental text. Benjamin I. Schwartz, The World ofThought in Ancient China (1985), is a broad introduction toearly Chinese ethical and spiritual concepts.

After a long period of scholarly neglect, with an occasional ex-ception such as Bruce G. Trigger, Nubia Under the Pharaohs(1976), the study of ancient Nubia is now receiving consider-able attention. David O’Connor, Ancient Nubia: Egypt’s Rival inAfrica (1993); Joyce L. Haynes, Nubia: Ancient Kingdoms ofAfrica (1992); Karl-Heinz Priese, The Gold of Meroë (1993); P. L.Shinnie, Ancient Nubia (1996); Derek A. Welsby, The Kingdom ofKush: The Napatan and Meroitic Empires (1996); and TimothyKendall, Kerma and the Kingdom of Kush, 2500-1500 B.C.: TheArchaeological Discovery of an Ancient Nubian Empire (1997),all reflect the new interest of major museums in the art and ar-tifacts of this society. Robert Morkot, “Egypt and Nubia,” in Em-pires: Perspectives from Archaeology and History, ed. Susan E.Alcock (2001), examines the political dimension of Egyptiandomination, while John H. Taylor, Egypt and Nubia (1991), alsoemphasizes the fruitful interaction of the Egyptian and Nubiancultures.

A number of useful books provide an introduction to the earlyAmericas. In Prehistory of the Americas (1987) Stuart Fiedel pro-vides an excellent summary of the early history of the WesternHemisphere. Early Man in the New World, ed. Richard Shutler,Jr. (1983), is also a useful general work. Atlas of Ancient America(1986), by Michael Coe, Elizabeth P. Benson, and Dean R. Snow,offers a compendium of maps and information. George Kubler,The Art and Architecture of Ancient America: The Mexican,Maya, and Andean Peoples (1984), is an essential tool, thoughdated.

For the Olmecs see Jacques Soustelle, The Olmecs: The OldestCivilization in Mexico (1984). More reliable is Michael Coe, TheOlmec World (1996). Richard W. Keatinge, ed., Peruvian Prehis-tory (1988), provides a helpful introduction to the scholarshipon Andean societies. The most useful summary of recent re-search on Chavín is Richard L. Burger, Chavín and the Originsof Andean Civilization (1992).

Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human So-cieties (1997), tackles the difficult question of why technologicaldevelopment occurred at different times and took differentpaths of development in the Eastern and Western Hemi-spheres.

■ Notes1. Quoted in Miriam Lichtheim, ed., Ancient Egyptian Litera-

ture: A Book of Readings (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress 1978).

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DOCUMENT 5Hierarchy and Conduct in the Analects of Confucius(Diversity and Dominance, pp. 46–47 )

DOCUMENT 6Temple of the Lion-Headed God Apedemak at Naqa inNubia, First Century C.E. (photo, p. 49)

What factors shape point of view in Documents 2and 5? What additional types of documents wouldhelp you analyze social status in early China andNubia?

Document-Based QuestionSocial Status in Early Complex SocietiesUsing the following documents, analyze the variousways that early China and Nubia defined andmarked social status.

DOCUMENT 1Wall Painting of Nubians Arriving in Egypt with Ringsand Bags of Gold, Fourteenth Century B.C.E (photo, p. 36)

DOCUMENT 2Quote from Pharaoh Pepi II (p. 37)

DOCUMENT 3Bronze Vessel from the Shang Period, 13th–11th CenturyB.C.E. (photo, p. 41)

DOCUMENT 4Chinese Divination Shell (Environment and Technology,p. 43)

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